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ARCHiEOLOGICAL SBUV^Y

INDIA.

FOUR REPORTS

MADE DURING THE YEARS
1862-63-64-65,

ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, c. s. i.,

MAJOR-OENEHAL, ROYAL ENGINEERS (BENGAL RETIRE!)) :
PTRECTOn GENERAL OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OP INDIA:
MEMBER, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY : HON. MEMBER, BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY :
MEMBER, ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE;

MEMBER, NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

VOLUME I.

What is aimed at is an accurate description, illustrated ])y plans, mcaf^’- ements,
»]ra wings or photographs, and by copies of inscriptions, of such remains as most
deserve notice, with the history of thorn so far us it may be traceable, and a recoui
of the traditions that are preserved regarding them.’’ Lord Canning.

What the learned world demand of us in India is to be quite certain of <jur
data, to place the monumental record before them exactly as it now exists, and to
interpret it faithfully and literally.” James Piunsep.

Benyal Asiatic Society* s Journal^ 1838, p. 227.

SIMLA:

PRINTED AT THE GOVERN3fENT CENTRAL PRESS,

1871.

PREFACE.

Tub matter contained in these two volumes is the result
of the arohseological survey which I conducted during four
consecutive years from 1862 to 1865. The object of this
survey cannot be better stated than in the memorandum
which I laid before Lord Canning in November 1861, and
Avhich led to my immediate appointment as Archseological
Surveyor to the Government of India, as notified in the
following minute :

Miimte by the Riglit Hon’ble the Governor General op India
ill Council on the Antiquities of Upper India, — dated 22nd
January 1862.

“ In November last, when at Allahabad, I had some com-
munications with Colonel A. Cunningham, then the Chief
Engineer of the North-Western Provinces, regarding an
investigation of the archteological remains of Upper India.

“ It is impossible to pass through that part, — or indeed,
so far as my experience goes, any part — of the British ter-
ritories in India without being struck by* tlie neglect with
which the greater portion of the architectural remains, and
of the traces of by-gone civilization have been treated,
though many of these, and some which have had least
notice, are full of beauty and interest.

“ By ‘ neglect’ I do not mean only the omission to
restore them, or even to arrest their decay ; for this would
be a tafk which, in many cases, would require an . expendi-
ture of labour and money far greater than any Government
of India could reasonably bestow upon it.

“ But so far as the Government is concerned, there has
been neglect of a much cheaper duty, — that of investigat-
ing and placing on record, for the instruction of future
generations, many particulars that might still be rescued
from oblivion, and throw light upon the early history of
England’s great dependency a history which, as time moves
on, as the country becomes more easily accessible and

ii PREFACE.

traversable, and as Englishmen are led to give more thought
to India than such as barely suffices to hold it, and govern
it, will assuredly occupy, more and more, the attention of
the intelligent and enquiring classes in European countries.

“ It will not bo to our credit, as an enlightened ruling
power, if we continue to allow such fields of investigation,,
as the remains of the old Buddhist capital in Bcdiar, the
vast ruins of Kanouj, the plains round Delhi, studded with
ruins more thickly than even the Campagna of Home, and
many others, to remain without more examination than they
have hitherto received. Every thing tliat has hitherto bden
done in this way has been done by private persons, imper-
fectly and without system. It is impossible not to feel that
there are European Governments, which, if they had held
our rule in India, would not have allowed this to be said.

“ It is true that in 1844', on a representation from the
Royal Asiatic Society, and in 1847, in accordance with
detailed suggestions from Lord Ilardinge, the Court of
Directors gave a liberal sanction to certain arrangements for
examining, delineating, and recording some of the chief
antiquities of India. But for one reason or another, mainly
perhaps owing to the officer entrusted with the task having
other work to do, and owing to his early death, very little
seems to have resulted from this endeavour. A few drawings
of antiquities, and some remains, were transmitted to the
India House, and some 15 or 20 papers were contributed by
Major Kittoe and Major Cunningham to the Journals of
the Asiatic Society ; but, so far as the Government is con*
(!crncd, the scheme appears to have been lost sight of within
two or three years of its adoption.

“ I enclose a memorandum drawn up by Colonel Cunning-
ham, who has, more than any other officer on this side of
India, made the antiquities of the country his study, and
who has here sketched the course of proceeding which a
more complete and systematic archgeological investigation
should, in his opinion, take.

“ I think it good, — and none the worse for being a begin-
ning on a moderate scale. It will certainly cost very little
in Itself, and will commit the Government to no future or
unforeseen expense. Eor it does not contemplate the spend-
ing of any money upon repairs and preservatien. This,

PREFACE.

Lii

when done at all, should be done upon a separate and full
consideration of any case which may seem to claim it.
"What is aimed at is an accurate description, — illustrated
by plans, measurements, drawings or photographs, and by
copies of inscri|)tions, — of such remains as most deserve
notice, with the history of them so far as it may be trace-
‘ahle, and a record of the traditions that are retained regard-
ing them.

“.I propose that the work be entrusted to Colonel Cun-
ningham, with the understanding that it continue during
the present and the following cold season, by which time a
fair judgment of its utility and interest may bo formed.
It may then be persevered in, and expanded, or otherwise
dealt with as may seem good at the time.

“ toloncl Cunningham should receive Rs. 450 a month,
with R,s. 250 when in the field to defray the cost of making
surveys, and mensurements, and of other mechanical assist-
ance. If something more should be necessary to obtain
the services of a native subordinate of the Medical or Public
Works U('])artmcut, competent to take photographic views,
it should be given.

“ It -would be premature to dctci’mino how the results of
Colonel Cunningham’s labours should be dealt with ; but
whilst the Government would of course retain a proprietary
right in them for its own purposes, I recommend that the
interests of Colonel Cunningham sliould bo considered in the
terms upon which they may be furnished to the Rublic.”

Memorandum by Coi.oNEi. A. Cunningham, of Engineers, regarding a
proposed investigation of the archaeological remains of Upper India.

“ Durtng the one hundred years of British dominion in
India, the Government has done little or nothing towards
the preservation of its ancient monuments, which, in the
almost total absence of any written history, form the only
reliable sources of information as to the early condition of
the country. Some of these monuments have already en-
dured for ages, and are likely to last for ages still to come ;
but there are many others which are daily suffering from
the effects of time, and vrhich must soon disappear alto-
gether, unless preserved by the accurate drawings and faith-
ful descriptiens of the archaBologist.

PEEPACE.

“ All that has hitherto been done towards the illustration
of ancient Indian history has been due to the unaided efforts
of private individuals. These researches consequently have
always been desultory and unconnected and frequently in-
complete, owing partly to the short stay which individual
officers usually make at any particular place, and partly to
the limited leisure which could be devoted to such pursuits.

“ Hitherto the Government has been chiefly occupied
with the extension and consolidation of empire, but the
establishment of the Trigonometrical Survey shows that it
has not been unmindful of the claims of science. It would
redound equally to the honor of the British Government to
institute a careful and systematic investigation of all the
existing monuments of ancient India.

•

“ In describing the ancient geography of India, the elder
Pliny, for the sake of clearness, follows the footsteps of
Alcx^andcr the Great. Por a similar reason, in the present
proposed investigation, I would follow the footsteps of the
Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who, in the seventh century
of our era, traversed India from west to cast and back again
for the purpose of visiting all the famous sites of Buddhist
history and tradition. In the account of his travels, although
the Buddhist remains are described in most detail with all
their attendant legends and traditions, yet the numbers and
appearance of the Brahmanical temples are also noted, and
the travels of the Chinese pilgrim thus hold the same place
in the history of India, which those of Pausanias hold in
the history of Greece.

“ In the North-Western Provinces and BihS,r the princi-
pal places to be visited and examined are the following, which
are also shown in the accompanying sketch map :

“ I. Khdlsi, on the Jumna, where the river leaves the
hills. — At this place there still exists a large boulder stone,
covered wdth one of Asoka’s inscriptions, in which the names
of Antioohus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander
arc all recorded. This portion of the inscription, which on
the rock of Kapurdigiri (in the Yusufzai plain), and of
Bhauli (in Cuttack) is much mutilated and abraded, is here
in pi'rfect preservation. A copy of thiS’-* inscription and an
account of the ruins would therefore he valuable.

rilEFACE,

** II. Earidwdr, on the Ganges, with tlio opposite city
Mayurpoora.

“ III. Mmiddioart Sambhal, and SaJiaswdii, in Rohil-
khand.

" IV. Karsdna near Khitsganj.

" V. Sankissa, between Mainpuri and Fattchgarh, where
it is known that many remains of Buddhism still exist.
This was one of the sacred places amongst the Buddhists,

“ VI. Mathura. — In one of the ancient mounds outside
thecity the remains of a large monastery have been lately dis-
covered. Numerous statues, sculptured pillars, and inscribed
bases of columns, have been brought to light. Amongst
these inscriptions, some, which are dated in an unknown era,
are of special interest and value. They belong most probably
to the first century of the Christian era, and one of them
records the name of the great King lluvishka, who is pre-
sumed to bo the same as the Indo-Scythian King Hushka.

“ VII. Delhi. — The Hindu remains of Delhi are few,
but interesting. The stone pillars of Asoka and the iron
pillar are well known, but the other remains have not yet
been described, although none have been more frequently
visited than the magnificent ruined cloisters around the Kutl)
Minar, which belong to the period of the Great Tuar
dynasty.

“ VIII. Kanouj. — No account of the ruins of this once
celebrated capital has yet been published. Several ruins aro
known to exist, but it may be presumed that many more
would be brought to light by a careful^survcy of the site.

“ IX, Kamdmhi. — On the Jumna 30 miles above Alla-
habad. — The true position of this once famous city has only
lately been ascertained. It has not yet been visited, but it
may be .confidently expected that its remains would well
repay examination.

“ X, Allahabad. — The only existing relics of antiquity
that I am aware of aro the well known pillar of Asoka and
the holy tree in one of the underground apartments of the
fort. Many buildings once existed, but I am afraid that
they were all destroyed to furnish materials for the erection
of the fort in the reign of Akbar.

“ XI. To the south of Allahabad there are the ruins of
Kajruho and Mahoba, the two capitals of the ancient Chandol

rilEFACS.

[Rajas of Bundlekhand. The remains at Kajraho are more
numerous and in better preservation than those of any other
ancient city that I have seen. Several long and important
inscriptions still exist, which give a complete genealogy of the
Ch&.ndel dynasty for about 400 years.

“ XII. Bandras . — The magnificent tope of Sarnfith is
well known ; but no description of tho tope, nor of the ruins'
around it, has yet been published. At a short distance from
Banhras is the inscribed pillar of Bhitari, which requires to
be re-examined.

“ XIII. Jonpur . — Although the existing remains at tiiis
place are Muhammadan, yet it is w'cll known that tho prin-
cipal buildings were originally Hindu temples, of which tho
cloisters still remain almost unaltered. These ruins have
not yet been described, but from my own success, in the
beginning of this year, in discovering a Sanskrit inscription
built into one of the arches, I believe that a carcjful examina-
tion would be rewarded with further discoveries of interest
illustrative of the great Ilatlior dynasty of Kanouj.

“ XIV. Fi/zdbdd . — -The ruins of Ajudhya have not been
described. Numei’ous verv ancient coins are found in the site
and several ruined mounds are known to exist there ; but no
account has yet been published. As the birth-place of
liiima and as the scene of one of the early events in Bud-
dha’s life, Ajudhya has always been held equally sacred, both
by Brahmins and Buddhists, and I feci satisfied that a sys-
tematic examination of its ruins Avould be rewarded by the
discovery of many objects of interest.

“ XV. Srdcasti — Even the site of this once celebrated
city is unknown, but it may be looked for between Eyzabdd
and Gorakhpur.

“ XVI. Kapilavasin, tho birth-place of Buddha, was
held in special veneration by his followers, but its site is
unknown.

“ XVII. Kusinagara, tbo scene of Buddha’s death,
was one of the most holy places in India in the estimation
of Buddhists, but its site is at present unknown. It may,
however, confidently bo looked for along the line of the
Gunduk river. At Kapila and Kusinagara, tho scenes of
Buddha’s birth and death, numerous topes and stately monas-
teries once existed to attest the pious munificence of his
votaries. Tho ruins of many of these buildings must still

PREFACE.

vii

exist, and would no doubt reward a careful scaroli. At
Mathia, Radhia, and Bahra, in Tirliut, stone pillars still re-
main, and in other places ruined topes were seen by Major
Kittoc ; but no description of these remains has yet been
made known.

“XVIII. Yaisdli . — This city was tlie scene of the
second Buddhist synod, and was one of the chief places of
note amongst Buddhists. At Bassar, to the north of Patna,
one tope is known to exist, but no search has yet been made
for other remains. The people of Yaisilli were known to
Ptolemy, who calls them Passaloc.

“ XIX. Paina . — The ancient Palibothra. I am not
aware that there are any existing remains at Patna, but
numerous coins, gems, and seals are annually found in the
bed of the river.

“ XX. Itajagriha, between Patna and Gaya, was the
capital of Magadha in the time of Buddha. Some of the
principal scenes of his life occurred in its neighbourhood,
and the place was consequently held in very great veneration
by all Buddhists. Every hill and every stream had been
made holy by Buddha’s presence, and the whole country
around llajagriha was covered with buildings to commem-
orate the principal events of his life. Numerous ruined
topes, sculptured friezes, and inscribed pillars still remain
scattered over the country as lasting proofs of the high venera-
tion in which this religious capital of Buddhism was held by
the people.

“ In this rapid sketch of the places that seem worthy of
examination, I have confined myself entirely to the North-
Western Provinces, and Bihdr, as containing most of the
cities celebrated in the ancient history of India. But to
make this account of Indian archmological remains more
complete^ it would be necessary to examine the ancient
cities of the Panjdb, such as Taxila, Sakala, and Jalandhar
on the west, the caves and inscribed rocks of Cutlack and
Orissa on the east, and the topes and other remains of Ujain
and Bhilsa, with the caves of Dhamnar and Kholvi in
Central India.

“ I believe that it would bo possible to make a careful
examination of all the places which I have noted during two
cold seasons. The first season might be devoted to a survey
of Gaya and Raj agriha, and of all the remains in Tirhut to
the eastward of Bandras and Gorakhpur, while the survey of
all to the westward of Bantlras would occupy the second season.

viii

PRErACE.

“ I would attacli to the description of each place a general
survey of the site, showing clearly the positions of all the
existing remains, with a ground plan of every building or
ruin of special note, accompanied by drawings and sections
of all objects of interest. It would be desirable also to
have photographic views of many of the remains, both of
architecture and of sculpture ; but to obtain these it would
bo necessary to liave the services of a photographer. Careful
fac-similes of all inscriptions would of course be made,
ancient coins would also be collected on each site, and all
the local traditions would be noted down and compared.
The description of each place with all its accompanying
drawings and illustrations would be complete in itself, and
the whole, when finished, would furnish a detailed and
accurate account of the archaeological remains o^ Upper
India."

A perusal of the four reports contained in these
volumes Avill show that I carried out with but little devia-
tion the programme laid down in this memorandum. The
re[)ort of each season’s works was written during the fol-
lowing hot weather and rains, which was too short a period
to admit of sufficient reading and reflection for the prepara-
tion of a well considered account of all the interesting lilaccs
visited. Each report Avas printed immediately after its sub-
mission to Govcrninont for official circulation. Some of
these official copies have been reprinted, but the whole stock
was soon exhausted, and, as frequent enquiry is still made for
thorn, the present publication is intended to place within the
reach of all who are interested in archaeological researches
a cheap account of the only systematic, though incomplete,
survey that has yet been made of the antiquities of North-
ern India.

The work has been carefully examined and cleared of all
obvious errors ; and numerous alterations and additions have
been made to the text, which is now supplied with the
necessary notes and references that Averc wanting in the
official copies. To make the account as complete as possible,
I have added no less than ninety-nine maps, views, plans
and other illustrations, all of which have been drawn by my
OAvn hand.

S I M x V ;

The im October 1871.

A. CUNNINGHAM.

CONTENTS

VOLUME I.

Preface

iNTROpUCTTON

RKPOJn' OF

1. Gaya

2. Puddha-Gaya

3. Bakror

4. PnricWa

6. KurkihAr, or Kukkuiapdda-^iri

6. Giryek, or Tndra-sila-gulia

7. or Iirij.agrilia

8. Baragaon or NMaiida

9. BihAr

10. Ghosi-riwa ■ ...

11. Titardwa

12. Aphsar

13. Barabar

14. DharA-wat

15. Bcsarh or Vaisali

16. Kesariya

17. Laiifiya Ara-NAj

1 8 . Laur iy a N avaiid garb

1 9. Padaraona, or PAwA ...

20. Ka&ia, or Kusinagara

21. Klmkhundo, or Kishkindapnra

22. Kabaon, or Kakubbarati

23. Hatbiya-dab

24. Bbilaii

25. BanAras SAriiAtb

P(frt<\

.38

3 !)

ih.

68
74
76
85
91

96
103

CONTENTS.

V 0 LIT M E I .

IIKPORT OE 1862-63.

Delhi

Page.

“ ... ... 131

Mathura

... 231

Khfilsi

... 241

Madasvar, or Madipuv

... 218

Kasliijnir, or Ciovisaiia

.. 251

().

IJamnaj^ar, or Ahiclihiitra

... 255

Soroii, or Suraksliel I’a . .

... ... 265

Atranjikhcra, or Dilosana

... 268

i>.

Sankisa, or San^'kasya . .

... 271

10.

Kanoj, or Ivanyakulya

... 279

1 1.

Kakiipur, or Ayulu ..

... 293

ly.

J)aundiakh('ra, or ITayamuklia . .

... 296

l:i.

Allaha])ad, or Prayaga

... ib.

1 1.

KoF^am or Kosaiiihi ...

... :50l

lo.

Suh.iiipur, or Kusapura

... 313

16.

Dh()]»apa,pura

... 315

17.

Ajudhya, or SAketa . .

... 317

IS.

Iirdila, or Ai>okpur . . ,

... 327

19.

Sahel-lMahot, or Srav.isti

... 3:30

20.

Taoda

... 348

21.

Nlnisar

... 350

22.

nArikhar

... 351

2:3.

Dewal

... 352

21.

Parasiia-kot

... 357

25.

Ililai-kheia

... :158

26.

Kahar

... ih.

( ’ONTKNTS.

IT.

III.

IV.

VI.

VIT.

VIII.

IX.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

tv.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXL

XXII.

XXIII.

DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF PLATES.

VOLUME I .

Map of the Gangetic Provinces, shovvinj^ tlie travels of Fa
Ilian and Hwen Tlisaii"

Map of North-West India, showing Ilwen Thsang*s Route ...
Map of Gaya and Bihar

Plan of the Groat ^Vniiplo at Buddha-Gay a, with tl|^ Podhl-
drum, or Holy Fig tree, and tho Buddhist Railing sur-
rounding the Tree and Toniplo

Pedestal of Stfltuo in the Groat Teniplo, with Nic*ho.s from
the exterior ornamentation of the Great Temple, and
Temple of TAra Bevi ...

Pavement Slal).s from tho granite floor of the Great Temple,
sliowing worshiiipers paying their adorations after tho
manner of the Burmese Shii'oh
Tho Buddha-pad, or Prints of Buddha’s feet, in front of tho
Great Temple. Inscriptions on granite Pillars reading
A pa pc Km rapt pc ddaam

Corner and middle Pi11mi*« of the Sandstone Railings — in the
Samrulh of Guru Chait Mall, marked B and C in Iflatc IV.
Sculptured Basreliefs on the Buddhist Railings. The letters
A. E. F. refer to sandstone Pillars in tho Sainddh, and
the Nos. to Granite Pillars in the JVIahant’s residence
Ditto ditto ditto

Ditto ditto ditto

Maps of Pundwa and Kurkihar

Inscriptions at Nalanda, Rajgir, Giryek, and JCurkilifir. In-
scriptions Nos. 1 and 2 contain the name of Nalanda.
No. 1 gives the name Go 2 >ala, the founder of the Pfila
dynasty of Bongfil in the 1st year of his reign
Map of Rajgir and Giryek, showing tho site of the ancient
city of Kiisrigdrapura and the pOvsitions of its five sur-
rounding hills

View of Jarasandha’s Baithak at Giryek ...

Map of the ruins of Nfilanda
Bihar Pillar Inscriptions ...

Map of Bardbar and Nag/lrjuni Hills
Plans and Sections of Barfihar and Nagarjuiii Caves
Inscriptions in ditto ditto

Maj) of Bescirh and Bakra ...

Pillars at Bakhra .and Lauriya

Maps of Kesariya and Lauriya Navandgarh

ih.

ih,

ib,

lb,

ih.

1(1

t55

CONTENTS.

VOLUME I .

DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF PLATES.

No.

XXIV. View of the Kesariya stupa and Mound. ... ... 66

XXV. View of the Pillar and Mounds at Lauriya ... ... 68

XXVI. Map of Kasia, or Kusinagara ... ... 76 •

XXVII. Viewoflvasia ... ... ... 78

XXVIll. JVIaps of Kliukhundo and Kahaon ... ... 85

XXIX. Kaliaon and Dliitari Pillars ... ... 02

XXX. Inscri})tions on ditto ditto ... ... 94

XXXI. Mnps of SAnmth, Banaras ... • ... ... *104

XXX II. Major Killoc’s Excavations at Sarnath ... ... 116

XXXIII. Lieutenant Cunningham’s ditto ditto ... ... 120

XXXIV. DiUo Inscriptions from Sarnjith ... 123

No. 1 is the Buddhist profession of faith, found at 10 feet
from the top of tlie Great Stupa.

No. 2 gives (he characters in use when the Stupa was building.

No. 3 recordsihe religious gift (of a statue) of Sdkya Bhik-
shu by Buddha Sena.

No, 4 records a gift by Hari Gupta.

No. 0 , in much later characters, gives the Buddhist profession
of faith, and records the religious gift of the UpAsika,

Thakkur Sri Yajnaka?

XXXV. Map of the Ruins of Delhi ... ... 132

XXXVI. MapofLaikot, the Hindu Citadel of Delhi... ... 152

XXXVII. Hindu Pillar, and mason s marks on pillars... ... 179

XXXVIII. Plan of (he Masjid Kutb ul Isldm, or Kutb Masjid ... 187

XXXIX. Map of Mathura ... ... ... 233

XL. Female s(atuc from Mathura ... ... 240

XLT. A.soka Inscription on Rock at Klialsi ... ... 247

XL 1 1. M.'ips of Maddwar and Kashipur ... .. 248

X L 1 1 1. Map of Ahichliatra ... ... ... 257

XLIV. View of Stupa and Ruins at Ahichliatra ... ... 259

XLV. Map of Sankisa and Agaliat Sarai ... ... 271

XL VI. Elephant Capital of Asoka Pillar at Sankisa * ... 274

XLYII. Map of Kanoj ... ... 279

N.LVII1. Map of KosAmhi ... ... ... 301

XLIX. Map of Ajudhya ... ... ... 317

L. Map of Sravasti ... ... ... 330

LI. Inscription at Dewal in Rohilkhand ... ... 355

INTRODUCTION.

•The study of Indian antiquities received its first im-
pulse from Sir William Jones, who in 1784 founded the
Asiatic Society of Bengal. Amongst the first members were
Warren Hastings, the ablest of our Indian rulers, and
Charles Wilkins, who was the first Englishman to acquire
a knowledge of Sanskrit, and who cut with his own hands
the first Devanigari and Bengali types. During a residence
of little more than ten years, Sir William Jones opened the
treasury of Sanskrit literature to the world by the transla-
tion of Sakuntala and the institutes of Manu. His annual
discourses to the Society showed the wide grasp of his mind ;
and the list of works which ho drew up is so comprehensive
that the whole of his scheme of translations has not even
yet been completed by the separate labours of many suc-
cessors. Ilis first work was to establish a systematic and
uniform system of orthography for the transcription of
Oriental languages, whicli, with a very few modifications, has
since been generally adopted. This was followed by several
essays — On Musical Modes — On the Origin of the Game of
Chess, which he traced to India — and On the Lunar Year of
the Hindus and their Chronology. In the last paper ho
made the identification of Chandra-Gupta with Sandra-
kottos, which for many years was the sole firm ground in
the quicksands of Indian history. At the same time ho
suggested that Palibothra, or Pdtaliputra, the capital of
Sandrakottos, must be Patna, as he found that the S6n
River, which joins the Ganges only a few miles above Patna,
was also named Hiranyahahu, or the “ golden-armed,” an
appellation which at once re-called the Erranoboas of
Arrian.

The early death of Jones in 1794, which seemed at first
to threaten the prosperity of the newly established Society,

INTRODUCTION.

was the immediate cause of bringing forward Colebrooke,
so that the mantle of the elder was actually caught as it fell
by the younger scholar, who, although he had not yet
appeared as an author, volunteered to complete the Digest of
Hindu Law, which was left unfinished hy Jones.

Charles Wilkins, indeed, had preceded him in tlm
translation of several inscriptions in the first and second
volumes of the Asiatic Researches, hut his communications
then ceased, and on Jones’ death in 1794 the public looked
to Davis, Wilford, and Colebrooke for the materials of the
next volume.

Samuel Davis had already written an excellent paper
on Hindu astronomy, and a second on the Indian cycle of
Jupiter; hut he had no leisure for Sanskrit studies^ and his
communications to the Asiatic Society now ceased alto-
gether.

Francis Wilford, an officer of engineers, was of
Swiss extraction. Ho was a good Classical and Sanskrit
scholar, and his varied and extensive reading was success-
fully brought into use for the illustration of ancient Indian
geography. But his judgment was not equal to his
learning ;* and his wild speculations on Egypt and on tho
Sacred Isles of tho West, in the 3rd and 9th volumes of tho
Asiatic Researches, have dragged him down to a lower posi-
tion than he is justly entitled to both by his abilities and
his attainments. His “ Essay on tho comparative Geogra-
phy of India,” which was left unfinished at his death, and
which was only published in 1851 at my earnest recom-^
mendation, is entirely free from the speculations of his^
earlier works, and is a living monument of the hotter judg-
ment of his latter days.

Henry Colebrooke was the worthy successor of Sir
William Jones, and though his acquirements were, perhaps,
not so varied as those of the brilliant founder of the Society,
yet he possessed a scholarship equally accurate in both the
Classical and Sanskrit languages. This soon ripened into a
wide knowledge of Sanskrit literature, and his early
mathematical bias and training, combined with a singularly

* n. II. Wilson, iu liis Hindu Theatre, I., 9, calls Wilford a “ learned and laborious,
but injudicious writer.

INTEODUCTION.

Ill

sound judgment, gave him a more complete mastery over
the whole range of Sanskrit learning, — its religion, its law
and its philosophy, its language and its literature, its algebra
and its astronomy, — than any other seholar has since acquired.
All Colebrooke’s papers may ho read both with interest and
advantage.

In the first year of this century he gave translations of
Visala Deva’s inscriptions on the Delhi pillar. These were
followed by other translations in the 9th volume of the
EeSbarches in 1807, and in the 1st volume of the Royal
Asiatic Society’s Translations in 1824, which exhibit the
same critical scholarship and sound judgment. But a more
valuable contribution is his “Essay on the Vedas,”* which
first gave to the European world a full and accurate account
of the sacred volumes of the Hindus. Other essays followed
at intervals, — on the Sanskrit and Prt!i,krit languages ; on
the Philosophy of the Hindus ; on the Indian and Arabian
divisions of the Zodiac ; on the notions of Hindu astro-
nomers concerning the Precession ; and on the Algebra of
Brahma Gupta and BlAskara. The mere titles of these
essays are sufficient to show the wide range of his studies.
But the grasp is as firm as the range is wide, and those
essays still remain our standard works on the subjects of
which they treat.

Colebrooke left India in 1815. For several years after
his return to England he continued his studies and gave to
the world some of the essays which have already been
noticed. But his latter years were clouded by family
bereavements and continued ill health, under which he at
last sank on the 10th March 1837, in his 72nd year.f

In the year 1800 Dn. Bucuanan (who afterwards took
the name of Hamilton) was deputed by the Marquis of
Wellesley to make an agricultural survey of Mysore. This
particular duty he performed with much ability ; but the
value of his work is greatly increased by several interesting
notices which he has given of the antiquities of the country,
and of the various races of people in Southern India. The
best acknowledgment of the value of this work was the

* Asiatic Researches, Voh IX.

t Thu main facta of this brief sketch are taken from a deeply interesting and instructive
memoir written by his son, — See Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. Y,

INTRODUCTION.

appointment of Buchanan, in 1807, by the Court of Direc-
tors, to make a statistical survey of the Bengal Presidency.

Por seven years Buchanan pursued his survey through
the provinces of Bih&r, Shhh^bM, Bhtlgalpur, Gorakhpur,
Dinajpur, Puraniya, Eangpur, and Assam, when his labours
were unfortunately brought to an abrupt close. The results
of the survey were transmitted to England in 1816, where
they remained unnoticed until 1838, when Mr. Montgomery
Martin “ obtained permission to examine the manuscripts,
which eventually led to their publication.” To him*we
certainly owe the publication of this valuable , work ; but I
must confess that the warmth of my gratitude for this
welcome service is absolutely frozen by the coolness of
appropriation displayed on the title-page, where the name
of Buchanan is entirely omitted, and the districts of Eastern
India are stated to have been “ surveyed under the orders
of the Supreme Government, and collated from the original
documents at the East India Office by Montgomery Martin.”
This singular proceeding has not escaped the notice ' i
M. Vivien de St. Martin, who remarks that the three volumes
had been published “ sans y mettre le nom de M. Buchauai
It is, however, but fair to say that full credit is given ;<)
Buchanan in the introduction, and that the work appears to
be satisfactorily edited.

Although the instructions given to Buchanan included
neither the history nor the antiquities of the counti'y, yet
both were diligently explored by him ; and \vhen, after a
lapse of upwards of twenty years, a great mass of the matter
collected by the survey was found to have become useless,
the value of the traditional or recorded history, and of the
monuments and relics of antiquity, remained unchanged.
All this part of the w^ork has been published by the editor
with a fair proportion of plates, from which we Igarn that
Buchanan was amongst the first to perceive the value and
importance of detailed plans and exact measurements of
remarkable buildings and ancient sites. His notices of the
Buddhist remains at Gaya and Baragaon in Bihdr, of Kasia
and Kahaon in Gorakhpur, and at many other places, are
not less creditable to him because, through delay in the
publication of his work, they were partly anticipated by
James Prinsep. His historical and archmological researches
in the districts of Eastern India arc specially valuable for

INTRODTICTTON.

tlicir sound judgment and conscientious accuracy. I have
myself visited many of the places described by Buchanan,
and I can vouch for the meritorious minuteness and strict
correctness of his descriptions.

The Indian mantle of Jones, which Oolebrooke had
worn so worthily for twenty years, was not destined to remain
without a claimant. Before Colebrooko left India in 1815
HOUA.CB Hayman WiiiSON had become Secretary of the
Asiatic Society, and had published his translation of the
Megha-duta, or “ cloud-messenger” of Kalidasa. This was
followed in 1819 by his Sanskrit Dictionary, a work of
great labour and merit, and in 1827 by his Hindu Theatre,
which opened to the European world a novel and interest-
ing variety of the dramatic art. At the same time he con-
tributed many valuable papers to the Quarterly Oriental
Magazine, amongst which his translations of stories from
Sanskrit and of some episodes from the Mahablnlrata, are
jjcrhaps the most pleasing, and his review of the first fifteen
' ol nines of the Asiatic Researches the most important. In
' Ik* iniblislied an essay on the Hindu history of Kashmir,
u .> fi U’cs a clear and very interesting account of the
0 j !y history of the famous valley.

In the beginning of 1833 Wilson returned to England,
Avhere he continued his Oriental studies with unabated ardour.
Tire two principal works of his English career were an
account of the coins and antiquities of Afghanistan, contain-
ed in “ Ariana Antiqua,” and his translation pf the Rig-
Veda. The geographical portion of Ariana Antiqua, under
tlie head of “ Early Notices of Ariana,” is full and valuable ;
but his account of Masson’s collection of coins makes no
advance in Indian numismatics, beyond the point which
Prinsep had reached at the time of his death. Indeed,
Wilson’g archaeological writings have added little, if anything,
to his reputation. His fame rests on his Sanskrit scholar-
ship, and on the many valuable works, both original and
translated, which he gave to the world during his long and
brilliant career. To the general public, his most popular
work is undoubtedly the Hindu Theatre, in which his true
poetic taste and feeling enabled him to do full justice to the
masterpieces of the Indian drama. This work has just been
re-printed, and it is not likely to be soon superseded by any
future scholar, as the different qualities required to produce

INTRODUCTIOK.

an adequate poetic translation are very rarely combined in
one person as they were in Horace Hayman Wilson.

In Western India the KAnliari Caves in the Island of
Salsct were described and illustrated by Salt as early as 1806,
although his account was not published until 1819 in the
1st volume of the Bombay Transactions. In the same
volume appeared Erskine’s admirable account of thb
elephanta caves, which, however, was written as early as 1813.
Like Buchanan in Bengal, Erskino anticipated the period
when vague and glowing accounts would give place to
accurate descriptions and detailed plans. His essay on ' the
Elephanta Caves has been corrected in a few points by suc-
ceeding observers ; but it is still the best account that we
possess of those interesting Brahmanical excavations.*

In the 3rd volume of the same transactions, tilolonel
Sykes gave the first description of the Muhammadan city of
Bijapur, which has since been amply illustrated by the
drawings of Hurt and Gumming, and the photographs of
Loch, with text by Meadows Taylor and James Eergusson.
To Colonel Sykes also belongs the credit of a good account
of Ellora, which had been previously illustrated by the
drawings of Wales engraved by the Daniells.

The earliest illustrations of Southern India we owe to
Thomas Hanicll, who, at the close of the last century, visited
Madras and made several admirable drawings of the seven
pagodas at Mahtlmallaipur, which arc not surpassed by the
best photographs. About the same time Colonel Colin
Mackenzie began his antiquarian career in the South, which
his successive positions in the Survey Department enabled
him to extend successfully over the greater part of the
peninsula. His collection of manuscripts and inscriptions is
imrivalled for its extent and importance.! His drawings of
antiquities fill ten folio volumes; and to this collection
Mr. Eergusson was indebted for several of the most

* A new dei3cri[)tion of tho cave temples and other antiquities of Elephanta is
shortly about to be published by Mr. J. Burgess, illustrated with plans and other drawings,
behides thirteen pliotcigrapbs. As Mr. Burgess has already proved himself a most competent
describer of Indian antiquities by his two previous works,— “ The Temples of KUthidwHr,”
illustrated by forty-one photographs, and tho “ Temples of Satrunjaya,” illustrated by forty-
five phot )graphs, his new work on Elephanta will, no doubt, be a most valuable and welcome
addition to the library of Indian Archooology,

t Sec Taylor’s Cidaloguo of the Oriental Collection of the Library of the College of
Fort Stx George, 3 Vols., tliick, 8vo.

INTEODUCTION.

VII

valuable illustrations of his “ tree and serpent worship.”
Colin Mackenzie was an ardent and successful collector
of archaeological materials, but he was not an archaeo-
logist. He could dig up and make drawings of the splendid
sculptures at Dharanikotta, but he could neither
restore the building, nor translate the inscriptions. But,
although not a writer himself, the splendid collection of
antiquities which he left behind him has been the cause of
writing in others. To his drawings we partly owe Eergus-
son’s “ tree and serpent worship,” and to his collection of
manuscripts and inscriptions we are indebted for the greater
part of what we at present know of the early history of the
southern portion of the peninsula.*

When Horace Wilson left India in 1833 the mantle of
Sanskrit scholarship fell to Hr. Mill, whose acquaintance
with the sacred language of India is acknowledged to have
been as profound and as critical as that of his three great
predecessors. To him we owe the translation of several
important inscriptions ; and his early departure from India,
in the end of 1837, was looked forward to by James Prinsep
as a loss that was not likely to be soon supplied.

But a now era now dawned on Indian archseology, and
the thick crust of oblivion, which for so many centuries had
covered and concealed the characters and language
of the earliest Indian inscriptions, and which the most
learned scholars had in vain tried to penetrate, was removed
at once and for ever by the penetrating sagacity' and intui-
tive perception of Jambs Prinsep. During a great part of
the years 1836 and 1837, the most 'active period of his career,
I was in almost daily intercourse with him. With our
mutual tastes and pursuits this soon ripened into the most
intimate friendship. I thus had the privilege of shaiing
in all his discoveries during their progress. The matured
results will be found in the pages of the Bengal Asiatic
Society’s Journal; but the germs of his discoveries are
related in his letters to me, sometimes almost in the same
words as he afterwards made use of in the journal, but
generally in the more familiar language of friendly corre-
spondence.

* See Professor Dowson^s account of the Southern Kingdoms in the Royal Asiatic
Society's Jounial, VIII., 1 ; and H, H. Wilson’s Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of
Psindya in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, HI., pp. 199 & 387.

VIII

INTRODUCTION.

Prinscp’s first great work was the partial decipherment
of the Arian PMi legends of the Bactrian Greek coins, and
his last and most important achievement was the decipher-
ment of the Indian Pdli legends of the coins of Surdshtra,
and the consequent decipherment and translation of the
still earlier edicts of Asoka on the pillars at Delhi and
Allahabad. In both of these achievements the first step
towards discovery was made by others, and this was most
freely and fully acknowledged by Prinsep himself. Regard-
ing the decipherment of the Arian Pdli alpbahet, he says —
“ Mr. Masson first pointed out in a note aadressed to myself
through the late Dr. Gerard, the Pehlvi signs which he had
found to stand for the words Menandrou, Apollodoloti,
Ermaiou, JBasileos, and Soteros. When a supply of coins
came into my hands, sufiiciently legible to pursue the
enquiry, I soon verified the accuracy of his observation,
found the same signs with slight variation constantly to
recur, and extended the series of words thus authenticated
to the names of twelve kings, and to six titles or epithets.
It immediately struck me that if the genuine Greek names
were faithfully expressed in the unknown character, a clue
would through them be formed to unravel the value of a
portion of the alphabet, which might in its turn be applied
to the translated epithets and titles, and thus lead to a
knowledge of the language employed. Incompetent as I
felt myself to this investigation, it was too seductive not to
lead me to a humble attempt at its solution.”*

The clue pointed out by Masson was eagerly followed
up by Prinsep, who successfully recognized no less than
sixteen, or just one-half of the thirty-three consonants of
the Arian alphabet. He discovered also three out of the
five initial vowels, and two of the medials, or just one-half
of the vowels. Here his progress was unfortunately stopped
by sudden illness; and he was soon after cut off in the very
midst of his brilliant discoveries leaving the task to be slowly
completed by others.

In the May number of his journal for 1837, f Prinsep
published his readings of the legends on the small silver coins
of Snrashtra. In this case he has also given a brief notice

* Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1835, p 320.

t Publiblxcd in June 1837*

INTRODUCTION.

of the steps which led to the discovery ; but as his letters to
me convey a much more vivid and lively account of the
untiring perseverance which secured his success, I will
give a connected version of the discovery in his own spirited
language by extracts from his letters :

llth May 1837. — “ Here are two plates addressed to me
by Harkness on the part of J. R. Steuart, quarto engravings
of 28 Saurashtra coins, all Chaitya reverses, and very legible
inscriptions, which are done in large on the next plate. Oh !
but we mmt decipher them ! I’ll warrant they have not
touched them at home yet. Here to amuse you try your
hand on this” (hero follows a copy of three of the coin
legends, with the letters forming the words Majnah and
Kshatrapasa, each of which occurs twice, marked, respec-
tively, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6, shewing that he had begun to analyze
them the same day).

\2th May, 7 o’clock, a. m . — “ You may save yourself
any further trouble. I have made them all out this very
moment on first inspection. Take a few examples (hci’e
follow both the original legends and the N&gari renderings)

1 to 4 — Haja Krittamam Rudra Sdhasa Swdmi Jahatama

putrasa.

6 to 8 — Raja Krittamaeya Sagadamta Raja Rudra Sdhasa

putrasya.

And thus every one of them gives the name of his father of
blessed memory, and we have a train of some eight' or ten
names to rival the Guptas !! Hurra I I hope the chaps at
home wont seize the prize first. No fear of Wilson at any
rate ! I must make out a plate of the names on ours added
to Stouart’s, and give it immediate insertion. It is marvel-
lously curious that, like the modem Sindhi and Multdni,
all the matras, or vowels, are omitted, and the Sanskrit
terminations sya, &c., pdli or vernacularized. This confirms
the reading which I had printed only a day or two ago,
Vijaya Mitasa for Mitrasya, of Mithra, identifying him and
the devise with our Okpo bull coinl Bravo, we shall
unravel it yet.”

Here we see that, although he had mastered the greater
part of these legends almost at first sight, yet the readings

INTRODUCTION.

of some of the names were still doubtful. But two days
later he writes as follows :

Sunday (postmark, May 14, 1837). — “ Look into your
cabinet and see what names you have of the Saurdshtra
series. Steuart’s list is. as follows :

Bajas Rudra Sah, sQp. of Swdmi Janad&ma.

„ Atri Romd „ Rudra Sah.

&c., &c.

“The Sanskrit on these coins is beautiful, being in ‘the
genitive case after the Greek fashion. We have Bajnya for
Raja, Atri-Rdmnah tov Atri-Rdma, Vira-JDdmnah iov Vira-
J)dma, Vistoa Sdhdsya for Viswa Saha, which are all con-
firmed by the real name losing the genitive affix when
joined to putrasya.

“ I have made progress in reading the Peacock Saurash-
trans —

Sri bama saga deva jayati

kramaditya paramesa.

“ Chulao bhai, juldee puhonchoge ! ”*

In these lively letters we see that the whole process of
discovery occupied only three days, from the first receipt of
Steuart’s plates to the complete reading of all the legends.
Nothing can better show the enthusiastic ardour and un-
wearying perseverance with which he followed up this new
pursuit than these interesting records of the daily progress
of his discoveries. When I recollect that I was then only
a young lad of twenty-three years age, I feel as much wonder
as pride that James Prinsep should have thought me worthy
of being made the confidant of all his great discoveries.

But the decipherment of the legends on the Saur^shtran
coins was but the precursor of a still more important dis-
covery. Success only seemed to inspire James Prinsep with
fresh ardour. No difficulty daunted his enthusiasm, and no
labour tired his perseverance. Only a few years previously
he had analyzed the characters of Samudra Gupta’s inscrip-
tion on the Allahabad pillar, and had distinguished the

* This is the commou exdaination of pdlki hearei-s to encourage one another — “ Go on
brothel’, we shall soon get there ! ’*

INTRODUCTION.

attached vowels, a, i, and u ; but the long i he mistook
for 0 . At that time he had despaired of reading these old
inscriptions,* from " want of a competent knowledge of the
Sanskrit language.” But his present success stimulated
him to renew his former attempt. Fortunately just at this
time he received a number of short inscriptions from the
great stupa at S^nchi nCar Bhilsa. These he read almost
at a glance with the exception of two or three letters, which,
however, soon yielded to his perseverance. He then pro-
ceeded to examine the inscriptions on the Delhi pillar, and
at Once read the o;pening sentence without any difficulty or
hesitation.

Prinsep’s final readings of the Saurashtran coin legends
was announced to me on the 14th May, and this later dis-
covery *of the still older inscriptions of the Sdnchi Stupa
and Delhi pillar was completed before breakfast on 23rd
May, or only nine days later. His formal account of the
discovery is given in the journal ; f but his brief announce-
ment to me is very interesting, as it shows that he had at
once determined to attempt the translation of the whole of
Asoka’s edicts. I give this letter entire.

23rc? May 1837. — “ My dear Cunningham, — Hors du
departement de mes dtudes !$ Sultan Adil, &c. No, but I
can read the Delhi No. 1, which is of more importance,
the Bhilsa inscriptions have enlightened me. Each line
is engraved on a separate pillar or dhwaja. Then, thought
I, they must be gifts of private individuals, whose names
will be recorded. All end in ddnam — ;that must mean ‘ gift,
or given,’ ddnam — genitive must be prefixed. Let’s see.

Isa-pdlitaaa-cha Sdmanasa-cha ddnam.

“The gift of Isa-PHita (protected of God) and of
S^mana!

Sdma.nerasa Aheyakasa Setldnon ddnam

“ The gift of S^manera and Abeyaka Sethi.

* See Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, 1834, p, 117, and compare 1837, p. 452.

+ In Bengal Asiatic Seciety’s Journal, 1837, p, 460.

:J: Thi,s was an expression by the famous French academician, Baoul Rochette. regarding
the Arian legends of the Baotrian coins. It tickled Priiisep’s fancy particularly ; and he
was frequently quoting it. In the present instance I had sent him a Muhaniinadaii coin and
asked if he could read it. Instead of saying no, he quoted Raoul Rochette,'

XII

INTEODTJCTION.

JBuddha^pdlUasa lichhunon ddnam.

“ The gift of the protected of Buddha, the Lichhundn.*
Vijigatasa ddnam.

“ Eh ? will not this do ? and the pillar inscription
Devdnam piya piyadasi Jiaja hevam ahd.

“The most particularly-hcloved-of-the-gods Baja de-
claretli thus.

“ I think with Batna Pjlla, whom I shall summon,' we
shall be able to read the whole of these manifestoes of the
right faith — Buddha’s bulls. Will send plates after breakfast.

“ Yours,

«J. P.’’

The formal announcement of this discovery was made in
the June number of the journal which was published in July,
by which Prinsep had recognized the true values of all the
letters which he had yet found, and the old alphabet was
complete with the exception of the very rare letters gh and
jh, and the gutteral, palatal, and cerebral n’s.

To Professor Lassen belongs the honor of having been
the first to read any of these unknown characters. In the
previous year, 1836, he had read the Indian Pali legend on
the square copper coins of Agathokles as Agathukla B,aja.-\
James Prinsep was puzzled by finding “ that nearly the same
characters appear on the coins of Pantaloon.” He admit-
ted, however, that “ it might bo possible to assimilate the word
to the Greek on the supposition of the first syllable being
wanting,” thus forming Udava. On referring to the coin
indicated I find that the first letter is actually wanting, and
that he had read the three letters of the name correctly.
So near was he to making the discovery at that time that it
would probably have been completed at once had there been
a perfect coin of Pantaleon to refer to for the first letter of
the name.

• This word should be BhlchkunOj the mendicant monk, but Prinsep had not then
recognised the true form of the 6/fc. fie took I for h?h and when he cumc to the true I in

he lead the word as Mcija, as in the next instance which he gives from the Delhi
Pillar.

+ In a letter to James Prmsep referred to in tlie Journal of Ihngal Asiatic Society,
1836, p. 71 : 3 .

INTRODUCTION.

XIII

As mentioned in his letter to me, Prinsep had at once
invited Ratna.Pala, the PMi scholar, to assist him in reading
the inscription, and with his aid he was able to translate at
once several important passages, such as, “ in the twenty-
seventh year of my reign.” So unremitting was his industry
and so rapid his intuitive perception, that he had finished his
translation by the end of July, and the complete version
appeared in the journal for that month, which was published
in the middle of August.

Coins and inscriptions now poured in upon him so fast
from all parts of India that much of his valuable time was
now occupied in private correspondence, and when I left
Calcutta towards the end of October 1837, he was working
from twelve to sixteen hours daily. Much of his time was,
of cours*e, occupied with his public duties as Assay Master of
the Calcutta Mint, as he wrote to me, “ my whole day is
consumed at the scales. What a waste of precious
moments !”

A few days after my departure he received copies of the
Udayagiri and Khandagiri inscriptions from Kittoe, and
faithful impressions of all the inscriptions on the Allahabad
pillar from Colonel Smith. With all his wonted industry
and enthusiasm he set to work upon these new records, and
was able to give a revised translation of Samudra Gupta’s
inscription in the November number of his journal, and a
long and valuable note on the inscriptions from Udayagiri and
Khandagiri in the December number. Yet, in spite of all
these labours, so little conscious did he feel of exhaustion that
he wrote to me on ‘ “ December 27tb, 7 a. m., to get a new
Gupta inscription for the January Number ! I ”

Prinsep now took up the rock-inscriptions of Asoka,
and in a postscript to a letter of February 1838, he said
to me “ dont expect me to w'rite again for a long spell. I
must set to ‘work on the Girnari.” But on the 3r«f JfewA
I heard from him again that he had “made une ddcouverte
epouvantable ! no less than the treaty (an article at least)
between Antiochus and Sophagasenas. Shall I leave you to
guess how, where, and when ? No, but keep it secret till I an-
nounce it at the Society. I have happily discovered that
many of the edicts at Gujarfit and Cuttack are verbatim the
same. Among them is one announcing the establishment

XIV

INTRODUCTION.

of a medical arrangement for men and animals.” This dis-
covery was announced to the Asiatic Society on the 7th
March, and published in the Tebruary number of the
journal.

As Prinsep proceeded with his examination of the rock-
inscriptions, he discovered the names of Ptolemy, Antigonus,
and Magas, in addition to a second mention of Antiochus.
He had previously felt the want of a good impression of the
Girn§,r inscription, but this brilliant discovery made him
still more anxious to obtain a complete and correct copy.
After thinking over the matter for some time, it seemed that
the surest and quickest way was to address the Governor
General on the subject, which was accordingly done at once,
as explained in the following letter to me :

28^A March 1838. — “ In the enthusiasm of the moment
I took up my pen and addressed the enclosed bold petition to
Lord Auckland, which, on sober reflection, I am afraid of
sending, lest I should be thought presumptuous in imagining
others care as much about old inscriptions as I do ! I therefore
enclose it to you instead that you may act upon it as you
may find a fit occasion. The passage in the 14th edict is
much mutilated, and I long for a more correct copy. * *

It really becomes interesting to find Egypt and Ptolemy
known to Asoka ! I must give you the real text” (here
follows the text in the original PMi characters, which I
give in Ualic letters with Prinsep’s interlinear transla-
tion) ;

Yona rdja par 041 cha tena Chaptdro
Greek King furthermore by whom, the Gypta
Majdno ,Tula'mayo cha Antigona cha Maga cha
Eajas, Ptolemy and Antigonus and Magas and

* * * savata Demnampiyasa

* * * everywhere beloved’s

Dhammdnusasti anuhatate yata pajati
Keligious precept roaches where goes.

Some doubt about the Ptdro rdjdno, or Chaptdro, which may
be read chat wdro raj dtio, ‘ the four kings JPtaro, the Fta
or Ptha (worshipping) kings, Guptaro, or Chaptaro, rajano,
the ‘ Koptic or Aegyptic kings ,but the name of Magas is
so distinct that I give up the four kings in favor of Egypt.

INTRODUCTION.

" I have no time to expatiate hereupon. I shall publish
in the next journal, although probably I shall he forced to
alter my Antiochus the Great theory to the contemporary
Antiochus of Ptolemy Philadelphus (247 b. c.), in whose
time Magas held part of Egypt (Gyrene), and whose period
agrees better with Asoka’s reign. Hurrah for inscriptions I *’

Prinsep’s bold appeal to the head of the Government
was of course successful, for Lord Auckland was a liberal
patron of both literature and science. The Governor of Bombay
was accordingly requested to depute a qualified ofiicer for the
purpose of taking ti facsimile of the inscriptions.* The new
impressions were made with great care, but they did not
reach Calcutta until after Prinsep’s departure. I was not even
aware that they had been sent to Calcutta until last January,
when, Idoking for some of Kittoe’s inscriptions, I stumbled
on the Girnfir edicts of Asoka.

In the meantime Prinsep continued his labours by pub-
lishing a translation of the J unagarh inscription of Rudra
D^ma in the April number of the journal; an “examination
of the separate edicts at Dhauli in Cuttack” in the May
number ; translations of some additional short records from
the S^nchi Stupa near Bhilsa in the June number; and the
“ discovery of the Bactrian alphabet” in the July number ;
which was published about the middle of August. These were
his last contributions to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal.!

After his revision of the Bactrian alphabet, ho naturally
turned to the inscriptions which Ventura and Court had ex-
tracted from the stupas at M4nikyhla, and which Masson
had obtained from the stupas of the Kabul Valley. His
attention was also turned to the reading 6f the later coins
“ which .mark the decadence of Greek dominion and Greek
skill. These are the most precious to the student of Indian
history. Through their Native legends we may yet hope to
throw light on the obscure age of Vikramflditya and the
Scythian successors of the Greeks on the north of India.”!
So important did he consider this class of coins that he

• See Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1838, p. 365,

t These dilTerent articles will be found in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society for
1838, pp, 364, 484, 562, A 636.

t Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1831, p. 655,

XVI

INTRODUCTION.

specially invited attention to them, and promisea to return to
their investigation, his text being “ those coins on which the
Native and Greek legends differ, or record different names.”

This subject still occupied his attention when he was
overtaken by sickness and obliged to proceed to sea for
change of air. He was “ off Kedgeree” on the 28^4 Septem-
ber 1838, when he wrote his last letter to me to acknowledge
the receipt of the coins which I had selected from Sir
Alexander Burnes’ new collection for his examination. He
was disappointed at not finding any new names, and says
“ I almost fear the field is exhausted ; my only hope is of
new Spalahara types among the crowd of ‘ frustes’ coins.”
As the coins of Spalahara belong to the class “ on which
the Native and Greek legends differ, this passage shows that
down to the very last his thoughts were engaged on the com-
pletion of the Bactrian alphabet, and the translation of the
tope inscriptions. . I also draw the same conclusion from
another paragraph of the same letter whore he says, “ I told
you (did I not ?) that Lassen had hit upon the exact key to
the Bactrian alphabet I have made use of.”

His trip to sea did him no good, as he wrote to me that
he “ never was so idle, so listless, or so headachey in his
life ; ” and after a long and amusing account of all the sur-
rounding discomforts, he exclaims “ Oh ! the pleasures of
running down to the Sandheads for a week to restore the
health ! ” He longed “ to get home to his own desk” in
Calcutta, where he hoped to find that Dr. McLeod had
arrived safe, that is, with the mass of Burnes’ collection of
coins.

On his return to Calcutta he gradually became worse
and was obliged • to leave India in the end of October. He
was in a hopeless state when he reached England from soften-
ing of the tein, and after lingering for about a year he sank
on the 22nd of April 1840, at 40 years of age. Thus died
James Prinsep in the very prime of life, and in the very
midst of his brilliant discoveries. When we remember that
he was only just thirty-nine years old when his career was
suddenly arrested by illhess, it is impossible to help regret-
ting that he was not spared for a few years longer to com-
plete and perfect what he had already done, and perhaps to
add fresh laurels to his fame by further discoveries. But

INTRODUCTION.

XVII

James Prinsep had done his work ; for all his brilliant dis-
coveries, which would have been the labour of ten or a dozen
years to most other men, were made during the last three
years of his career ; and although he was still young in years,
he had already done the work of a good old age. The career
of James Prinsep has been fitly and eloquently described by
his friend Dr. Ilugh Palconer, who knew him well. Prom
this able sketch I extract the following appreciative notice
of Prinsep’s rare talents : “Of his intellectual character the
most prominent feature was enthusiasm — one of the prime
elements of genius ; a burning irrepressible enthusiasm, to
which nothing could set bounds, and which communicated
itself to whatever came before him. The very strength of
his mental constitution in this respect was perliaps opposed
to his attaining the excellence of a profound thinker ; it led
him to be carried away frequently by first impressions, and
to apply his powers to a greater range of subjects than any
human mind can master or excel in. To this enthusiasm
vvas fortunately united a habitude of ordei’, and power of
generalization, which enabled him to grasp and comprehend
the greatest variety of details. His powers of perception
were impressed with genius — they were clear, vigorous,
and instantaneous.”*

•

Dr. Palconer formed a true and just estimate of Prin-
spp’s powers of perception, which were equally remarkable
for their vigour and their instantaneousness. The quickness
of his perception was indeed wonderful, so that many of his
discoveries miiy be said literally to have flashed upon him ; or,
as he himself describes one of them in a letter to me, “ like
inspiration, or lightning, or Louisa’s eyes, the light at once
broke upon mc.”t But the great point in Prinsep’s character
was his ardent enthusiasm, which charmed and melted all who
came in contact with him. Even at this distance of time,
when a whole generation has passed away, I feel that his
letters still possess the same power of winning my warmest
sympathy in all his discoveries, and that his joyous and
generous disposition still communicates the same contagious
enthusiasm and the same strong desire to assist in further
achievements.

* Extracted from the (^denial Magazine for Uecember 1810; by Mr. E, Thomas in his
edition of Prinsep’s “ Essays on Indian Antiquitie.M,” ^

+ Letter of 27th January 1838, The name of Louisa is written in Asoka characters as
Lu-i-ja,

XVIIT

INTKODUCTION.

The powerful impulse given to Indian archmology by
James Prinsep was produced quite as much by the enthu-
siasm which he kindled in every one who came in contact
with him, as by his translations of the old inscriptions of
Asoka, which gave life to records that had been dead for
more than two thousand years, and that now form our
chief land-marks in ancient Indian history. The impulse
was not lost after his death ; but the progress of research,
which during his life-time iiad been conducted as one great
voyage of discovery under his sole command, has since
been limited to lesser expeditions in various directions. As
these were led by many different persons, each acting inde-
pendently, the amount of progress may, perhaps, seem eom-
paratively little, whereas it has been really great, and only
seems little because the work actually done has been very
gradually acliieved and has never yet been summed up and
gathered together.

Of James Prinsep’s successors during the last thirty
years, the most prominent have been James Pergusson,
Markham Kittoe, Mi*. Edward Thomas, and myself, in
Northern India; Sir Walter Elliot in Southern India; and
Colonel Meadows Taylor, Dr. Stevenson, and Dr. Bhau Dfiji
in Western India.

Erom the foundation of the Asiatic Society by Sir
William Jones in 1784 down to 1S31-, a period of just half a
century, our archaeological researches had been chiefly liter-
ary, and, with a few notable exceptions, had been eonfined to
translations of books and inscriptions, with brief notices of
some of the j.i incipal buildings at Delhi and Agra and other
well known i)laees. The exceptions are several valuable
essays by Jones, Wilford,* Cok^brooke, and Wilson, on the
religion, the geography and the astronomy of the Hindus,
which have already been noiiced. These early labourers
may be called the C loset or Scliolastic Archaeologists. The tra-
vellers of their day gave glowing accounts of the wonders
of Ellora, of the massive graii leur of the Kutb Minar, and
of the matchless beauty of tin T^j Mahal at Agra. But all
was vague and indefinite. There were but few measurements
and no plans. True history was then but little known, and

* 1 consider Wilford’s essays valuable in spite their wild speculations, as they con-
tain much information and undigested learning, m which important facts and curious
classical referanccs will be found imbedded in a mass of crude speculation.

INTBODUCTION.

XIX

the lying gabble of Brahmans, which connected every place
with the wanderings of R4ma or the exile of the five Pdndus,
was accepted as the real voice of genuine tradition.

But a new era opened for Indian archmology in 1834,
when James Prinsep gave to the world the first results of
Masson’s researches in the Kabul valley, and of Ventura’s
and Court’s explorations in the Panjab, followed immediately
by my own excavation of the stupa at Sarn^th, Ban^ras,
and of the ruins around it. Pacts now poured in rapidly,
but though many in number, they were still bare and uncon-
nected facts, mere fossil fragments of the great skeleton of
lost Indian history. The full skeleton has not yet been set
up ; but many of its members are now almost complete, and
we have acquired a very fair knowledge of the general out-
line and* of the vai’ious forms which it has assumed at dif-
ferent jieriods. For this result we are much indebted to
men who are not Sanskrit scholars, and whose success has
been achieved by actual measurements and laborious explo-
rations in the field, combined with patient research and
studious investigation in the closet. During James Prinsep’s
life-time, the materials collected by these “ field archaeolo-
gists,” or “travelling antiquarians” as he called them,
were all made over to him, but since his death, each observer
has worked independently in his own line, and has published
separately the results of his own labours.

Amongst the foremost and most successful of the later
archaeologists is my friend James Pergtjsson, w'hose masterly
works on Indian architecture are the result of extensive
travels through a great part of India, undertaken for the
express purpose of studying this important and interesting
sul)jcct. It is entirely his own, and I trust that he may
shortly be able to fulfil his long-cherished project of publish-
ing an illustrated history of Indian architecture, such as
ho only can give us.

Mr. Pergusson’s first publication was an account of the
“ rock-cut temples of India, 1845, in which he gives a detailed
account of all the groups of caves that were theii known,
and endeavours to fix their approximate dates by differences
of style and other distinctive characteristics. This rule is
rigorously true in principle ; but to make its results of any
value, it is absolutely necessary that we should have at least

INTKODTJCTION.

a few fixed stand-points of known dates for comparison.
Thus we may bo quite certain that any temple B is an im-
provement on A, and is less advanced than C ; and we con-
clude accordingly that it is of intermediate ago between A
C. But if the dates of A and C arc both unknown, our
deduction is comparatively of little value ; and even
if wo should know the date of C, any deduction as to the
date of B will be liable to at least half the amount
of error in the assumed date of A. No one is more fully
aware of this than Mr. Pergusson himself, as he admits that
his conclusions “ have been arrived at almost entirely frorn a
critical survey of the whole series, and a careful comparison
of one cave with another, and with the different structural
buildings in their neighbourhood, the dates of wdiich are at
least approximately known.”* But I think that he is in-
clined to overrate the value of these critical deductions,
when he says that “ inscriptions will not certainly by them-
selves answxr the purpose and he gives in proof of this
assumption the fact that there is a comparatively modern
inscription in the Gancs Gumpha Cave at Udayagiri. But
what proof have we that many of the caves were not origi-
nally quite plain like those of Barabar, and that the orna-
mentation is not the work of a much later age ? I differ
from Mr. Pergusson on this point, as I consider that inscrip-
tions are, beyond all doubt, the most certain and the most
trustworthy authority for determining the dates of Indian
monuments, whether buildings or caves. I freely admit the
corroborative value of architectural evidence uhen it is
founded on ascertained dates ; but wben it is unsupported
by inscriptions, I look upon it, in the present state of our
knowledge, as always more or less uncertain, and, therefore,
weak.

The best proof which I can give of the weakness of
Mr. Pergusson’s argument, in the present state of ouj know-
ledge, is to quote the dates which ho has deduced for the
well-known caves of Kanliari in Salset, which he assigns
as follow's : “ Pirst those in the ravine in the fourth or fifth
century, those last described, with those on each side of the
great cave, probably at least a century later ; then the great
cave.”t Now the inscriptions in the Kanhari caves are very

* Hock-cut Temples of India, p* 2*
r Rock-cut Temples of India, p. 39.

INTRODUCTION.

XXI

numerous ; and though there are a few mediaeval records, yet
any evidence- of into date which they might he supposed to
afford is utterly annihilated by the presence in the same
caves of much older inscriptions of the same stylo and
character as the mass of the Kanhari records, which are cer-
tainly not later than the Gupta inscriptions of Northern
India. In fact, one of them gives the date of 30 of the Salca~
ditya-kdla, or A. D. 108. I have copied part of the inscrip-
tion in the great cave with my own hand, and, after com-
paring my copy with that of Mr. West, I can see no dif-
ference of age between the characters used in the groat
cave and those in the other caves. I thereforo refer the
great mass of the Kanhari inscriptions to the first and second
centuries of the Christian era, so that there is a difference
of at least four centuries between Mr. Eergusson’s mean
date ar/d mine.

The Karlo caves Mr. Eergusson is inclined to assign
to the first, or even the second century before Christ.* One
of the caves is certainly older than the Christian era, as it
possesses an inscription of the groat Satrap King Nahapilna.t
IBut there are two others of King Pudumayi, the son of
VTisithi, whom I place in the beginning of the second century
of the Christian era, but whom Mr. Eergusson assigns to tho
middle of the fourth century, although in his chronology
he admits that Ananda, also a son of Vasithi, and therefore
most probably a brother of Pudumayi, and tlie founder of ono
of tho gateways of tho Great Sd,nchi Tope, lived towards tho
end of the first century.

I have entered thus fully into the question of the dates
of the Western Caves, partly lest my silence should be
looked upon aS acquiescence in Mr. Eergusson’s conclu-
sions, t and partly out of deference to his deservedly high
name .and well-earned reputation as an earnest and able
enquirer into Indian Ilistory and Archmology. Mr. Eer-
gusson is well aware that I differ from him on many points

* Rock-cut Temples of India, pp. 30-34.

t Journal, Bombay Asiatic Society, V. j KJrli Inscriptiun No. 5, for Nahapana ; and
Nos. 4 j and 18 for Tudumayi.

^ This, indeed, has already happened, as M r. C. R. Markham, in his Memoir on the
Archccological Survey, p, 181, concludes that Mr. Fergus, son’s Kock-cut Ternplefl of India
“ may be considered as having placed tho theory of tAe aye and uses of those niouuinciitd
on o> Oasis of certainty ^ which has never since been called in question,'"

XXII

INTRODUCTION.

of early Indian clironology ; and 1 believe that by thus pub-
licly stating my views on these points, we shall the sooner
arrive at the truth, as probably others will now be led to
think upon the subject, who would otherwise perhaps have
passed it entirely over as a matter that was undisputed, and
therefore finally settled.

In his next work, entitled “ Picturesque Illustrations
of Ancient Architecture in India,” Mr. Fcrgusson makes
use of the same principles of characteristic differences and
similarities of style to fix the dates of the mediaeval temples
of the Brahmans and Jains. Here I agree M'ith him
throughout ; for the process of deduction is now perfectly
trustworthy, being founded on actual dates, as there is a
sufficient number of structural temples of the Jains and
Brahmans of known age to furnish us with data for, deter-
mining very closely the ages of uninscribed buildings. This
is specially noteworthy in the case of the rock-cut Brah-
manical temples of I)hamn{ll,r, which, from their general
style, Mr. Fcrgusson has assigned to the eighth or ninth cen-
tury,* a date which must be very close to the truth, as I
found a statue in one of the smaller temples inscribed with
characters which certainly belong to that period. The
examples of Indian architecture given by Mr. Fcrgusson
in this work are very fine and choice, especially the rich
temple at Chandritvati, which I have seen, and which I
agree with him in thinking “ the most elegant specimen of
columnar architecture in Upper India.”

In his “Handbook of Architecture (1855) he has given
a classification of all the different Indian styles, both Hindu
and Muhammadan, which is considerably enlarged and
improved in his later work, tho “ History of Architecture”
(1867). In the latter we have the matured result of a
long and critical study of the subject. The classification
is complete and comprehensive, and though perhaps excep-
tion may be taken to one or two of the names, yet it is
difficult to find others that would be better. The limited
space at his command has obliged him to treat each different
style very briefly, but the distinctions are so broadly and
clearly defined in the typical examples selected for illustra-
tion, that I cannot help feeling impatient for the appearance

* Bock-cut Temples of India, p. 44.

INTEODUCTION.

XXIII

of his great work, the “ Illustrated History of Indian Archi-
tecture,” which he originally projected more than a quarter
of a century ago, and for which, during the whole of that
time, he has been assiduously collecting materials.

Mr. Fergusson’s last work, named “ Tree and Serpent
Worship” is the most sumptuously illustrated work on
Indian antiquities that has yet been published. In it ho
gives a description of the two ricl)ly-sculptured Stupas of
SA.nchi and Amaravati, with a profusion of excellent illustra-
tions from Colonel Maisey’s accurate drawings and Captain
Waterhouse’s photographs of the former, and from Colonel
Mackenzie’s drawings, and the actual bas-reliefs of the latter
which are now in London. Mr. Fergusson has accepted my
dates for the Silnchi Tope and its gateways, namely, Ji. C.
250, during the reign of Asoka for the former, and the first
century A. D. for the latter ; but the Amaravati Tope he
places three hundred years later, in the first half of tho
fourth century A. D. I understand that ho has been
led to adopt this difference of ago chiefly on account of tho
difference of style which ho has observed in tlie sculptures of
the two monuments. 'I must confess that this great dif-
ference of style is not palpable to me. On the contrary, from
the similar dress of the men, and tho similar general naked-
ness of tho women, save only the peculiar belt of five rows
of beads, the sculptures of the two monuments appear to mo
to be of much the same age. I draw the same conclusion
also from tlie inscriptions which are undoubtedly of the
same age as those of the caves of Kanhari and of the Sanchi
Tope Gateways. As I have already pointed out, there are
in the Kanhari caves two inscriptions of Pudumayi, the son
of V&sithi, in exactly the same characters as those of Ananda,
the son of V&sithi, on the south gateway of the Sanchi
Tope. I conclude, therefore, with some certainty, that Pudu-
mayi and Ananda were brothers ; and consequently I refer
all the inscriptions of the King Gotamiputra S^takarni and
his successors Pudumayi and YMnya Sri to the first and
second centuries A. D. As by far the greater number of the
Amaravati inscriptions are in exactly the same characters, it
seems almost certain that they must belong to the same period.
This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that Buddhist
coins of all these three Princes have been found at Amara-
vati, with types and inscriptions which range them as

XXIV

INTROBUCTION.

contemporaries of the Satrap Chiefs of Surashtra. Mr. Per-
p;usson has adopted the statement of the Purdnas, that the
Andhras ruled over Magadha in succession to the Kanwas ;
hut this position is quite untenable, as we know from Pliny
that at this very time the Prasii, that is the people of Palfi-
saka or Magadha, were dominant on tiie Ganges, and
possessed an army six times greater than that of the Andaroc
Indi.*

With respect to the title of this last work of Mr. Per-
gusson, — “Tree and Serpent Worsliip,” — I submit that it is
not borne out by the illustrations; and further, that, as
sex'pent-worship was antagonistic to Buddhism, such a title
is not applicable to a description of the religious scenes
sculptured on a Buddhist Stupa. I can perceive no serpent-
worship in these illustrations. On the contrary, I fuid that
the Niigas arc generally doing homage to Buddha, in perfect
accordance with all the Buddhist legends, which invariably
represent the NA,gas as at first the bitter enemies of Buddha,
Afterwards, when converted by his preaching, they became
his staunchest adherents, and arc specially stated to have
formed canopies over his head with their hoods to protect
him from the sun and rain. The presence of Ndgas in the
Amaravati sculptures is only natural, as the king of the
coxmtry and his subjects are described in all the legends as
Nilgas. In the sculptures, therefore, the king and his
women ai*e generally represented with serpent hoods ; but,
as far as I have observed, they arc invariably the worshippers
of Buddha, and not the objects of worship.

On these two points I am sorry to be obliged to differ
from Mr. Pergusson. But neither of them affects the main
pui'poso of the work, which is devoted to thcr illustration and
restoration of the Amaravati Tope. This work he has done
most thoroughly, and I acceixt his restoration as almost
certain.

Markham Kittoe was already known for his architec-
tural taste by his design for the little church at J onpur, and
his drawings of Muhammadan buildings, when, towards the
close of 183G, the march of his regiment from the Upper
Provinces to Medinipur brought him through Calcutta,

* James Prinsep saw that these Succeseire dynasties of the PurS.nas must have been
parallel or contemporary.— -Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1838, p, 317,

INTRODUCTION.

XXV

where he first saw James Prinsop. He was then engaged
in the preparation of a work, which apppeared in 183S,
under the title of “ 111 nstrations of Indian xVrcliitecturc.”
The work was chiefly valualde for its illustrations, of which
many have now been superseded by photographs. Ivittoc’s
antiquarian zeal and architectural knowledge U'cre strong
recommendations tt) James Prinscj), who induced him to pay
a visit to the Kliandagiri rock to examine the inscription in
old Pali characters, of which Stirling had published a poor
and imperfect copy in the Asiatic llcsearchos. The result
was an excellent copy of a very important inscription of
King Aira, and the discovery of one of Asoka’s edicts at
Dliauli, with sketches of the more important caves and prin-
cipal sculptures.

Kittoe’s services wore warmly acknowledged by James
Prinsep in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, and also in a
letter to mo of 4th November 1887, in which he mentions
“a beautifully illustrated joiumal from poor Kittoc,” and
begs me to “ keep an eye to his interests, for ho would be
an invaluable antiquarian traveller.” At this time Kittoc
was temporarily removed from the army for bringing indis-
creet charges of oppression against his Commanding Officer,
for which there was but little foundation save in his own
over-sensitive disposition. Through Prinsep’s influence ho
was appointed Secretary of the Coal Committee, which led
to his extended tour through Orissa, the results of which
were published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal for
1838 and 1839. He was afterwards restored to his position
in the army, and appointed to the charge of one of tlio
Divisions of the High Koad from Calcutta to Bombay, lead-
ing through Chutia Nagpur.

For several years he was employed in the uncongenial
work of a Hoad Officer, and it was not until 1846 that he
had the opportunity of returning to his archmological
researches. In doing so he felt that he was partly carrying
out the wishes of James Prinsep, “ who oft expressed a wish
that he should ramble over the district of Bihar, and cater
for him.”* During 1846 and 1847, lie accordingly travelled
over a great part of the districts of Bihar and Shihabiid,
and added much valuable information to our knowledge of

* Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1847, p. 273.

XXVI

INTRODUCTION.

their antiquities. But his chief aim seems to have been to
make a large collection of drawings of choice specimens of
sculpture with a view to future publication. In following out
this plan much of his valuable time was wasted in making
drawings of sculptures and architectural ornaments, of
many of which photography has since given us finer and
even more detailed copies. But no less praise is due to him
for the unwearied industry and patience with which he per-
formed his self-appointed task, the results of which now
form a valuable collection of about one hundred and fifty
drawings belonging to* the library of the East India
Museum.

About this time, through the influence of Mr. Thomason,
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-Western Provinces,
ICittoe was appointed “ Archaeological Enquirer” to Clovorn-
ment, on a salary of Rs. 250 a month. Whilst engaged
on this work ho was requested to prepare a design for the
proposed Sanskrit College at Banaras. Ilis design was
approved ; and, when the building was fairly begun, Kittoo
was obliged to reside altogether at Banjlras to superiirtcnd
its construction. With this work he was fully occupied during
the remainder of his career, his only archaeological re-
searches being some rather extensive excavations at SUrnslth,
where he uncovered a complete monastery, and added con-
siderably to his collection of sculpture drawings. Tlio
work at the College was severe, as he had to model most of
the mouldings with his own hands. On the 19th May 1852,
he wrote to me “ Oh how I wish the College were out of
hand, that I might sot to work and compile my drawings
and papers into some shape.” When I saw Kittoo at
Gwalior in September 1852, he spoke despondingly of
himself. Ilis health was evidently much impaired, and he
complained of headache and want of appetite.

He was sick of the drudgery of the college work ; and
in the beginning of 1853 his health completely broke down,
and he was compelled to seek for change of air in England.
On the 2nd of February he gave a lecture in Calcutta before
the Asiatic Society on the antiquities of Sdrndth, and exhi-
bited to the meeting his collection of sculpture drawings.
The voyage to England did him no good, and on his arrival
he was so ill that he saw no one, and, as one of his friends
informed me, “ he went straight to his home and died” in

INTRODUCTION.

XXVII

June 1853. Like Prinsep he sank from overwork, and at
about the same age.

. As a draughtsman Kittoo was painstaking and accurate,
and therefore always trustworthy ; as an explorer, ho was
enthusiastic and indefatigable, qualities which generally
command success *, but as an investigator, ho was wanting in
scholarship and faulty in judgment. As specimens of his
defective judgment, I may cite his continued doubts as to
the identity of Asoka and Piyadasi, and his serious sugges-
tion that the BaiAbar Cave inscription of Dasaratba, which
Prinsep had truly assigned to the historical Dasaratha of
Magadlia, one of the immediate successors of Asoka, might
probably bo referred to the half fabulous Dasaratha of
Ayodhya, the father of E-ilma.

Kittoe’s chief discoveries were limited to temples,
sculptures and inscriptions, and I cannot recal a single
locality which he identified, or a single historical doubt
which he settled, or a single name of any dynasty which he
established. Ills discoveries were the result of unwearying
exploration, and not the fruit of mental reasoning and
refieotive deduction. Such also, when his career was draw-
ing to a close, was his own modest estimate of himself. On
the 19th May 1852 he wrote to me : “ Let me not lead you to
suppose that I claim knowledge. I am woefully deficient.
I am a self-educated man, and no Classic or Sanskrit scholar ;
I merely claim a searching eye and mind, and a retentive
memory of figure and fact, and place or position. Hence
my great success in finding inscriptions where many have
searched in vain ! — Cuttack and Gya to wit.” This estimate
of himself seems fully to justify my opinion of him, wliilc
at the same time it corroborates the prophetic judgment of
James Prinsep that Kittoe would make “an invaluable
antiquarian traveller.”

The principal subject which has engaged the attention
of Mr. Edward Thomas is the History of India as illus-
trated by its coins ani^, inscriptions, and other monuments.
His numerous essays, range over the long period of eighteen
hundred years, from the establishment of the Bactrian
monarchy in B. C. 240 to the final extinction of the Patlnlu
empire of Delhi on the accession of Akbar in A. D. 1551).
The following list of his principal essays shevys the extent

XXVIII

INTRODUCTION.

and variety of the contribution which ho has made to Indian
arehocology during the past twenty years.

]. ISiS — Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX., —
Coins of the Hindu Kings of Kabul.

2. 1818 — Ditto ditto, Vol. IX., — Coins of the Kings of
Ghazni.

3. 1850 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XII., — Coins of the Sah
Kings of Saurashtra.

4. 1855 — Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIV.,
— On the Epoch of the Gupta Dynasty.

5. 1855 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XXIV., — On the Coins of
the Gupta Dynasty.

G. 1855 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XXIV., — On ancient Indian
Numerals, •

7. 1858 — Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities, 2 Vols., thick
8vo ; with numerous plates of coins, and many able in-
dependent notices, bringing the state of knowledge in each
branch up to the date of puhlieation.

8. 18G0 — Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol.'XVII., —
Supplementary Notice of the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni.

0. 1804 — Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol.

XXXIV., — On ancient Indian Weights (continued in the
same journal for 1835).

10. 18G5— Ditto ditto, Vol. XXXV.,— On the identity
of Xaudrames and Krananda.

11. 18GG— Ditto ditto, Vol. XXXVI.,— The Initial
Coinage of Bengal.

12. 1871 — Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi,

On all these different peidods and .subjects Mr. Thomas
has thrown a flood of light by his accurate observations and
critical sagacity. But bis principal resi'archos havS been
directed to the Muliammadan History of India, and more
especially to the Hvo periods of the Ghaznividc and Pathfin
dynasties. Here ho has had the field entirely to himself;
and to his critical sifting of evidence and noteworthy
accuracy, we arc mainly indebted for the clear and satis-
faidory settlement of the clironology of the Muhammadan
kingdoms of Ghazni and Delhi. Ho has also initiated the
same accurate arrangement of the chronology of the

INTRODTJCTION.

XXIX

Pathan kingdom of Bengal, which will eventually be
completed aa' more coins and inscriptions are brought to
light and made available.

The greater number of Mr. Thomas’s essays have been
confessedly limited to the almost technical description and
illustration of various important series of oriental coins.
But in his notes and independent articles, inserted in his
edition of Prinsep’s Essfiys, and more particularly in his
last production, — the “ Chronicles of the Pathiin Kings of
Delhi,” — helms made good use of all accessible inscriptions,
and of numerous passages of historians and geographers,
which bear upon his subject. His “ leading object,” as he
himself states, “ has been to collect materials for history,
in the form of documents, which it was primarily
desirab],e to retain in their most authentic form.” This
object he has accomplished in the most complete and satisfac-
tory manner; and the future historian of Muhammadan
India will be saved much of the weary and vexatious trouble
of weighing the respective values of conflicting evidence, and
of balancing the probabilities of opposing dates. All this
laborious work has been well and carefully done by Mr.
Thomas, whose critical sifting of evidence, and able scrutiny
of all available information, have clfectually winnowed
most of the chaff of doubt and dispute, and loft little
but the true grains behind.

In Madras Sin Walteii Elliot completed ivhat Colonel
Mackenzie had left undone. Mackenzie’s great collection
of 8,070 inscriptions was made chiefly in the Taihilian pro-
vinces to the south of the Krishna llivcr, while Sir Walter’s
collection of 596 inscriptions was formed principally in the
ancient Karnata country, amongst tile upper branches of the
Krishna. His first contribution to Indian arclimology was
a vory valuable and interesting historical sketch,* founded
solely "on the inscriptions of the principal dynasties which
had ruled over the countries between the Karbada and
the Krishna for nearly eight centuries. Of these the great
Chiilukya family was the oldest, the strongest, and the most
lasting ; and its lino has since been traced hack to the early
part of the fourth century by the discovery of other inscrip-
tions. Its career probably began in A. D. 318. Eor the

* In Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, IV., for 1S3G, and rc-printod with corrections
in tho Madras Literary Journal, Vol, VII., p. 190.

XXX

INTRODUCTION.

oavly history of tlio northern half of the peninsula, this
invaluable essay is our principal, and indeed almost our
only, guide.

Sir Walter has also illustrated the history of the
Clnilukyas and other southern dynasties by their coins,
n hich he was the first to arrange systematically. He thus
obtained their trustworthy evidence in support of the more
extensive data supplied by the inscriptions. All previous
enquiries had been contented to arrange the coins accord-
ing to their devices, without regard to their age, or to
the localities in which they were usually found. Thus, all
the coins bearing the typo of an elephant were assigned
to the Gajapati dynasty, which was asserted to have reigned
over Orissa ; all those with a horse to the Jswapali dynasty ;
those with the figure of <a man to the Narapati dynasty ;
and those with an umbrella to the Chhalrapati dynasty.
These are currently believed to have been the titles of four
tributary princes who held the four chief provinces of
Southern India under the rule of the one supreme sove-
reign of Delhi. The single omission of the boar of the
Cluilukyas is fatal to this neatly-contrived scheme.

Ill Western India Colonel Meadows Taylou has chiefly
confined his attention to the mysterious eromlechs and cairns,
and stone circles, of which he himself made numerous and
important discoveries in the Shorapur District.* The origin
of these monuments is at present unknown. Colonel Taylor
calls them pre-hisloric remains, and attributes them to tho
great Turanian or Scythian race which occupied Southern
India before the immigration of tho Aryas. “ Certain it
is,” he remarks, “ that in tho purely Aryan and Northern
Provinces of India, no such structures havjs been found.”t
But this is a mistake, as they have already been found
in the hilly parts of the districts of Delhi, Mirza-
pur, and Orissa, and I conclude that they will hereafter be
discovered in many other parts of Northern India. I am
inclined also to doubt that these monuments were peculiar
to tho Turanian races, for I look upon the stone colonnade
that surrounds the great Sanchi stupa as only an improved
version of the rude stone circle enclosing an earthen

* Soc Ivw vilik' aroijinit of this iiitoresruifj Huhjoct in the Joiinuil of the Etenological
Society, Vol. 1., p. 157., “ On the Tre-historic Archjoolojry ef liuli.c’’

t “ Student’s ]M annul of the History of India,” p. 10,

INTRODTJCTION.

XXXI

tumulus ; and as the Sanclii monuments is an undoubted
Aryan structure, the probabilities seem to be rather in
favour of the Aryan origin of its prototype, than that
the Aryas borrowed the design from the earlier Turanian
settlers. This however is, at present, a matter of opinion
which will probably be settled by further researches. In the
meantime the public is deeply indebted to Colonel Taylor
for the very full and accurate details which he has given of
the early stone monuments of Southern India.

• In his Student’s Manual of Indian History, Colonel
Taylor has assigned the building of the second tope at
Sdnchi to Pushpamitra, the first of the Sunga dynasty of
Magadha, whom he aflirms to have been Buddhists, and
“ famous for their religious zeal in the construction of reli-
gious edifices and excavation of cave temples.”* Now, tliis
is certainly a mistake, as Pushpamitra was a noted 2 )ersecu-
tor of the Buddhists, and is recorded to have offered a reward
of one hundred dinars for the head of every Sramana.i'
As Colonel Taylor rarely quotes authorities, it is impossildo
to trace the source of this error. I can only conjecture
that it is founded on a misreading by Dr. Stevenson of one
of the cave inscriptions, which will be j)resently noticed, in
which he identifies a petty Buddhist chief, NAijak, named
Agnimitra, with the great Sunga King of Magadha, Avho
would certainly appear to have been a Brahmanist, as well
as his father, Pushpamitra. +

To the REVEaEND J. Stevenson, d. d., wo ow.e the only
scries of translations that have yet appeared of the numerous
inscriptions in the caves of Western India. These wore
jmblished in 1857* from copies of the inscriptions prcj)aied
by Lieutenant Brett, which, though carefully and laboriously
made, are deficient in many places, and arc not sufficiently
accurafe in others to bo fully relied upon. Por these reasons
several passages, and even a few whole inscriptions, were left
untranslated by Dr. Stevenson, whilst others were insuffi-
ciently or incorrectly rendered by him. New and much more
accurate copies of the inscriptions in the Kilnhari and Ndsik
caves have since been published by Mr. West, but oven

* Student’s Manual of Indian llistory, pago 54.

f Buniouf Iiitroduciion JiV Ilistoire dii Buddliismo Tnclicn,” page 431,
{ See the drama of Mulavihlgnimitra in Wilson’s Hindu Theatre.

XXXII

INTRODUCTION.

these are only hand copies, carefully reduced, it is true, by
squares, but still only hand copies, and not facsimiles or
impressions. I have myself visited both of these places,
and T can state that I have not seen any inscriptions that
would yield better impressions than the great Satrap and
Andhra rceords of the Nasik caves. The most beautiful
and perfectly accurate impressions or rubbings of these
precious records might have been made by Mr. West in one-
tenth of the time which was occupied in making his much
less trustworthy hand reductions.

Taking Dr. Stevenson’s translations altogether, there is
no doixbt that lie has succeeded in giving the general scope
of all the more important inscriptions, and has thereby
added a very valuable amount of authentic information
to the scanty records of early Indian history. With some
of the shorter inscriptions he has been less successful ; for
instance, he has taken Ddmildya as a masculine name, and
idcnliHed Ddinihl with the famous Chanakya, the minister
of Chandra Gupta Maurya, thus ignoring, not only the
feminine possessive termination in aya, but also the pre-
ceding feminine word JJIiikhuniya, or “ mendicant nun,”
the inscription, in fact, being the simple record of a gift of
the female mendicant Ddmild.* In a second short inscrip-
tion, by Ycndxw^ Moharavisa, “of the emperor,” instead of
MuharalMsa, “ of Maharashtra,” he identifies the Ndya/c,
or “petty chief,” Agnimitra of Mahstrashtra with the great
King Agnimitra of Magadha, the son of Pushpamitra, the
founder of the Sunga dynasty.! Again, in his anxiety to
obtain some name that would help to fix the dates of these
inscriptions, he has identified Sukara with Vikramaditya by
reading Sakdri, where the preceding names of Nabh^ga,
Nahusha, and Janamejaya, as well as the following name of
Yayati, should have shown him that the solar hero Sagara
was the person really intended. J

* ITislorical names and facts contained in the KAnhari inscriptions. — Bombay Journal,
V., page 20, No. 14, Ii*dcription from Kslnhnri.

t Sahy^dri mscriptions. — Bombay Journal, V., page 152, No. 1, Inscription from Karlo.

t On the Nilsik cave inscriptions (Bombay Journal, V., page 43, No. 1 Inscription), Dr.
Bhau Dilji has adopted this erroneous identihcatioii of Vikramaditya in his Essay on
Killidclsa. I pointed out Dr. Stevenson’s error to Mr. Fergnsson, but he refers to it as if
a VikramUditya was mentioned by name. — See his Essay on Indian Chronology, page 52,
note 1 (“ Tho Vikram{lditya mentioned in Gotamiputra’s inscription is evidently, from the
company in which he is named, of prc-historic antiquity”). Mr. Fergnsson must have
remembered iinpcrfcctl\ what I told him, for there is no mention whatever of any Vikrama-
ditya iu GoUimipatra’s Nabik inscription.

INTRODUCTION.

NXXlir

To Dr. Stevenson we owe the first real progress that
was achieved since Priusep, in reading the numerical figures
of these old inscriptions. But ho contented himself will)
noting the more obvious cyphers, and hastily adopted values
for others, which in one case led him to make the curious
blunder of assigning thirty-two days to a fortnight. Tins
happened from reading the letter y as the figure for 30, by
which he changed “ hatiya 2” into “ buti 32.”* * * §

Dr. Stevenson also published several ■i)apers on the early
religion of the Hindus of Southern India,! and a single
paper on the Tilhyas or TirthaJeus of the Buddhists, whom
lie identifies with the Gymnosojihists of the Greeks, and
with the Digamhara sect of Jains.J These papers show
much patient rcsearcli and accurate observation in a new
and interesting field of inquiry, and lead us to regret that
Dr. Stevenson should have been cut off in the veiy midst of
his career, just when his judgment had become mature,
and promised to guide his acknowledged scholarship to use-
ful results.

Since Stevenson’s death the study of arcliaeology in
Western India has been taken up ably and enthusiastically
by a Native gentleman. Dr. Bhau Daji, whose contributions
to the Bombay Journal have thrown much light on the early
history of the northern half of the peninsula. As a scholar
he very early earned the thanks ol' all students of Indian
literature and history by his essay on the Poet KulidAsa,
and by his translations of the .inscriptions in the Ajanta
(kaves, and of the inscriptions of Rudra D:\ma and. Skanda
Gupta at Junagarh.§ His reputation has since been amply
maintained by his interesting and valuable notice of the
“ Inroads of the. Scythians into India,” || and by his discovery
of the values of several of the unknown early numerals
which had puzzled Di’. Stevenson.^

* See Journal of Bombay Asiatic Society, Vol. V„ No. 18, inscription from Karlo,
line 3.

t Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, V., pp. 1R9, 2G1, and VI., 239, *'0n the ante-
Brahmanietil worship of the Hindus of the Daklian ditto, VTT., 1, " On tlie intcrniixture
of Buddliism with BrahmanivSin in tlie* religion of the llin<lu.s of the Dakhan ditto,
VII., 61, “ On the Buddha-V.iislinavas of the Dakhan.”

J Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, Vol. V.

§ Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, VI., published in 1807, ‘‘ On the Sanskrit Poet
Kalidasa;” ditto, Vll., “ Ajanta Inscriptions,” and “ Translations of the Rudra Dama and
Skanda Gupta Inscriptions at Junagarli.’ '

II Ditto, IX., p. 139, “ The Inroad.s of the Scythians into India.”

ir Ditto, VIII., p. 225, “ The Ancient Sanskrit Numerals in the Cave Inscriptions, and
on the Sah Coins.”

‘ e

XXXIV

INTUODUCTION.

lint Dr. Blian D;\ji’s judgment has not hept pace ivitU
his schohirship, and lie has consequently been led to the
publication of several very grave errors. lie thus rashly
announces his condemnation of Dr. Mill’s translation of
part of the Bliitari Inscription : “ I may now warn writers

on Indian antiquities against implicitly receiving as correct
the names given by Dr. Mill of the female connexions of the
Guptas, namely, Lichchhavi and KuraA,ri Devi.”* I am
happily in a position to settle this point by proving the abso-
lute accuracy of Dr. Mill’s translation, by referring Dr.
Bhau Daji to tln^ gold coins of Chandra Gupta bearing two
figures, male and female, on the obverse, and a female seated
on a lion on the reverse. These precious coins would almost
seem to have been designed by Chandra Gupta’s mint-master
for the special purpose of refuting Dr. Bhau Dilji’s assertion,
by labelling the two figures on the obverse as “ \Jhandra
Gupta” and “ Knmdri Devi” and by adding the name of
Lichclihavuijah on the reversc.t

In another place he has seriously proposed the altera-
tion of the Chinese chronology of the pilgrim Ilwen Thsang
by sixty years to suit tho date of Jayendra of Kashmii*,
simply because II wen Thsang mentions that, on his arrival
at the capital of Kashmir, he was lodged in the Jayendra
Vihdra. But surely one may sleep in a palace of Akbar
without becoming a contemporary of that great Mogul. If
not, then II wen Thsang’s date is hopelessly dubious, for he had
already lodged in the ilushleara Vihdra opposite Varahamula,
and must, therefore, have been a contemporary of the Iiido-
Scythian prince Ilmhka or Jltivishka, at the latter end of the
first century before Christ.

I pass over some wild identifications proposed in Dr.
BhauDaji’s “Brief Survey of Indian Chronolgy,” to note the
curious error in what he calls a correct genealogical table of
the Balabbi Kings supported by dates from eopper plates.
In this genealogy I notice that Dhruva Sena, who is dated in
310, is followed by six generations, all of which are made to
pass away by 340, so that seven generations, including Dhruva

* Bombay Asi.iio' Soci<'t}’.s Journal, VTT„ p, 21C,

t 1 poshCRB two of these coins with tho logeinls quite legible. The names of the King
end Queen are wntt< n ])crpendicMilarly. The rovor.se legend has hitherto been erroneously
read as Pa tick C/ihaioi/a/i,

INTRODUCTION.

XXXV

Sona, or six without liiin, are born, marry, and die in 3G years,
which allows exactly six years to each generation.*

His last proposal is to read elm Gilika rdjena in the
Khillsi version of the famous passage in Asoka’s edicts,
which gives the names of the four Kings, — Ptolemy, Antigo-
nus, Magas, and Alexander, — thus making Gilika a Pali form
of the Latin Groici. But this name was not ap{)lied to tlie
Hellenes until long after Asoka’s time, and could i«)t pro-
perly have been applied to the Maoedonians at any time.
Pr. Bhau Daji says — “ I take this opportunity of announcing
that the word Kilakila, or Kailakila, Yacanas, which
puzzled me before, is only a corruption, or rather a mis-
lectiou of Gilika or Greek. ”t As I furnished Dr Bliau
Daji with his copy of this portion of the Khillsi inscription,
I am (piite familiar with the words which he has thus
strangely perverted. I read them as cliatnli, 4, rnjena,
“the four, 4, Kings,” taking the character, which he has
made a k, to bo the numerical symbol for 4, a mere repetition
of the written word chaluli. The same repetition is found
also in tlic Ariano Pali version of Kapurdigiri, where the
word is followed by four upright strokes ii 1 1, liko

the well known Eoman numeral, which cannot possibly moan
anything else but the simple number 4.

But in spite of these errors due to hasty opinions and
rash speculations, which will no doubt be modilied hereafter
by more mature judgment, I feel that Dr. Bhau Daji is a
worthy successor of Dr. Stev<'nson, and that ho has well
sustained the cause of Indian archmology in the 'Bombay
4* residency.

Of my own share in the progress of Indian archmology
I may be permitted to give a brief statement of ivhat I have
written, and of the discoveries which I have been able to
make (^uring a long and active career in India. ^4he follow-
ing is a list of my writings on my Indian antiquities :

1. — 1840 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, IX., p.
807 — Description of some new Bactrian coins.

* l!()inb,iy JoiiiTOl, VIII., p. 23(5, “Brief Survey <>f Iiuli.ui Cliroiiolo{;y Ooiiealo-y
of Hiil.iblii IviiigK, p. ‘2)5.

+ Bombay A^^iatie Society’s Journal, IX., p. CXXIV. I note that both I^r. Bhau Daji
aiKl Habu Uajoiulra Lai uho the barbaroiiH word “ im.-loutioii. 1 belieie Uui the
Yavaiias arc not nionlioned until after the Andhras, tlmt not un il several een torus ..ttei-

the total extinetion of the Creek power in North-West India and the laiijab. Ihe> ^\eM

probably either liido-yeytliiaiis, or l\irthiiins.

XXXVI

TNTllODUCTIOy.

2. — 18.t2 — Bcnj'al Asiatic Society’s Journal, XI., p.

1 30 — Second notice of some new Bactrian coins.

3. — 1843 — Boyal Asiatic Society’s Journal — Account
of tlic discovery of the ruins of the Buddhist city of Sankisa.

4. — 1843 — Numismatic Chronicle — The ancient coinage
of Kashmir.

5. — 1843 — Numismatic Chronicle — Attempt to explain
some o^the monograms on the Greek coins of Ariana and
India.

6. — 1846 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XIV.,
]). 480 — Notice of some unpublished coins of the Indo-
Seytluans,

7. — 1854 — The Bhilsa Topes, or Buddhist Monuments
of Central Lidia, 8vo.

8. — 1854 — Bengal Asiatic Socictv’s Journal, XXIII. —
Coins of Indian Buddhist Satraps with Greek inscriptions.

9. — 1803 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XXXII. —
Translation of the Bactro-Pali inscription from Taxila.

10. — 1805 — Bciiijal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XXXIV. —
Coins of the nine Nugas, and of two other dynasties of
Narwar and Gwalior.

11. — 1807 — -Numismatic Chronicle — Coin of the Indian
Prince Sophy tes, a contemporary of Alexander the Great.

12. — 1808-1809-1870 — Numismatic Chronicle — “ Coins
of Alexander’s successors in the East,” Part I. ; the Greeks
of Bactriana, Ariana, and India.

13. — 1870 — The ancient Geography of India, Vol. I. ;
the Buddhist period, 8vo.

In my account of James Prinsep’s final labour, I have
boon able to show from his letters that the anxiety which ho
publicly expressed to obtain more specimens of the, latter
coins, “ which mark the decadence of Greek dominion and
Greek skill,” and of “ those coins on which the Native and
Greek legends dificr, or record different names,” continued
down to the last, when in October 1838 he was compelled
by ill health to give up work and to seek for change of air
in England. This subject I was able to follow up in 1840,
wlu'n the aeoiiisition of a large number of coins from
Afglianistan ]itil me in possession of new specimens of Gondo-
pbares and Abdagases, which I published in the Journal of

TNTRODITCTIOX.

XXXVTl

^ lie Asiatic Society for that year. Several collectors then
placed their cahincts at my disposal ; and Avith the purchase
of a second collection from Kandahar and Sisti\n, I was able
to prepare during the years 184!0-d-l-42 no less than liftcen
lithographed plates of all the known coins of the Greek and
Indo-Scythian Kings of Bactriana, Ariana, and India.

■While this work was in progress, I published, in 1812,
a second notice of new Bactrian coins, in wliich I first made
known the names of tlic Greek Kings Straton, Telcplius,
Ilippostratus, Nikias, and Dyonysius, of the Greek Queen
Kalliope, and of the Scytho-Parthian Kings Arsakes and
Pakores. In these tiro papers I gave the true symbols of the
Arian letters d, g, and ph, from tlic Native legends of the
coins of Gondophares, Ahdagascs, and Tclephus, and the true
symbol for the compound letter st from the coins of Straton
and Ilippostratus. These discoveries were followed up by
finding the title of Strategasa, for the Greek StraU-gos
or General, on the coins of the Aspa Varmma, wdiich bear
the name of the groat King Azas on tho obverse, and that
of his Hindu General on the reverse. “ These,” as Priusep
truly said, “ are the most precious to tho student of Indian
history,” for they prove that the military discipline of tlio
Greeks was still in use nearly half a century after their domi-
nion had passed away.

At the same time I foiind that tho reverse legends of
the coins of Queen Agathokhia, which had puzzled Priusep
and Lassen, contained only tho titles and name of Straton,
who must, therefore, have been her husband. Continuing
my discoveries, I obtained the true value of the Arian hh
from the words blirnla-putrusa, or “ brother’s son,” which,
on the coins of Abdagases are the equivalent of the Greek
Adelphideos. P’ollowing up this clue I next discovered tho
symli)! for gh on the coins of the Native King AmogUa-
hhuti.

About tho same time I assigned one of Prinsep’s series
of imitations of the Indo-Scythian money to its proper country
Kashmir, by identifying tho coins of no less than eighteen
of the Hindu Rajas, from Toramilna to Jaga Deva, who
ruled from about A. D. 500 to 1200. This discovery was pub-
lished in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1813. A few years
later, in 1847, I was able to assign another scries of some

XXXVIII

INTROBUCTION.

oxtont, Imt of later date and of less interest, to the Hindu
llajas of Kangra.

In 1845, in a notice of some new coins of the Indo-
Scythians, I first puLlished the reading of the name of the
great Kushdn tribe of Indo-Scythians on the coins of Kujula,
and in tlio Maniltyala inscription of General Court. At tlic
same time I added a genuine Buddhist type to the known
coins of Kanishka.

In January and Eebruary 1851, Lieutenant Maisey and
myself explored a large number of Buddhist stupas, or
topes, in the Bhilsa District. In the same year I submitted
a short account of our discoveries to II. IE. IVilson, which ho
published in tlie Journal of the Iloyal Asiatic Society. At
the same time I prcj)arcd a detailed account of all the stuj)as
that we explored, with translations of several hundred short
inscri{)tions. Tliis work, Avhieh was comj)loted in 1851, was
not published until 1854, under the title of “The Bhilsa
Topes.” Twenty years have since passed, many of thcTU
years of rare experience in archtcological investigation, and
I see no reason to alter the dates which I then proposed of
the third century B. C., for the erection of all the ])rincipal
topes, and of the first century A. D. for the sculptured
gateways of the great stupa.

These dates have been generally accepted ; in fact, I am
not aware that they have been disputed by any one save
II. II. Wilson. Ilis arguments I will now examine at
length, as it seems to me to he very important that there
should be no doubt as to the age of these remarkable monu-
ments, Avhose sculptures are so valuable for the illustration
of Indian art. In justice also to myself I think it is
absolutely necessary that I shoidd take notice of the objec-
tions which have been publicly brought forward in a lecture
on Buddha and Buddhism, by so eminent an oriental scholar
as Horace Hayman Wilson.

He begins by stating that I make the age of the great
Bhilsa tope as old as Asoka, “ its being as old as Asoka,
depending iqion the identification of Gotiputra, the teacher
of Mogaliputra, who presided, it is said, at tlio third council

* Kojal Asiatic So..ioty’8 Jouriuil, Vol. XVI., * ** On Buddha and Buddhitim,” by H. II.

Wilboii; pp. 25U-^51.

IKTUOBTJCTION.

XXXIX

ill B. C. 2'i-l, a statement altogether erroneous, as 'Mogali-
putra, Mauchgala, or Maudgalayana, was one of Silkya’s first
disciples three centuries earlier.” In this passage it is
Wilson’s own statement that is “ altogether erroneous,” and
not mine; and I now repeat former assertion that
Mogaliputra did preside at tl>e Bnddliist synod held in the
reign of Asoka. The mistake which Wilson has here made
is a strange one for an oriental scholar, as ho not only
ignores the detailed history of this council given in the
Maliawanso,* but stranger still he confounds Mogalilna or
Maudgalyayana, the disciple of Buddlia, with one of his
descendants; for Mogaliputra bears tlie same relation to
Mogali that Will’s-soii, or Wilson, does to Will.

A little further on he falls into another error, equally
great, and almost as strange as that just noticed. lie objects
to the (late of the Bhilsa topes, which I had inferred from the
inscriptions on the relic caskets, because “ no legitimate con-
clusions can be drawn from inscriptions of this class as to
the date of the Sanchi monninents,” as the presence of relics
in any monument is no more a proof of its antiquity, than
would the Iiairs of Buddha, if ever dug up, prove the Shw(';-
Dagon of llaugoon to have been built in his day.” Here
the professor has entirely lost sight of the one great fact on
which I relied, that the inscriptions on the caskets are
engraved in charojcters of Asoha'n aye. On this fact alone
I argued that the stupas which contained these relic caskets
must bo as old as the reign of Asoka. Having ignored this
fact altogether and tilted against an argument whiah I never
used, he then proceeds to say that the topes of Ceylon
“ appear to he of an earlier date, if wo may credit the tradi-
tion which ascribes the erection of the lluanvclli mound at
AnurA,dhapura to King Dutthagamini, Avho reigned IGl B. 0.
to 137 B, C.” So that, in the opinion of one of the most
cminaut Sanskrit scholars, a tradition is of more historical
value than a self-evident fact, the truth of which has been
admitted by every one except Wilson himself.

Having thus settled to his own satisfaction that the
topes of Ceylon, which could not have been built before the

* It .seems almost superlluoiis to refer to the Mali.iw.inso fur a fact wliicli is so ivvll
known ; but as Wilson has publiely a.s.serte(l that Mogaliputra was a disciple of Buddlia
himself, and has branded my statement a.s “altogether erroneou.s,” I refer the reader to the
Bid Chapter of Tnrnour’.s Mahiiwanso for the jiroceeding.s of the Fiist Buddhist Synod
under Mahakassapo ; to the 4tli Chapter for the Second Synod ; and to the 5tli Chapter for
the Third S^i^od, liold during the reign of A;5oLi, under the guidanee of Mog.iJipuiia.

INTRODUCTION.

conversion of the Ceylonese to Buddhism by Maliiudo, the
son of Asoka, are older than the great Stlnchi stupa, which,
as I have pointed out in my Bhilsa topes, almost certainly
gave its name to the liiU of Chotiuagiri which was known
hy ‘that name before ^e birth of Mahindo, Wilson eon-
tinues his remarks as follows : “ A somewhat earlier period
than that of the Indian stupas may be assigned to another
important class of Buddhist monuments, the cave temples
belonging to that persuasion, but they also, as far as has
been yet ascertained, are subsequent to Christianity.” Tluis,
according to Wilson, the cave temples of Western India, in
which not a single inscri})tion of Asoka’s period has yet
been found, arc older than the SA,nchi stupa, the railings of
Avhich are literally covered wdth inscriptions of Asoka’s age.

But although the points to which Wilson so stfangely
took exception are not inaccurate, there are in my Bhilsa
topes several undoubted errors, of which, perhaps, the worst
is my making the five Kings of Magadha,’ whose names are
mentioned by Hwen Thsang, form a continuation of the
great Cupta dynasty. Their true period would appear to
have been seven hundred years prior to Ilwen Thsang’s visit,
or about GO B. C. Accoixlingly I look upon these five Kings
as the immediate successors of the Sunga dynasty in
Magadha, and the predecessors of the Guptas, while the
Kauwa lyings of the Puranas wore their contemporaries in
Korth- Western India. Poliowing out this view, I now place
the building of the great tcmifie at Bodh-Gaya in the first
century II. C.

In the same year, 1854, I published a notice of the
“ Coins of Indian Buddhist Satraps with Greek inscriptions,”
in which I made known the symbols for the Arian letters ch
and chh and rm,* and applied the discovery of the former to
prove the Buddhist faith of the Scythian King Kozola Kada-
phes, who calls himself on his coins SacJiha dharma thidasa,
the “ supporter of the true dharraa.”t Here, again, I was
met by the adverse and erroneous criticism of Wilson, | who

* CJ i.s foniid in apmti-rhalraj “invincible with the di.scus,’* chh in chhatnqxi or Satrap,
and rm in the two llindn names, Aspavarnmia and India Varinma.

t i have adoiitod the reading of thidasa from Professor Dowson, in lieu of indasa,
which was iny original rendering.

■t L*md<ni Atlicj! auin, loUi March 1850.

INTRODUCTION.

XLI

objected that “ the legends of these coins had not been satis-
factorily read and he especially objected to the rcadin" of
the word Ksliatraiiasa or Satrap, the letters of which were
very doubtful, and no other evidence being found to prove
that this title had ever been borne by a Hindu* prince.”
The statement that no other evidence had been found is
strangely incorrect, as Prinsep had found the title in the
Girnar bridge inscription of Hudra Dama, a Hindu prince,
and Wilson’s own translation of this inscription, afterwards
furnished to Mr. Thomas,* contains the title of Mahaksha-
trapd applied to Hudra Hama. The Satraps whose coins I
brought to naticc in this paper Avere Zeionises or Jihoniya,
and llaziobalos or llajubul ; and I may add of the legends
of their coins, which Wilson declared “ had not been satis-
factorily read,” that every single letter was rightly assigned.

In file same paper I first made known the names of the
Scytho-Parthian Kings Orthagnes and Sasi, or Sasan, both of
whom claim on their coins to be connexions of the great
King Gondopharcs. I also added my mite towards the
identification of Chandra Gupta Maurya with Sandra-
koptos by bringing to notice a fragment of Euphorion,
the librarian of Autiochus the Great, which makes “ the
•Indian Morias live in wooden houses,” and the statement of
Hcsychins that “ the Morias were Indian Kings.”

In November 18G1 I began my explorations as Archaeo-
logical Surveyor to the Government of India, and the results
of my four years’ work form the subject of the present
volumes, in Avhicli arc recorded the discovery of many
ancient cities, of which the most famous arc Taxila and
Sangala in the Panjab, Srughna, Ahichhatra, Kos&mbi, and
Sravasti in the north-west, and NManda in the east.

In 18G2 I discovered the names of the Macedonian
monthsy Artemisios and Apellaios, in two of the Ariano Pali
inscriptions from Afghanistan. This discovery was also
made independently by Professor Dowson ; and, although
objected to by Ed.bu Rajcndra LH, it has since been fully
confirmed by the further discovery of the names of JPanemos
and Daisies in other inscriptions. Tlie name of Panemos
occurs in the well known Taxila inscription of the Satrap

Pi-insop’s Essays on Indian Antiquities, II., 68.

XLII

INTRODUCTION

Liako Kujulako, dated in the 78th year of the great King
Moga, whom I identified with the Moas of, the coins, a
conclusion which is now generally accepted. I also pub-
lished a partial translation of this inscription, in which I
made known the values of the Arlan compounds of the letter
r in the words purvva, sarvva, and dchdrya, which were at the
same time independently made out in England by Professor
Dowson.

In a note on the same inscription, published shortly
afterwards in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
I gave the true values of the old Indian cyphers for 40, 60,
00, and 70, of which throe had not previously been ascer-
tained by Dr. Bhau Daji in his paper published in tho same
journal.

In 1805 appeared my essay on the “ Coins of tlio Nino
Nagas, and of two other dynasties of Narwar and Gwalior.”
Tho coins of the Naga Kings are of considerable importance
as they are certainly as old as those of- the Gupta dynasty,
and comprise as many names. The coins of Pasupati arc
valuable, as their date is almost certain ; Pasupati being the
son of Toraniiina, who ruled over the countries between the
Jumna and the Narbada towards the end of the third cen-
tury A. D. The latest series of coins are also interesting
as they are dated and include one Hindu Prince Chahara
Deva, who for a long time was the ^successful opponent
of the early Muhammadan Kings of Delhi. In the same
paper I successfully identified Narwar with the city of
Padiuiivati of the poet Bhavabhuti, by the names of no less
than four streams in its immediate vicinity which are men-
tioned in the drama of Malati and Madhava.

During my stay in England from 180G to 1870, 1 pub-
lished first an account of the “ Coin of a Indian Prince
Sophy tes, a contemporary of Alexander,” preparatory to a
long-contemplatcd work on the “ Coins of Alexander’s suc-
cessors in the East,” of which the first part, relating to the
Greeks of Bactrina, Ariana, and India, is now nearly complete,
nine out of ten portions having already appeared in the
Numismatic Chronicle. In this work I have added coins of
the new Kings Artemidorus, Epander, Theophilus, Apollo-
phancs, and Straton II. Altogether there are described the
coins of no less than thirty Kings with pure Greek names, of

INTRODtrCTION.

XLIII

rhom only seven are mentioned in history. As the coins of
several of these princes are found in considerable numbers in
the Panjab' and North-'Western India, there can bo littlo
doubt that their conquests extended far into India, as stated
by several Greek writers, and as admitted in a few passages
of Sanskrit writers, which have only lately been made ac-
cessible. The history of the Eastern Greeks is, therefore,
intimately eonnected with tliat of India for more than a
century after the time of Asoka, when their dominions passed
to the Indo-Scytliians, wlioso occupation of Northern India,
though equally certain, is barely acknowledged by Hindu
writers.

Of my last work, “ The Ancient Geography of India,”
which appeared at the close of 1870, I will say no more
than that it is chiefly devoted to the illustration of the cam-
paigns of Alexander and of the pilgrimage of Ilwcn
Thsang.

In closing . this review of the progress of Indian
archaeology, in which the chief share has been achieved by
men who were not professed scholars, I beg it to be dis-
tinctly understood that we field archaeologists malco no
claim to more than ordinary scholarship, and that if wo
have been successful in many of our archaeological re-
searches, wo can truly ascribe our success in groat measure
to the hitherto difficult path having been smoothed by the
labours of our great Sanskrit scholars, whose translations
have placed ndthin our reach nearly all the chief works of
Indian learning. If wo have sometimes been able to per-
ceive what had escaped the notice of our more learned
contemporaries, it has been owing to the lift that n^e have
got from them ; for, as the old scholiast says, Fyr/nup.i
gigantum hunieros, SfC., “ even pygmies on the shoulders of
giants can see farther than the giants themselves.”

ARCILEOLOGICAL RErORT.

r.ojiort of operations of the Archseological Surveyor to the Goveinment of
India, during Season 1861-62-

In the explorations whiclr I have carried out durinj? the
-past season, I have adliercd strictly to the plan of proceedings
sketched in the memorandum which I submitted to the
.Geweruor General in November 18G1. I began woi-k in
.li>(;ccmbor. at Gaya ; and after exploring all the places of
anlUjpta.avu interest in Bihar, Tirhut, and Champaran, I
visiti'd several ancient sites in Gorakhpur, Azimgarh, and
.Ton|Mr, on my way to Banaras, where, on the 3rd April,
I closed work -for the season. I will now give a Imcf sketch
of my of)ei’atio]|is at the dilfcrcnt places in the order in which
I visited them •

j y I. GAYA.

There are two places of the name of Gaya, one of
whicli is called ^Buddha-Ooya, or Buddhistical Gaya, to
distinguish it fro n the city of Gaya, which is situated six
miles to the nortl\ward.* In Gaya itself there arc no ancient
’ buildings now existing ; but most of the present temples have
been erected on former sites and with old materials. Statues,
both Buddhistical and Brahinanical, are found in all parts
of the old city, and more especially about the temples, where
they arc fixed in the walls, or in -small recesses forming
separate sl/rincs in the court-yards of the larger temples.
I have notc\l the. names and localities of all these statues,

inscriptions at Gaya are numerous; but, owing to
Al.o d estruction ■ of the ancient temples, there are but few
''oi them in situ, or attached to the objects which they were
oi'iginally designed to commemorate. I have taken copies
of -all the inscriptions, of wdiich the most interesting is a
long and perfect one, dated in the era of the Nircd7i, or
death, of Buddha. I read the date as follows :

Bhagavati parinirvritte samvcit 1819 Karttike hadi 1 Bvdlie,

that is, “ in the year 1819 of the emancipation of Bhagavata,
on Wednesday, the first day of the waning moon of Kartik.”

• See Pktc III.

ARCn.TlOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2.

If the era here used is the same as that of the Biiddhisis of
Ceylon and Burmah, which began in 543 B. C,, the date oj\
this inscription will be 1819 — 543= A. D. 1276. The style of
the letters is in keeping with this date, but is quite incom-
patible with that derivable from the Chinese date of tlu;
era. The Chinese place the death of Buddha upwards of
1,000 years before Christ, so that, according to them, tlie date;
of this inscription would be about A. D. 800, a period mnclv.
too early for the style of character used in the inscription.
But as the day of the week is here fortunately addrul, the (Ifite
can be voi’i/lcd by calculation. According to nv^ o'alcuhuivth
the date of the inscription corresponds with Wedi i .n.

17th September, A . 1). 1312. This would place tn . Niiji'diia'
of Buddha in 477 B. C., which is the very year that wa^ liist
proposed by myself as the most probable date of that event.
This corrected date has since been adopted by: Professor Max
Muller.* • '

Some of the inscriptions, though less interesting, are
still valuable for the light Avhieh they will throw iq)on the
mcdiseval period of Indian history. Sever. il Piajas are men-
tioned in them ; and in one of them the da e is vei’y minutely
detailed in several ditferent eras.

The most noteworthy ydaccs at Gay^a' are the temples of
Vishnu -pad, or “A^'ishnu’s feet;” of Gadddhar, or the “mace-
bear('r,” a title of ATshnu, and of Gaijesimri Deni, 'iflic
figure in this last temple i.s, howcvei’, that of Durggii slaying
the Buffalo, or Maheshasur; but as the destruction of the
Asur Gaya is universally attributed to Vishnu, this temple
must originally have contained a statue of that god as
Gayeswara Deva, or the “lord of Gaya.” Gaya'we.^ an Asur
or demon. All the gods and goddesses sat upon hifi. lr.it
were unable to keep him down, when Vishnu put hxa
upon him and prevailed ; and the giant is said to be still'
lying there under the temple of Vishnu-pad. This, howev er,
is the Brahmanical story, for the Buddhists say that the
name is deiived from Gaya Kasyapa, a fire-worshipper, who
on this very spot w'^as overcome by Buddha in argument.

* I )fave since anbmitted this date to the scrutiny of my learned friend Bupii
the well known astronomer; according to whose calculation the 1st of
htfviik hadi in A. D. 127G was a Friday, and in A, D. 1312 a Monday; but in A. D.
)‘>11 it fell on Wcdne.sday tho 7th of October N. S., which would place the beginning
of the Buddhist era in B. C. 478.

nas nve neaas, as awui jicauo.

GAYA.

Several interesting sculptures, and one long and well pre-
served inscription, are also to be seen at the A'ris/tna
Dtodrika temple.

In the neighbourhood of the Vishnu-pad there is a deep
lank called Suraj Kiind, to the west of which is a temple lo '
Anri/a or the Sun. The vestibule of this temple is foinied of
two double rows of pillars, all ten feet in height, and all
leaning more or less to the north. There are live pillars in
each row. The whole temple, both insidcj and outside, has
1 ) 00)1 repeatedly white-washed, so as almost to conceal the
oiMiameiits of the pillars. One long inscription was found
inside, and a second was afterwards obtai)icd by scraping
olf th« thick coating of white-wash from a part of the
wall pointed out by a good-natured Ilrahrnan. This inscrip-
tion was the valuable o)ie first mentioned as co)itaining a
date in the era of the death of Jluddha.

The several hills in the immediate neighbourhood arc
also esteemed holy, and are accordingly crowned with temples.
Tl)o highest of these, to the south of the town, is called
JiiyfliDijuhi, ov jBrahma-i/oiii, the temple on its summit being
dedicated to the Sakti, or female energy of Brahma, whose
dvc-hcadcd statue is enshrined in tho temple.* This figure
is placed on an old pedestal which is said to have been
i)iscribcd with a verse stating the date of erection in V. S.
1G90 or A. D. 1G33. The destruction of the statue is attri-
buted with much probability to Aura))g Shah. On the left
ha)id of this statue there is a small two-anned .standing figure
Avith a horse on the pedestal. It is, thercfoi-e, most probably
a statue of Sambhunilth, the 3rd of the 24 Jain hierarchs,
Avhose cognizance is a horse. Beside this figure there is a
group of Siva and Parvati with the Bull Nandi below, and
a short imperfect inscription in three lines, of which onl.y
one-half now remains. The characters belong to the period
of the 10th or 11th century. The hill is 450 feet in height,
and very steep on the town side. But tho ascent has been
rendered easy to pilgrims by the erection of a long flight of
steps from the base to tho summit by the Mahratta Deva
llao Bhao Saheb, since the accession of the present Maharaja
Jdyaji, of Gwalior, that is, within the last 18 years, as re-
corded on an inscription slab let into the pavement.

* Sf-e Plate III. for the position of this hill. This statue belongs projxrly to biva \\ho
b<io nve heads, as B;.Ahma has only four heads.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2.

To the north of the town, the granite hill of liihnsila
rises to a height of 372 feet. The granite temple on its sum-
mit contains a lingam called Pdtdlestcara Mahadeva, as well
as small figures of Siva and Parhati. The upper portion of
this temple is modern, being constructed of various ancient
fragments that do not fit Avell together, and which are in
some instances placed upside down. The lower part of the
temple, from eight to ten feet in height, is midoubtedly old ;
and perhaps the date of 1071 Samvat, or A. D. 1014, found
on one of the blocks of the granite pavement may record the
actual period of the erection of the tcmj)lc. The basemiiit
mouldings are strikingly bold and effective.

To the north-west of the town, the hill of Preisilet bcai’s
a small temple erected by Ahalya Bai to pacify the ghost or
spirit (pretuj Avho is said to dwell in the hill. I could learn
nothing of the origin of this spirit, Avho is held in great awe,
from which I infer that he is identical Avith Yama, the god of
death, one of whose titles is Pretaraja, or king of ghosts, that
is, of dej)artcd spirits. The hill is 541 feet in height, and its
rocks arc believed to contain gold. The shrine is much fre-
quented by pilgrims who seek to appease the dread spirit by
their offerings. There is a curious serpentine road Icadiug from
the foot of Ilitmsila to Pretsila. The road has been metalled,
and trees have been planted on both sides of it by some
wealthy devotees.

Pdvia Gaya is a small hill on the eastern bank of the
Phalgu lliver, opposite Brahmjiun. There arc some I'uins
and broken statues scattered about it, but nothing of any
interest except one short inscription of Sri Maliendra Pdla
Deva, dated in the eighth year of his OAvn reign, or of some
new era.

II. BTJDDIIA-GAYA.

Buddha- Gaya is famous as the locality of the holy Pipal
tree under which Sakya Sinha sat for six years in mental
abstraction, until he obtained Buddhahood. The name is
usually written Buddha-Gaya ; but as it is commonly pro-
nounced Bodh-Gaya, I have little doubt that it was originally
called Bodhi-Gaya, after the celebrated Bodhi-drfim or
“ tree of knowledge.” A long and detailed account of this
sacred place is given by the Chinese pilgrim Ilwen Thsang,
who travelled all over India between the years A. I). 629 and

nUDDIIA - GAYA.

012. lie describes miimtely all the temples and statues
which surrounded the celebrated Pipal tree, known througli-
out the Buddhist world as the Bodhi-drum. Several of the
objects enumerated by the Chinese pilgrim I have been able
to identify from their exact correspondence with his descrip-
tion.*

The celebrated Bodhi tree still exists, but is very much
decayed ; one large stem, with three branches to the westward,
is still green, but the other branches are harklcss and rotten.
T'lie green branch perhaps belongs to some younger tree, as
tliere are ’numerous stems of apparently different trees clus-
t(;rcd together. 'I’hc tree must have been renewed frequently,
as the present Pipal is standing on a ten’ace at least 30 feet
above the level of the surrounding country. It was in full
vigetir in 1811, when seen by Dr. Buebanan (Hamilton),
wlio describes it as in all probability )iot exceeding 100 years
of age. llwcn Thsang also describes an early renewal by
King Puma Varmma after its destruction by King Sasungka,
who dug up the ground on which it had stood, and moistened
the earth with sugar-cane juice to prevent its renewal.

Immediately to the east of the Pipal tree there is a mas-
sive hrick temple, nearly 50 feet square at base and IGO feet
ill height from the granite floor of the lower story to the
top of its broken pinnacle. This is beyond all doubt the
Vihdr, from 160 to 170 feet in height, described by 11 wen
Thsang as standing to the east of the Bodhi tree. Its base
was about 20 paces square. It was built of bluish bricks
plastered with lime ; it was ornamented with niches in stages,
each niche holding a golden statue of Buddha, and was
crowned with an amalaha fruit in gilt copper. The existing
temple, both in size and appearance, corresponds so exactly
with this description, that I feel quite satisfied it must be
the identical temple that was seen by Hw^en Tlisang. The
ruined temple, as it now stands, is 160 feet in height, with a
base of rather less than 50 feet square. It is built entirely of
’ dark red brick of a bluish tinge, and has formerly been plas-
tered all over. Lastly, the walls are ornamented externally

• The life anatravek of Hwen Thsang have been given to the world by M. Stomsl.s

.Tulien in three Toluines entitled Voyages da Pelerim liouMhstes. 'Ihis translation the
work of twenty years persevering labor in the acqmsition of Chmcse and bausknt, combmed
with an intimate knowledge of Buddhist literature, is a lasting monument of human in-
fUlbtry and learning.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, lSOl-02.

with eight tiers, or rows, of niches, many of which still hold
figures of Buddha. These figures are made of plastered
brick, but they were no doubt formerly gilt, as is done ivith
the plaster statues of the Burmese at the present day.
There is, however, no trace of the copper-gilt umalaka
fruit. I have thus been particular in noting the points of
correspondence between the two temples, because there
seems to me to be a very strong probability that the exist-
ing temple Avas originally built by the celebrated Amara
Sinha, the author of the Amara Kotsha, as I will now pro-
ceed to show.

•

On the site of this temple, according to Ilwen Thsang,
there W'as originally a small Vihdr built by Asoka ‘between
259 and 241 B. C.* Afterwai’ds, a now temple of very great
size was built by a Brahman in compliance Avith the inst'an:-
tious of tbc god MaliadcA’^a couA'cyed to him in a vision.
Inside the temple aams placed a statue of the ascetic Buddha
as he appeared aa'Iicu seated in meditation under the Bodlii
tree. The statue was 11 feet and 5 inches in height, 8 feet
8 inches in breadth across the knees, and (5 feet 2 inches
across the shoulders. The figure Avas sitting cross-legged
facing the east. Noav these particulars correspond almost
exactly Avith the arrangements of the present building. Its
doorway is towards the east, and consequently the enshrined
statue must have faced toAi^ard tlie east. The statue itself has
long ago disappeared, but its pedestal still remains in good
order. Its dimensions are as follows : length 13 feet 2 inches,
breadth 5 feet 8 inches, and height 4 feet inch, Avhich
measurements agree most closely Avitli those recorded by
IlAven Thsang ; namely 12 feet 5 inches in length by 4 feet
2 inches in height. Considering how exactly both the temple
and the pedestal of the figure correspond in size and in other
respects with the description of Hwen Thsang, I think there
can be no reasonable doubt that the ju'esent temple is the
same that AA^as seen by him in the 7th centuiy of our cra.t

Now, in an inscription dated in A. D. 948, which AA'as ’
found at Buddha-Gaya, and translated by Sir Charles Wil-
kins, + the author of the record ascribes the building of, this

* Julion’s HAven Tlisang, II., 465.

f See Plate IV. f<ir a jilan of the temple, and Plate V. for the pedestal.
J Bengal Asiatic Researches, tol. I.

BUDDHA-GAYA.

BIIDDnA - GAYA.

temple, and the erection of an image of Bviddha, to the illus-
.ti'ious Amara J)eva, wlio is stated to have been one of the
))inc gems of the court of King Vikramaditya. The last fact
serves at once to identify Amara Beva with Amara Sinha,
ihe author of the Amara Kosha, who, as a contemporary of
f^ardha Mihira and Kdlidds, must have lived in A. B. 500.
In this inscription the temple is said to have been erected in
compliance with the command of Buddha himself, conveyed
to him in a vision. Here then we have the same story that
is found in Ilwen Thsang. In both statements, a Brahman
in a vision receives command from a deity to build a temple
with an enshrined figure of a god. The correspondence is
complete, excepting only one curious point of diflercnce in
the name of the god, whom the Buddhist Hwen Thsang dcs-
"•-i’ljos as the Brahmanical Mahadeva, hut whom the Brah-
manist recorder of the inscription calls Buddha himself.

The holy places at Buddha- Gaya were visited between
A. D. 399 and 414 by another Chinese pilgrim Pa-Hian, but
his account of them is unfortunately very brief. It is, how-
ever, sutllcient to show that there Avas no temple in existence
at that date. Pa-Hian notes the spot Avhere Buddha, seated
on a stone under a great tree, eat some rice presented to him
by tAvo maidens, 'i he stone still existed, and is described by
him as about G feet in length and breadth, and 2 feet in
height.* Now, there is a large circular stone, 6 feet 7^ inches
in diameter and about 2 feet high, in the small temple of
Vogesimri Devi, which from its dimensions Avould seem to be
the identical stone described by Pa-Hian. It is a blue stone
streaked with Avhitish veins, and the surface is covered witli
concentric circles of various minute ornaments. The second
circle is composed of Vajrus only. The t])ird is a Awavy scroll,
filled with figures of men and animals. These circl(?s occupy
a breadth of 15 inches, leaving in the centre a plain circle,
3 feet 1^- inches in diameter, inside Avhich is a square. This
simple stone I believe to be the same as that mentioned by
Hwen Thsang as a blue stone Avith remarkable veins. f

Prom all the facts which I have brought forward, such
as’the non-existcnce of any temple in A. B. 400, the recorded
erection of a large one by Amara Beva about A. B. 500, and

* Beal’s Fa-Ilian, c. XXXI.

f J alien’s llv\eu Thsang, II., 471.

AUCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1801-G2.

the exact agreement in size as well as in material and orna-
mentation between the existing temple and that described by.
Hwen Thsang between A. 1). 629 and 642, I feel satisfied
that the present lofty temple is the identical one that was
built by the celebrated Amara Sinha about A. D. 600.

Further information regarding this temple is to be found
in the Burmese inscription discovered at Buddha-Gaya by
the Burmese Mission in 1833, and translated by Colonel
Burney.* Another earlier translation by Batna Pala was
published by James Prinsep. In this inscription the dates
have been read differently by the two translators ; Batna
IWla and James Prinsep reading 667 and 668, while Colonel
Burney and his Burmese assistants read 467 and 468. I
have carefully copied this inscription, and I am thus enabled
to state positively that Colonel Buiaiey was c(;rtainly wron^
in adopting the earlier date in compliance with the vi(^ws of
the Burmese priests, whoso object it Avas to reconcile the
date of the inscription Avith their OAvn history. James
Prinsep remained unconvinced by Colonel Burney’s argu-
ments, and appended a note to his translation, in which he
states that the first figure of the upper date might be a little
doubtful, but that the first six of the loAver date seemed to
him quite plain, and essentially diflerent from the four u hich
occurs in the second line of the inscription. The tAvo dates
of 667 and 668 of the Burmese era, as read by Batna Pala,
correspond with A. D. 1305 and 1306.

In this Burmese inscription, the erection of the original
temple is ascribed to Asoka, as recordcid also by liwen
Thsang. Having become ruined, it is said to have been re-
built by a priest named Naik Malianta according to Batna
Piila, or by a lord named Fenthagn-gyi by Colonel Burney.
Where the term “ priest” is used by Batna Pfila, Colonel
Burney giA^es “ lord,” because, as he states, it is not now
customary to say ta-youk of a priest, although in former
timers both priests and laymen are said to have been styled
youk. The Burmese affix gyi, which means “ great,” has
apparently been translated into the Indian Nayak or Chief ;
and Feulhogu, which Colonel Burney regards as a proper
name, and which would, therefore, be Fensagu in Indian pro-
nunciation, is rendered Mahanta by Batna PMa. I cannot

* Bengal Asiatic Ke8earche»^ XX., 197 ; and Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1834, p. 214,

J\asf Stde.

lTi:>cnpti<>r. . /jii PilJari

;fXXt I A'xfi: j

BCDDIIA— GAYA.

i'lfitc vr

BUDDHA - GATA.

pretend to reconcile these differences nayself ; but I submitted
a copy of tbe inscription to Sir Arthur Phayre, whoso inti-
mate knowledge, both of the Burmese language and of the
Buddhist history, entitles him to give an authoritative opi-
nion on the disputed points of this interesting record. He
reads the two dates as 667 and 660, corresponding with A. D.
1305 and 1298.* One thing is quite clear, if these different
records are to be reconciled, namely, that T?enthagu-gyi (or
I^aik Mahania) should represent the Brahman of Hwen
Thsang, and also the celebrated Amara Deva of Wilkin’s
inscription.

The Burmese inscription goes on to say that the temple,
after being again destroyed, was re-built by King Thado.
Then having once more become ruinous, the “ Lord of the
"White “Elephant” and the great “King of Ilighteousness”
deputed Sri Dharmmapada Rajagiina to re-build it for a
third time. After some delay, the work was begun in A. D.
] 305, and the temple was consecrated in the following year
1306.

The granite pavement both inside the temple and in the
court-yard outside is covered with rudely carved figures
kneeling in adoration after the manner of the Burmese Shiko.
Two specimens are given in Plate VI. with their accom-
panying inscriptions. The upper one is dated in Samvat
1385 or A. D- 1328, and the lower one tliree years later.
The inscriptions record the names of the worshippers. On the
left of the upper slab the inscription gives the name of a
Th^kur and of two Thikurins, no doubt his wives, one of
whom is called Jdjo. Erom the representation of a stupa as
the object of worship on the right of the upper slab, it would
appear that at least one holy stupa was still standing at so
late a date as A. D. 1328.

In front of the Great Temple there is a small open
temple of four pillars covering a large circular stone, with
two human feet carved upon it. This temple is now called
Buddha-pad; hut there can belittle doubt that it is the
same which is mentioned in the Amara Deva’s inscription
under the name of Vishnu-pad or “ Vishnu’s feet.” Origin-
ally the feet may have been those of Buddha, which, on the

In a private letter dated 9th March 1869.

AKCIIiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

decline of Buddhism, were quietly appropriated to Vishnu by
the accommodating Brahmans. There is a short Nagari in-
scription on the east side of the stone, giving the date -of
S4ke 1230, which is equivalent to A. D. 1308,*

There are other points of interest connected with the
building of tlie Great Temple at Buddha- Gaya, such as the
date of the Brahmanist King Sasdngka, who rooted up the
Bodhi tree, and placed an image of Mahsldeva in the temple,
as well as the date of his contemporary the Buddhist JBurna
Varmma, who renewed the Bodhi tree.

Close to the Great Temple there is a small plain Samddh, ..
or cenotaph, over the remains of the earliest Brahmanical
Ilahant. This is of no interest in itself, hut the vestibule
in front is supported on nine square sand-stone pillarS, Avhich
have once formed part of a Buddhist railing, similar to those
at Sclnchi near Bhilsa, and which cannot be of much later
date than Asoka. Many similar pillars, but of granite,
support the arcades in one of the courts of the Mahant’s
I’osidence. A few of them hear an inscription in the ancient
Pali characters of Asoka’s well known records, Andye
Kurogiye ddnam, that is, “ Gift to the holy Kuragi.” There
arc altogether 33 of these pillars still remaining, of which five
or six hear the above inscription. As the pillars are all sculp-
tured, the value of the gift made to the holy Kuragi
could not have been less than 10,000 Bupees. Some of the
sculptured bas-reliefs on these pillars are highly interesting.
They show the Buddhistic belief of the donor in the venera-
tion for solid towers and trees ; they show the style of archi-
tecture in the representations of temples, houses, gates and
city walls ; and the costumes of the people in the dresses of
the king, and of other worshippers of each sex.f

Of the 33 ancient pillars above described, there are 10
of sand-stone from some distant quarry, and 23 of granite
from the neighbouring hills. They are all of the sarne
dimensions and of the same age ; hut as the two sets of

• See Plate Vtl. for a view of this famous stone.

+ See Plate *¥11. for the inscription, and Plates VIII., IX., X. and XI., for the pillars of
the Buddhist railing and their sculptured medallions. The excavations which have since
been made by Government, on my recommendation, have brought to light a similar series
of granite pidara, which form an oblong colonnade surrounding the Great Temple, 131 feet
from ea.st to west, and 96 feet from north to south. Several of the lower horizontal rails
are still attached to the broken pillars.

BUDDHA - GAYA.

pillars wore found in different localities, although not far
apart, I helieVc that they originally formed different enclosures.
The sand-stone i)illars are said to have been found at the
southern side of the Great Temple, and close to the holy
Pipal tree. I helievo, tlicrcfore, that they originally formed
an enclosure round the Bodhi tree itself. The granite pillars
are said to have been discovered about 50 yards to the east of
tiie Great Temple ; and I think it probable that they once
formed an enclosure either round the stupa which stood on
the spot where Buddha received a bowl of rice and milk from
two milkmaids. According to ITwen Thsang, this stupa was
to the south-west of the Great Temple.*

To the south-east of the Great Temple there is a small
tank called Bndhokar Tdl, which exactly answers the
description given by the Chinese pilgrim of the tank of the
dragon Muclialmda.-\ This agreement is so striking, that it
was seen at once by the members of the Burmese Embassy.

Tliero are two ruined small temples to the east of the
Great 'rcmplc, tlic ncai’or one being called Tara Devi, and
the further one Vdgeswari Devi. But the former temple
contains only a standing male figure, with a short inscription
over ihc right shoulder in characters of about A. D. 1000,
Sri Diidd ha-Ddsasya, “ (the gift) of the fortunate slave of
Buddha.” The goddess Tifra belongs to the later days of
Buddhism, after the introduction of Tantrika doctrines. The
other temple coTitains a seated male figure, holding a lotus
in his left hand, and sword in his uplifted right hand, wdth
a Buddhist tope or solid tower on each side of him.

To the north of the Bodhi tree there is a ruined fortress
of earth 1,500 feet long by 1,000 feet broad, attributed to
Baja ylmara Siitha Suvira. This is possibly the same person
as the Amara Beva who built the Great Temple, as the arched
passage leading to the temple is said to have been built for
the convenience of Amara Sijdia’s llani when returning from
Ijcr morning bath in the Nilajan Biverto pay her devotions at
the shrine. The preservation of the title of Siidia down to the
jn-esent day woidd seem to strengthen the supposition of
Amara Jleva’s identity with the author of the Amara Kosha.

* I vuntnro to make tliis giinss, as kCira or Jcilr is tlio Sanskrit name for “ boiled
ri(*o,” luul kurnqi may, therefore, have been the name of the holy spot whore Ihichlha
accepted Hio offering of tlie milkmaids. Kiirayi means also a rn(*asure of land in Mahratti ;
the iiiserii)tion may, therefore, mean simply “ Gift to the holy spot of land,’*

t Julion’ti 11 won TJisaiig, 11., 478.

ARCHJEOLOQICAL REPORT, 1861-G2.

The remaining antiquities at Buddha-Gaya consist of
numerous Buddhist statues of all sizes, some plaOed in small
temples, and others scattered about the ruins ; but the great-
est number of them, and by far the finest, are fixed in the
walls of the Mahant’s residence.

The existing inscriptions at Buddha-Gaya are few in
number, and, with one exception, they are of little im-
portance. Two valuable inscriptions, translated by Wilkins
and James Prinscp, are no longer to be found ; nor does
the Mahant know anything about them. This is the more
to be regretted, as the former was the record already quoted
of Amara Deva, and the other had a doubtful date which
might have been re-examined. In searching for these, how-
ever, I found a new inscription in the pavement of the gate-
way of the Mahant’s residence. The tenon hinge of the gate
works in a socket formed in the very middle of the inscrip-
tion. There are two socket holes, the second one having
belonged to an older gate, or having been cut in the wrong
position. This inscription opens with an invocation to
Buddha.

III. BAKROR.

To the eastward of Buddha-Gaya, on the opposite bank
of the Phalgu or Lilajan Biver, and immediately to the north
of the village of Bakror, there are the ruins of a large brick
tope, with a stump o f a sand-stone pillar at a short distance
to the northward. The ruined mound, which is called Katani,
is 150 feet in diameter at base, and 50 feet high. It is built
of the u^ual large bricks, 15|^ x 10-|- x 3^. Several excava-
tions have16een made in it in search of bricks and treasure.
About 70 years ago numerous lac seals, impressed with a
figure of Buddha, were found in excavating this tope. These
are engraved in Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, Plate LXX., Figures
6, 7, and 8, where they are said to have been dug up at
Buddha-Gaya. My information was, however, derived fron^
the Mahant himself; and as Bakror is only half a mile to the
eastward, it would have been more correct to have described
the locality as near, instead of at, Buddha-Gaya. T he stu mp
o f.tho pil lar, which is still feet Ojl ' inch in diameter,

and thoreTsanSthSp^agment near a well to the north-west that
measures 3 feet 0-|^ inch in diameter. Both of these pieces
belong to the rough bottom portion of the pillar, which must

BAKROa — PUNAWA.

have^en imbedded iu masonry. Tbe shaft of this pillar is
said to havfe been taken to Gaya by a former Maf^istmte.
Accordingly in S4hebganj, or the new city of Gaya, there
' is a sand-stone pillar 2 feet 4f inches in diameter, and up-
wards of 16 feet in height, which was sot up as a central
point in S&hebganj, as recorded in a Persian inscription by
Charles B4dom Saheb (Boddam) in A. D. 1789.

The tope and pillar of Bakror were visited by Hwen
Thsang, who relates a story regarding the capture by a
certain king of an “ Elephant of Perfume” ( gandha-ha.sti) *
In a former existence, as a Bodhisatwa, Buddha was said to
have been the son of this Elephant, and a stupa and pillar
had accordingly been erected in commemoration of the
tradition. There was also a sacred tank, which is, perhaps,
represented by a small walled tank generally called Mdrttand
Tokhar or Suraj Kund, that is, the “Tank of the Sun.”
It is also called BuddhaJeund ; but this name was applied
l)y some to a largo unwalled tank about 800 feet square,
immediately to the north of the small tank. An annual
fair is held at the Suraj Kflnd, when thousands of pil-
grims assemble to bathe in its holy waters. They sit in
the water in rows, and repeat, after their attendant Brah-
mans, the names of all the holy places around Gaya. The
ancient name of Bakror is said to have been Ajayapura.

IV. PUNAWA.

The village of Pundwfi is situated 14 miles to the eastward
of Gaya, between two hills of grey granite. To the nortli
there is a fine old square tank called Budhokar Tdl, and to
the east another tank called Karamdr Tdl. The principal
, object is a pillared temple of Trilokndth. As it stands at
prfesent, this temple is a modern work made up of different
sized pillars of various patterns, some with and others without
capitals, so as to bring them to the required height. Pilasters
have even been made use of as whole pillars, with the old
rough engaged backs left exposed. One of the doorways of
har4 blue stone is richly sculptured ’n tho centre is a figure
of the ascetic Buddha, with a turee-pointed crown over his
head, and on each side of him nine figures with joined hands

Julieu’s Hwen Thsang, III., 1.

lA AE.Cn.i:OLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-62.

kneeling towards him. The other doorways are of ^raRitc,
and, though very plain, are evidently of the sam'e age as the
more highly ornamented one.*

Several statues and granite pillars of different sizes are
scattered about the foot of the hills. Portions of the usual
Buddhist formula, “ Ye Dharmma" &c., are found upon
some of the statues. There are no dates in any of these
inscriptions, but the style of their letters fixes their date at
about A. D. 1000. To the north-west, on a mound 60 feet
square, there are five broken pillars and a broken statue of
the three-headed goddess Vajra-Vardhi, one of the principal
objects of worship amongst the later Buddhists. Two of
her heads are human, but the third is that of a hog, and on
the pedestal there are seven hogs. The ruined temple on
this mound is called "Ndrting.

V. KURKIHAR.

About three miles to the north-east of Pundwil is the
large village of Kurkihdr. It is not to be found in any of
our maps, not even in No. 103 sheet of the Indian Atlas,
although it is perhaps the largest place betAveen the cities of
Gaya and BihA,r. The remains at Kurkih4r consist of several
ruined mounds, in wdiich numerous statues and small votive
topes of dark blue stone have been found. The principal
mass of ruin, about 600 feet square, lies immediately to the
south of the village. * A second less extensive mound lies to
the south-AA^est ; and there is a small mound, only 120 feet
square, to the north of the village. The last mound is
called Sugafgarh, or the “ house of ISngnla" one of the well
known titles of Buddha. In the principal mass of ruin, the
late Major Kittoc dug up a great number of statues and
votive topes ; and a recent excavation on the west side
showed the solid brick-work of a Buddhist stupa. In the
north-Avest comer of this excavation the relic chamber had
been reached, and I was privately informed that a small
figure and some other remains had been discovered inside.
But the head man of the village stoutly denied that anything
had been found, and all the villagers then denied the discovery
also.

* Sec Plate XU.

NATAN DA

1 Four-ain-x i Fuu.ji’c Slatue — Kapat> ft j

3 Bas-relicf of Ashta-Sakti.

3 fix-arrurd Male FigiJrc S*.d.udit

■^< 1 ^ 4 '?I^W \«5 ^ zi A.

4 Broken Pedestal.

4 !

pvA g:r

6c/ii-B'^»indar Cave

Cld^^K

6. Sea ' ' Ma o 1 1 »aif

^ ?r4 WT ’T I ^ -f q ^ •?!

^-^§\ ^■^d 5 >'

KURKIHAR
7 AruOitr i\ t

5 ^ 4^25 2 K.V^ar R 7 ?(JV 4 a? a< 0 ftii

diam del

*^1 r /I if 5 )r*, /»a o *h

ir ♦"/'^ir iTiin iis ifitt (njiiiittn

KTTIlKinAIl.

The principal statue is a squatted figure of the ascetic
Buddha under the holy Pipal tree, or liodhi-drum. Overhead
tlievo is a representation of the Nirvana, or death of Buddha,
and on the pedestal there is an inscription in three lines, which
is incomplete owing to the loss of a projecting corner of the
base, 'fo the right and left there are smaller figures of ILhjd
standing under the SAl tree at the birth of Buddha, and of
Buddha himself teaching the law at Bamiras after his first
attainment of Buddhahood. On the mound to the east there
is a standing figure of Buddha, with a small attendant figure
holding an umbrella over him. As this attendant has three
heads, I believe that it represents the Hindu Triad in the
humble position of a servitor of Buddha.

At the north-east corner of the village there is a small
rude Jliudu temple of brick, in and about which a large
number of statues have been collected. The temple is dedi-
cated to llaghcswari Devi (VyAghreswari), but the principal
ligiire inside is a life-size statue of the eight-armed Durgd
conquering the Maheshasur or Buffalo demon. The figure
])oiTited out to me as that of BAgheswari was a four-armed
female seated on a lion with a child in her lap ; but I believe
that this figure represents either Indrdni with her son the
infant Jayanta, or Shasti, the goddess of fecundity, a form
of Durgit. The principal figure outside the temple is a life-
size statue of Aksliohya^ who is represented squatted under
the Bodhi tree, in the same manner as the ascetic Buddha,
with the left hand in the lap, and the right hand hanging
over the knee. There is a halo round the head inscribed
with the usual Buddhist formula, Ye Dliarmma^^^ &c. ; and
near the head there is a short inscription giving the name of
the figure “ Tim Ahshdbya-vajra^

. I procured several short but interesting inscriptions at
Kurkihar. The name of Sdkala is mentioned in several of
them, and also Kerala in Dakshinades* The age of these
inscriptions, judging from the shapes of the letters, must he
about A. D. 800 to 1000,

The true name of Kurkihar is said to be Kurak-vihar,
which" I believe to be only a contracted form of Kukkuta^
pdda Vihdra or temple of the cock’s foot,” which must
have been connected with the Kukkuta’^pdda^giri or

• See riatc XII 1.

Uttarpara ^ .35

ARCfliEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

)ck’s-foot hill, which is descrihed by both Pa-IIian and Hwen
isang* The Sanskrit Kukktita is the same word as the
indi Kukkur or Kurak, a cock, so that Kurak-vihdr is
early the same appellation as K4kkuta~pdda Vihdra.
here was a monastery also of the same name, but this was
ose to Pdlaliputra or Patna. The Kukkuta-pdda-giri was
three-peaked hill, which was celebrated as the abode of the
reat Kdsyapa, as well as the scene of his death. On this
ccount it was also called Guru-pdda-panata, or “ Teachcr’s-
oot hill. The situation of Knrkihdr corresponds exactly
rith Pa-Hian’s account, excepting that there is no three-
)eaked hill in its neighbourhood. There are, however, three
)are and rugged hills which rise boldly out of the plain
ibout half a mile to the north of the village. As these
,hree hills touch one another at their bases, I think that they
nay fairly he idontifled \vith the three-peaked hill of Hwen
fhsang.

VI. GIRYEK.

From the neighbourhood of Gaya two parallel ranges
of hills stretch towards the north-east for about 36 miles
to the bank of the Pauch^na River, just opposite the village of
Giryek. The eastern end of the southern range is much
depressed, but the northern range maintains its height, and
ends abruptly in two lofty peaks overhanging the Panchtina
River.t The lower peak on the east is crowned with a solid
tower of brick-work, well known as Jarasandha-ka-haithak, or
“ Jarasandha’s throne,” while the higher peak on the west,
to which the name of Giryek peculiarly belongs, bears an
oblong terrace covered with the ruins of several buildings.
The principal ruin would appear to have been a vihdr, or
temple, on the highest point of the terrace, which was
approached by a steep flight of steps leading through pillp.’’ed
rooms.

The two peaks are connected by a steep pavement,
which was formerly continued down to the foot of the hill
opposite the village of Giryek. At all the commanding
points and bends of this road are still to he seen the stone
foundations of small brick stupas from 6 and 6 feet to up-
wards of 12 feet in diameter. At the foot of the upper

• Be.il'B Fa-Hian, c. XXIII. ; and Julien’a Hwen Theang, HI., 6.
t See Plato® III. and XI V. for the position of Giryek.

GIUYEK.

slope, and witliin 50 feet of Jarasandha’s Tourer, a tank 100
feet square has been formed, partly by excavation, and partly
by building up. There is a second tank, at a short distance
to the north, formed by the excavation of the rock for build-'
ing materials. Both of these tanks are now dry.

The stupa, called Jurasandha-ka-baithak, is a solid
cylindrical brick tower, 28 feet in diameter, and 21 feet in
height, resting on a square basement 14< feet high. The
cylinder was once surmounted by a solid dome or henrisphere
of brick, of which only 6 feet now remain, and this dome
must have been crowned with tlie usual umbrella rising out
of a square base. The total height of the building could
not, therefore, have been less than 55 feet or thereabouts. The
surface, has once been thickly plastered, and the style of
ornamentation is similar to that of the Great Temple at
Buddha Gaya.* I sank a shaft 41 feet in depth from the toji
of the building right down to the stone foundation ; and I
continued a gallery, which had been begun many years ago,
at the base of the cylindex*, until it met the well suxxk from
above, but nothing whatever was discovered in either of these
excavations to show the object of the building.

On the west side of Jarasandha’s Tower, and almost
touching its basement, I observed a low mound which seem-
ed like the xuin of another stupa. On clcai’ing the top,
however, I found a small chamber 5 feet 8 inches squai'e,
filled with rubbish. This chamber gradually widened as it
Avas cleared out, until it became 7 feet square. At 5^- feet
in depth, the rubbish gave place to bi'ick-work, below which
was a stratum of stone, evidently the I'ough foundation of
the building. In the south-Avest corner of the brick-Avork,
about one foot below the surface, I found S-J* seals of lac
liimily imbedded in the mud moi'tar. The seals Avere all oA-akbut
of dilferent sizes, generally about 3 inches long and 2 inches
broad. All, however, bore the same impression of a lai*ge
stupa with four smaller stupas on each side, the Avholc sur-
rounded by an inscription in mediaeval Nagaii chai’actcrs.
Ye Dharmma hetu prabhava, &c., being the Avell known for-
mula of the Buddhist faith. Externally, this building \yas
square Avith projections in the conti’e of each face and similar
in its ornamentations to the basement of Jarasandha’s ToAver.

* See XV. for a »kvWli of tlu& slupa.

18 ABCn,i:OLOGICAL EEPOBT, 18G1-02.

On tho eastern side of the Panchfina Kiver, there is an
extensive mound of ruins, being half a mile long from north
to south, and 300 yards broad in its widest part. There are
tho remains of two paved ascents on the river side, and of
three more on the opposite side of tho mound. In the middle
of the mound there is a small mud fort, and at the northern
end there are several pieces of sculpture collected together
from diirereut places ; one of these is inscribed and dated in
the year 42 of some unknown era, somewhere about the
eleventh century, or perhaps even somewhat later.

At two miles to the south-west of the village of Giryek,
and one mile from Jarasandha’s Tower, there is a natural
cavern in the southern face of the mountain, about 250 feet
above the bed of the Eanganga rividet. This cave^ called
Gidhadwilr, is generally believed to communicate wnth J aras-
andha’s Tower ; hut an examination with torclies proved it to
he a natural fissure running upwards in the direction of the
tower, but only 98 feet in length. The mouth of the cavern,
is 10 feet broad and 17 feet high ; but its height diminishes
rapidly towards the end. The cave is filled with bats, and
the air is oppressively warm and disagreeable, which alone
is sufficient to prove that there is no exit to the cavern
otherwise there would be a draught of air right through it.
Vultures swarm about the precipitous cliffs of pale grey horn
stone, and I picked up their feathers in the mouth of tho
cave.

The remains at Giryek, which I have just described,
appear to me to correspond exactly with the accounts given
by Ea-IXian of the “ Hill of the Isolated Hock,” where Indra
questioned Buddha on 42 points, writing each of them singly
with his finger upon a stone, and with that given by II wen
Thsang of the hill of Indra-sila-gnha, w'hich refers to tho
same story.* Ea-Ilian states that traces of these WTitten
questions still existed, and that there was a monastery built
upon the spot, but he makes no mention of any stu})a.
Ilwen Thsang states that on the crest of the hill there were
marks in two jdaces where the four former Buddhas had
sat and walked. On the eastern peak there was a stupa
and also a monastery called the “ Ilansa Sanyhdmma” or
“ Goose’s Monastery,” to account for which ho relates the

* Boal’a Fa-lliau, c. 28 ; and Julieii’s Hweii Thaaiig, III., 58.

Plate XV.

GIRYEK.

; following legend : One day, when taking exercise, a mcn-
! dicant, who was the steward of the monastcrj^ saAv a flock
’ of geese high in the air, and as the monks of his fraterniiy,
although strictly ahstemious, had experienced great difliculty
in procuring sufficient food, he exclaimed playlullv —
“ To-day the [)ittance of the monks is insufficient. *0 noble
heings (MahusaikeasJ you ought to have compassion on
our circumstances.” No sooner had he spoken these words,
than one of the geese fell dead at his feet. The horror-struck
mendicant ran to tell the tale to his brethren, who became
ovci’whelmcd with grief. “Buddha,” said they, “established
his law for man’s guidance tinder all circumstances. The
’ Ilahdydna (Great Vehicle) is the source of truth, while we
^ have foolishly follow^cd the doctrine of the ITmaydna (Lesser
Vehicle). Let us renounce our foi'mer opinions. This goose
has taught us a salutary lesson, let us do honour to her emi-
jumt virtue by transmitting it to the most distant ages.”
They accordingly built a stupa over the dead goose, which
■ was interred in the base of the monument, and adorned it
I with an inscription relating the pious devotion of the g^ose.

If my identification of the Giryek Hill wdth the Indra-
i sila-guha of Uwen Thsang is correct, there can be little doubt
; that Jarasandha’s Tower is the very stupa that w^as built in
I honour of the devoted goose. Only this one stupa is men-
! tionod by lliven Thsang, and Jarasandha’s Tower is the only
i one now existing on the hill. In further corroboration of
this identification, I may mention that close by I found a
broken figure with a largo goose carved on the pedestal ; and
1 further, that one of the stupas on the lac seals found on the
I spot, ajipoars to bear a goose on its summit. As no mention
I is made of any stupa by Fa-llian, the erection of this tower
most probably took place between his date and that of Hw-en
Thsang, or about A. D. 500.

The position of Giryek con’csponds so exactly both in
bearing and distance with that of the hill of Indra-sila-
guha, that I feel quite satisfied of their identity. No etymo-
logy has yet been proposed for the name of Giryek ; but it
seems to me not unlikely that it is nothing more than Oiri-
eka, “ one hill,” that is, the Hill of the Isolated Eock
[of Fa-Hian.

Both of the pilgrims mention the caye in the southern
Iface of the mountain, which corresponds exactly with the

AKCIIJSOLOGTCAL REPORT, ISGl G2.

natural cavern of Gidha DwAr, which I have . already des-
cribed. Gidha Dicdr, in Sanskrit Gridhra-dwura, means the
Vulture’s pass, or opening. By Hwen Thsang the cavc^ is
called Indra-sila-guha, or “ the cave of Indra’s stone,” being
thus named after the stone on which were delineated the 42
points on which Indra had questioned Buddha, Ba-Hian
adds that Indra himself drew the marks upon the stone
with his finger.

A second cave is described by Hwen Thsang as the
Vulture’s Cave in the hill called G ridhra-kiUa-purvata “ or
Vulture’s Cave hill.”* This name was derived from the story
of Ananda’s adventure with the demon Mdi’a in the sliajie of
a vulture. The demon suddenly slopped before the cave and
terrified Anauda, when Buddha passing his hand through the
rock laid hold of Ananda’s arm, and at once removed his
fear. The cleft in the rock said to have been made by Bud-
dha’s hand, was seen by Fa-Hian early in the 5th century.f
Major Kittoe thought that the Gidha Dicdr Cave ivas the
Vulture’s Cave of the Chinese pilgrims, hut its distance of
4^ milfs from the old capital of Bajagriha is too groat, as
both Ea-Hian and llwen Thsang place the Vulture’s Cave
at 15 li from old Rajagriha, that is, at only 2^ miles from
it. This cave besides answers exactly to that describ(;d by
Ilwen Thsang under the name of Indra-sila-gidm, and
the two caves were certainly distinct. I made every en-
quiry for another cave, but could only hear of one very
close to that of Gidha Dwdr, ■which w'as quite inacces-
sible, But taking the distance and direction from old
Rsijagriha, the Vulture’s Cave must have been in the lofty
precipitous hill now called Sila-giri, or the “ Rocky Moun-
tain,” Gidha Dwdr is the name of a narrow pass nhere the
two parallel ranges of hills before described close together
within two miles of Giryek, and the Gidha DwS,r Cave is
immediately above the pass.

VII. RAJGIR.

Whatever doubts may exist regarding the identification
of Kurkihar and Giryek, there can fortunately be none

• Jalien’ft Hwen Thsang, III., 20.
t lieal’a Ka-tiian, c. 29.

RAJGIR.

respecting Bdjgir, as the representative of the ancient Rdja-
griha. The name is still preserved in the modern Bdjgir,
and X found it repeated in numerous inscriptions in the tem-
ples on the BaibhUr and Vipula Mountains. Tlie old city of
Bajagriha is described by Fa-Ilian as situated in a valley
between five hills, at 4 li (or two-thirds of a mile) to the
south of the new town of Rajagriha, The same position and
about the same distance arc given by Ilwen Thsang, who
likewise mentions the hot springs which exist to this day.*

The old city of R4jagi’iha is called Kusdgarapura, or the
city of the Kusa grass, by Ilwen Tlisang, who further dcs-
•crihes it as the “ town surrounded by mountains.” This last
is almost a translation of Giri-vraja, or the city of “ many
hills,” which is the old name of the capital of Jarasandha,
preserved both in the Mdmdyana and the Ilalidbhdrata. Fa-
3 lian states that the “ five hills form a girdle like the walls
of a toAvn,” whieh is an exact description of the site of old
Rajgir.f A similar description is given by Tumour from the
I'ali annals of Ceylon, where the five hills are named
kido, Jsigili, ircbhurOy JFcpttllo, and Bandawo. m the
Mahabhurata the five hills are named Vaihdra, Vardha,
Vrishahha, Bishigiri, and Ghaityaka ; but at present they are
called Baibhdr-giri, Vipula-giri, Batna-giri, JJdaya-giri, and
Hona-gin.

In the inscriptions of the Jain temples on Mount Baibhdr
the name is sometimes written Baibhiira, and sometimes
Yyavahdra. It is beyond all doubt the IBeblidro Mountain
of the Pali annals, in which was situated the far-famed Sai-
iapiinni Cave in front of which was held the first Buddhist
Synod in 543 B. C. The Baibhdr Ilill lies to the west of the
hot springs, and the Vipula Hill to the east. In Baibhdr
there still exists a largo cave called Son-bbdnddr, or the
“ Treasury of Gold.” The situation corresponds exactly with
that of the Bi-po-lo cave of the two Chinese pilgrims, in
which Buddha used to meditate after his noon-day meal.J
The famous Sattapanni Cave must be looked for in the

• BeaPs Fa-Hian, c. 28 ; and Julien’a Hwen Thsang, I., 159, III., 23.

+ See Plate XIV. for the relative positions of these five liills.

t Both M. Julien (in Hwen Thsang, HI., 24) and Mr. Beal (in Fa-Hian, c. 30) read
P!-po-lo iis the Pippul tree, but I would suggest that it may be only the Chinese transcript
<>f Vuihh^ra. As, however, the great cave in which the First Synod was held was called the
cavo of the Nyagrodha ti^ee (Banian, see Asiat. lies. XX., 91), it is very probable that this
other cave, was called the Pippal tree cave.

AECIIiEOLOGICAL REPOET, 1SG1-G2.

northern face of the south-west end of the mountain, at above
one mile from the Son-hhAndar Cave.

Mount Vipula is clearly identical with the Wepullp of
the Pali annals, and as its summit is now crowned with the
ruins of a lofty slnpa or chaiii/a, whudi is noticed by Hwcm
Thsang, I would identify it with the Chaityaka of the
bhdrata. Regarding the olher three mountains, I have
nothing at present to offer, but I may mention that they
are also crowned with small Jain temples.

The old city between the hills is described by Fa- Ilian
to be 6 or 6 li from cast to west, and 7 or 8 Zi from north to
south, that is, from 24 to 28 li or 4 j miles in circuit. 11 wen- ,
Thsang makes it 30 li or 5 miles in circuit, with its greatest
length from cast to west. My survey of the ancient ramparts
gives a circuit of 24,500 feet, or 4f th miles, which is Tbetween
the two statements of the Chinese pilgrims. The greatest
length is from north-Avost to south-east, so that there is no
real discrepancy between the two statements as to the direc-
tion of the greatest length of the old city. Each of them miust
have %iken his measurement from the Nckpai embankment
on the east (which has been described by Major Kittoe) to
some point on the north-Avest. If taken to the PAnch-
Pandu angle of the ramparts, the direction Avould be W. N.
W., and the length Aipwards of 8,000 feet ; but if taken to
the temple of Torha Devi, the direction would be N. N. W.,
and the distance upwards of 9,000 feet.

I have already quoted Fa-llian’s statement that the
“ five hills form a girdle like the Avails of a toAvn.” This
agrees with IlAven Thsang's description, avIio says that “ high
mountains surround it on four -gides, and from its exterior
walls, which have a circuit of 150 li or 25 miles. For this
number I propose to read 50 li or 8-^ miles, a correction which is
absolutely necessary to make the statement tally with the
measurements of my survey. The following are the direct

distances between the hills :

1. Prom Ba!bhA,r to Vipula ... ... . 12,000 feet.

2. „ Vipula to Ratna ... ... . 4,500 „

3. „ llatna to Udaya ... ... . 8,500 „

4. „ Udaya to Sona ... ... . 7,000

5. „ Sona to J3aibbfi,r 9,000 „

Total ... ... 41,000 feet.

KAJGIR.

This is somewhat less than eiglit miles ; hut if the ascents
and descents are taken into account, the actual length will
correspond very closely with the statement of Hwen Thsang
when corrected to 50 li. The old walls forming this exterior
line of rampart are still to be seen in many places. I traced
them from Vipula-giri over Katna-girito tlieNekpai emhank-
raent, and thence onwards over Udaya-giri, and across the
southern outlet of the valley to Sona-giri. At this outlet,
the walls, which are still in good order, are 13 feet thick.
To obtain a circuit of 25 miles, as given in Ilwcn Thsang’s
text, it would be necessary to carry these ramparts as far as
Giryek on the east. As similar ramparts exist on the Giryek
Hill, it is perhaps possible that Hwen Thsang intended to in-
clude it in the circuit of his outer walls. But this immense
circuit would not at all agree with his statement that “ high
mountains surround the city on four sides,” for the distant
Hill of Giryek cannot in any way be said to form one of the
sides of old lliljagriha.

The new town of Rajagriha is said to have been built by
King Srenika, otherwise called Bimbiadm, the fatht!r of
Ajdlamtru, the contetnporary of Buddha. Its foundation
cannot, therefore, be placed later than 5(50 B. C. according to
Buddhist chronology. In Hwen Thsang’s time (A. D. 029 —
012), the outer avails had already become ruinous, but the
inner walls were still standing, and occupied a circuit of 20 li,
or 83- miles. This statement corresponds tolerably well' with the
measurements of my survey, which make the ch’cuit of the
ramparts somewhat less than 3 miles. Buchanan calls new
Rajagriha an irregular pentagon of 12,000 yards in diameter.
This is clearly a misprint for 1,200 yards, which woidd give
a circuit of 11,303 feet, or 2-^ miles ; but this was probably
the interior measurement, which, according to my survey, is
13,000 feet. The plan of new RAjagriha I make out to be an
irregular pentagon of one long side and four nearly equal
sides, the whole circuit being 11, 200 feet outside the ditches,
or rather less than three miles.*

On the south side towards the hills a portion of the
in tcrior^ 2,000 feet long and 1,500 feet broad, has been cut otf
to form a citadel. The stone walls retaining the earthen
ramparts of this work are still in good order in mafiy places.

* Sec Plate XIV.

21 AECn.EOLOGICAI/ EEPORT, 18G1-G2.

It is possible that this work may be of later date, as suggest-
ed by Buchanan, but I am of opinion that it was simply the
citadel of the new town, and that its walls have sulFered less
from the effects of time, owing partly to their having been
more carefully and more massively built than the less impor-
tant ramparts of the town, and partly to their having been
occasionally repaired as a military position by the authori-
ties, while the repairs of the town walls were neglected as
being either unnecessary or too costly.

The existing remains at K^jagriha are not numerous.
The place has been occupied at dilFercnt times by MusalmAns
and Brahmans, by whom the Buddhist stupas and vihdrs were
pulled down to furnisl) materials for tombs, masjids, and
temples. All the eminences that must once have been
crowned by objects of Buddhist worship are now covered with
Muhammedan graves ; and all the Brahmanical temples about
the hot springs have been constructed with the large bricks of
Buddhist stupas. One of these lust monuments can still bo
traced outside the south-west corner of the town in a large
circular hollow mound, which attracted the notice of both
Buchanan and Kittoc. I examined this mound carefully, and
I was satisfied that the holloVv represented the original site of
a stupa from which the bricks had been carried olF, while the
surrounding circular mound represented the mass of earth and
broken brick rubbish left by the workmen. The excavated
stupa at SUrnath, near Banaras, now offers almost exactly the
.same appearance. According to Ilwen Thsang’s account,
this circular hollow was the site of a stupa 60 feet in height,
which was built by Asoka. Beside it there was a stone pillar
50 feet high, on which Avas inscribed the history of the foun-
dation of the stupa. The pillar was surmoimted by an
elephant.*

On Mount BaibhAr there arc five modem Jain temples, '
besides the ruins of an old Saiva temple, of which four
granite pillars, 10 feet in height, are still standing, and 60 or
60 smaller pillars arc lying confusedly about. At the southern
foot of the mountain, the rock has a natural scarp for about
100 yards in length, which, at the western end, has been
smoothed to a height of 19 feet, in front of which the rock
has been cut away to form a level terrace 90 feet in length by

Julien’s Uwen Thsang, 111., 38.

IlAJOTR.

upwards of .30 feet in breadth. Two caves have been exca-
vated out of the solid rock behind ; that to the west, now
called the Son Bli^nddr, or “Treasury of gold,” being 34 feet
long by 17 feet broad, and that to the cast perhaps somewhat
less in length, but of the same breadth. This cave has cither
fallen in naturally through the decay of the rock, or, which
is more probable, was blown up by a zemindar in search of
treasure, as related by Major Kittoe of the other cave.

The Son Bhandar Cave has one door and one window.
Inside there are no traces of scats, or of pedestals of statues,
and the walls and roof arc quite bare, excepting where a
few scarcely legible inscriptions have been cut. There are
several short iuscriptions on the jambs of the doorway, as
well as* on the outside. Iii the principal inscription, which is
on two lines outside, the author speaks of this cave as the
“ auspicious cave,” evidently alluding to the fact of its forme)’
occupation by Buddha for the purpose of meditating after his
noonday meal. This inscription, which is not later tlian A. 3).
200, and is perhaps earlier, records that a certain “ Muni,
named Vaira ]3cva, of powei’ful dignity, was able to obtain
emancipation, having shut himself up for spiritual enjoyment
in this auspicious cell, a retired abode of Arhantas, fitted for
an ascetic for tlie attainment of liberation.” On the cast
jamb of the door also the same epithet is ajiplicd to this cave,
as if it was a well known name for it. This cave is excavated
in the south face of the hill, where there is a natural scarp
for about one hundred yards in length. The face of the cliff
at tho'west end has been smoothed to a height of 19 feet, in
front of which the ground has been levelled to form a plat-
form of more than 39 feet. The cave itself is 3 1 feet long by
] 7 feet broad and ll-^ feet high. To the cast there has b^eeu
a second cave, about 22|- feet long by 17 feet broad ; but one
half of the roof fell in" long ago, and the cave is now filled
with masses of rock and earth. The floor of this cave is on a
lower level than that of the Son Hhdndur, but the front is in
the same line. Both caves had some building or verandah
in front, as there are numerous socket holes cut in the rock
above the door for the reception of the ends of beams. The
whole length of level clearing in front of the caves is 90 feet.

In the centre of the valley between the five hills, and in
the very midst of the old city of Eajagriha, there is a ruined

' ARCII.EOLOGICAL KEPORT, lSGl-62.

brick mound 19 feet 8 inches in height, vvhicli . my excava-
tions proved to be an ancient stupa. A diminutive Jain tem-
ple, called Mani^r Math, stands on the top of the mound.
It was built in A. D. 1780. As I expected to find a solid
brick building, I sank a shaft outside the Maniilr Math with
the intention of inclining gradually toAvards the centre ; but
I soon found that the core of the mound was a mere mass of
rubbish, filling a well 10 feet in diameter. This rubbish was
so loose that its removal was dangerous ; but by propping up
the portion immediately below the little temple, and remov-
ing the bricks cautiously, I was enabled to get down to a
depth of 21 ^ feet. At 19 feet I found three small figures.
One of them represents M:\yil lying on a couch in the lower
compartment, and the ascetic Buddha and two attendants
above. The second is a naked standing figure, with a* seven-
headed snake forming a canopy over tlie head. This is
clearly not a Buddhist, but a Jain sculpture. The third is so
excessively rude, that it is difficult to identify it. The figure
is four-armed, and is seated upon a recumbent animal, which
looks more like a hull than anything else. It probably,
therefore, represents Mahadeva and his bull Nandi. As all
three figures formed only a part of the rubbish, it seems to
me certain that the well must once have been empty ; and
further, that the rubbish was most probably thrown in Avben
the little Jain temple was about to be built.

The natives of the place call this well the Treasury, and
they assert that it has never been opened. On my arrival I
found a Punjab Sepoy, with a servant, making an excava-
tion on his own account. He had sunk a shaft 3 feet in
diameter at 7 ^ feet from the little temple. The shaft "was
then 17 feet deep. I examined the bricks which had been
taken out, and on finding some with bevelled and rounded
edges, and others thickly coated with plaster, I guessed at
once that the original structure had been covered with an
outer wall, and that the shaft had been sunk just outside the
original work. To ascertain whether this conclusion was
correct, I laid bare the top of the mound, and soon discover-
ed that the well was surrounded by a wall only 6 fQet in
thickness. This would give the original stupa a diameter of
22 feet. The Punjab Sepoy continued his shaft down to the
stone foundation Avithout finding anything, and then gave up
the work.

RAjaiR.

Ilaving observed that the slope of the mound on the
north side was very gentle, I thought it probable that the
building must have beeu approached on this side by a flight
of steps. I therefore made an excavation in a line due north
from tlie centre of the. mound, and within a couple of hours
I found a doorway. Continuing the excavation to the east
and west, as well as to the north, I found a small room with
brick Avails and granite pillars containing two middle-sized
sculptured slabs of middle age. Outside the doorway a flight
of steps led downwards towards the north ; I therefore turned
to the south, and continued my excavation until I reached the
main building. On examining the wall I found three recesses,
the middle one being roofed by overlapping bi’icks. On clear-
ing out the rubbish, this opening proved to be a carefully
built passage only 2 feet 2 inches wide, and 3 feet 4-| inches
in height, right through the outer wall of the building.
Behind it, but a few inches out of line, there was a similar
passage through the original wall, only 2 feet in uddth. • At
the end of the passage I found the well filled with the same
rubbish as on the south side.

The discovery of this passage shows that the Buddhist
Slonks had easy access to the interior of the building. I con-
t-'lude, therefore, that it must originally have contained some
relic that AA^as occasionally shoAvn to visitors, and to the public
generally, on certain fixed days. I cannot, hoAvever, discover
in the accounts of Ba-IIian and IlAven Thsang any mention
of a stupa inside the Avails of old llajagriha.

The hot springs of EAjagriha are found on both banks of
the Sarsuti rivulet ; one-half of them at the eastern foot of
Mount Baibhar, and the other half at the western foot of
Mount Vipula. The foi’mer ar enamed as follows : 1, GangtL-
J umna ; 2, Anant Eikhi ; 3, Sapt Eikhi ; 4, Brahm-kfind ;
5, Kasyapa Eikhi; 6, Bids-ktind; and 7, Markand-kdnd.
The hottest of these are the springs of the Sapt Eikhi. The
hot springs of Mount Vipula arc named as follows : 1, Sita-
kflnd; 2, Suraj-kfind; 3, Ganes-kdnd ; 4, Chandrama
kdiid ; 6, Edm-kdnd ; and 6, Sringgi-Eikhi-kAnd. The
last • spring has been appropriated by the Musalmdns, by
whom it is called Makhdum-kAnd, after a celebrated Saint
named Chilla Shdh, whose tomb is close to the spring. It is
said that Chilla was originally called Chilwa, and that he was
an Ahlr. He must, therefore, have been a converted Hindu.

AUCIl.EOLOGICAL RlirORT, 18G1-62.
VIll. BARAGAON or NALANDA.

Due north from Rajgir, and seven miles distant, lies the
village of Baragaon, which is quite surrounded hy ancient
tanks and ruined mounds, and which possesses finer and
more numerous specimens of sculpture than any other place
that I have visited. The ruins at Baragaon arc so immense,
that Dr. Buchanan was convinced it must have been the
usual residence of the King ; and he was informed hy a Jain
priest at Bihar that it was the residence of llaja Srenika
and his ancestors. By the Brahmans these ruins are said to
he the ruins of Ktmdilpiir, a city famed as the hirth-placc of
IlCikmini, one of the wives of Krishna. But as liukmini
was the daughter of Baja Bhishma, of Vidarhha, or Bcrar, it
seems prohahle that the Bralnnans have mistaken Beiar for
Bihar, which is only seven miles distant from Baragaon. I
therefore doubt the truth of this Brahmanieal tradition, more
espeeiall)’^ as I can sliow beyond all doubt that the remains
at Baragaon ar<; the ruins of iSalanda, the most famous scat
of Buddhist learning in all India.

Fa-Hian places the hamlet of Nalo at one yojan, or 7
miles from the Hill of the Isolated Boek, that is, from
Giryek, and also the same distance from new Bajagriha.*
This account agrees exactly with the position of Baragaon,
with respect to Giryek and Bajgir. In the Pali annals of
Ceylon also, Nalanda is stated to be one yojan distant from
Bajagriha. Again, II wen Thsang describes iN^alanda as being
7 yojans, or 49 miles, distant from the holy Pipal tree at
Buddha-Gaya, which is correct if measured by the road, the
direct distance measured on the map being 40 miles. t He
also describes it as being about 30 H, or 5 miles, to the north
of now Bajagriha. This distance and direction also corres-
pond with the position of Baragaon, if the distance be
measured from the most northerly point of the old ramparts.
Lastly, in two inscriptions, which I discovered on the spot,
the place itself is called N41anda. This evidence seems con-
clusive ; but I may add further that the existing ruins, which
I am now about to describe, correspond most minutely with
the descriptions of Hwen Thsang.

♦ Coal’s Fa-niau, c. XXVIII.

t Jiilien’s Hweu Thiiang, 1., 143.

BARAGAON OR NAIANDA.

Fa-nian calls Ndlanda the birth-place of Sibriputra,
who was the right hand disciple of Buddha ; hut this state-
ment is not quite correct, as we learn, from the more detailed
account of Hwen Thsang, that Sariputra was horn at Kala-
pindka, about half-way between Ndlanda and Indm-Sila
Gtiha, or about 4 miles to the south-east of the former place.
Tsalanda has also been called the birth-place of Maha Moga-
lana, who was the left hand disciple of Buddha ; but this
is not quite correct, as the great Mogablna, according to
Hwen Thsang, was born at Knlika, 8 or 9 li, less than 1-|
mile, to the south-west of Nalanda. This place I was able
to identify with a ruined mound near Jagdispur, at mile
to the south-west of the ruins of Baragaon.

Tl\e mound of Jagdispur is 200 feet square, and of
little height, except in the south-east corner, where there is
a considerable eminence, 70 feet square. On the southern
edge of this height, there is a magnificent Nim tree, under
which several statues have been collected. One of these is
the finest and largest piece of sculpture that I have met with.
It is a figure of the ascetic Buddha, seated under the Bodhi
tree at Buddba-Gaya, and surrounded by horrible demons and
alluring females, who are seeking by diiferent means to
distract him. On each side other scenes of his life are repre-
sented, and over all his Nindn, or death. A large drawing
of this elaborate piece of sculpture is given by Buchanan.*
The slab is 15 feet high and 9^- feet broad ; and, consider-
ing the excellence of the sculpture, the multiplicity of the
details, and the fine state of preservation, this work is in
every way worthy of being preserved by photogra 2 )hy. The
figure is called Bfikmini by the ignorant villagers, wlio daily
smear its forehead and nose with red lead, and pour milk over
the mouth. The offering of milk is considered very effica-
cious; but the most acceptable offering is a goat; and at
the time of my visit, the ground was stiU wet with the
blood of a recently killed goat.

The remains at Baragaon consist of numerous masses of
brick ruins, amongst which the most conspicuous is a row of
lofty Qonical mounds running north and south. These high
mounds are the remains of gigantic temples attached to the
famous monastery of Nilanda. The great monastery itself
can he readily traced by the square patches of cultivation

* Eilstern India, I,, Plate XIII.

AKCH.EOLOGICAL REPOUT, 1861-02.

amongst a long mass of brick ruins 1,600 feet by 400 feet.
Tliese open spaces show the positions of the court-yards of
the six smaller monasteries which are described by Hwen
Thsang as being situated within one enclosure forming alto-
gether eight courts. Eive of the six monasteries were built
by five consecutive princes of the same family, and the sixth
by their successor, who is called King of Central India. No
dates are given ; but from the total silence of Ea-Hian
regarding any of the magnificent buildings at Nalanda,
which are so minutely described by Hwen Thsang, I infer
that they must have been built after A. 1). 410. Ea-Hian
simply states that ho came to the hamlet of Nalo, “where
Sdriputra was born,” and this is all that be says of Nalanda.
But surely if the lofty temple of King Baladitya, which was
300 feet in heiglit, had then existed, it seems scarcely possi-
ble that ho should not have noticed it. I would, therefore,
assign the probable date of the temples and monasteries of
Nilanda to the two centuries between the visits of Ea-Hian
and II wen Thsang, or from A. D. 425 to 025. This date is
further borne out by the fact recorded by Ilwcn Thsang, that
the great temple of Bahlditya was similar to that near the
sacred Eipal tree at Buddha-Gaya. Now, as similarity of
style may generally be taken as denoting proximity of date,
the erection of Baliditya’s temple at Nalanda may, with
great probability, be assigned to tlie same century in which
the Buddha-Gaya tem 2 )le was built. As I have already
shown this to be about A. D. 500, the date of the Nalanda
temple will lie between A. 1). 450 and 550.

Several inscribed stones lie scattci’ed over the ruins of
BaHditya’s monastery. The letters are only mason’s marks,
but their forms are those of the 6th and 7th centuries.

To the south of the monastery there was a tank in
which the dragon, or Naga Nalanda, was said to dwell,
and the place was named after him Nalanda. There is still
existing immediately to the south of the ruined monastery
a small tank called Kargidya Pokhar, which.answers exactly
to the position of the Nalanda tank, and is, I have no doubt, the
identical pool of the N4ga.

As the people have no particular names for the different
masses of ruin, but simply call them collectively “the
mounds,” I will, for convenience of description, name each of

BARAGAON OE NALA>JDA.

the principal masses after the ancient tank on its western
•side. Other mounds will be described with reference to tbeir
•relative positions with respect to the principal ruins. In my
survey of the ruins, I have also attached a letter of the
alphabet to each separate mound.*

Hwen Thsang begins his account with a vihdr, or
temple, just outside the western wall of the monastery, which
had been erected on a spot where Buddha had dwelt for
three months, explaining the sublime law for the benefit of
the gods. This temple I would identify with the ruined
mound marked A, still 53 feet in height and from 65 to 70
feet in thickness near the top, and which is situated imme-
diately to the westward of the ruined monastery. It stands
to the east of the Punwa tank, and may, therefore, be called
the Punwa mound. My excavations, which were carried
down to a depth of 17 feet, exposed the straight walls of a
temple.

To the south, at 100 paces, there was a small stupa,
erected over a spot where a pious mendicant, from a far
country, had performed the panchdtiga, or reverence of the
five members (namely head, hands, and knees) in honour of
Buddha. This stupa is well represented by a small
mound marked B, which is due south of the Phnwa mound.

Still further to the south, there was a statue of Avalokites-
wara. As this statue must have had some kind of covering
as a shelter from the weather, I believe that it is repre-
sented by another small ruined mound, marked C, imme-
diately to the south of the last.

To the south of the statue there was a stupa, containing
the hair and nails of Buddha. Sick people recovered their
health by making the circuit of this monument. Another
mound, marked 1), to the east of the Rahela tank, corres-
ponds with tlje position of this stupa exactly, as it is due
south of the last mound C. It is still 20 feet high. I made
an excavation in the top, which showed that the mound had
been opened previously, as I found nothing hut loose rubbish.
The solid brick-work on all sides, however, satisfied me that
it was the ruin of an ancient stupa.

* See Plate XVI.

32 ARCII-EOLOGICAL REPOIIT, 1SG1-G2,

Outside the western wall of the monastery, and close to
a tank, there was another stupa erected on the spot where
Buddha had been questioned by a heretic on the subject of
life and death. A small mound, marked E, on the cast bank
of the Balen Tank, corresponds exactly with the position of
this stupa.

At a short distance to the east there was a lofty vihdr,
200 feet in height, where Buddha had explained the law for
four months. In the position here indicated, there stands
the highest and largest of all the mounds, marked E. It is
still 00 feet in height, with a diameter of 70 feet at 50 feet
above the ground, and of 80 feet at 35 feet above the ground.
As the outer edges of the walls arc much broken, the original
size of this massive building at the ground level cannot have
been mucli less than 90 feet square. To ascertain its pro-
bable height, we may compare it with the Great Tem])lc at
Buddha-Gaya, which has a base of 50 feet square, and a
height of 1(50 feet. But as the copper-gilt umalaka fruit
which once surmounted it no longer exists, the original
height cannot have been less than 170 feet. Now, taking
the same proportions for the Nalanda temple, we may deduce
the height by simple rulc-of-threc, thus as 50 ; 170 ; : 90 : 300
feet, it is true that II wen Thsang states the height at only
200 feet, but there is a discrepancy in his statements of the
height of another Nalanda temple, which leads me to propose
correcting the height of that now under discussion to 300
feet. In speaking of the Great Temple erected by Baldditya,
Hwen Thsang in one place makes it 200 feet high, and in
another place 300 feet high.* In both accounts the enshrined
statue is said to be of Buddha himself, as he appeared under
the Bodhi tree, and, as the other large temple also contained
a statue of Buddha, it seems highly probable that there has
been some confusion between the accounts of the two temples.

I am quite satisfied that the lofty mound marked F. is
the ruin of a temple, for I discovered three horizontal air
holes, each in the form of a cross, at a height of 35 feet above
the ground. They measured respectively 0, 8}, and 11|- feet
in length. The last measurement, coupled with the broken
state of the brick-work, shows that the walls must have been
upwards of 12 feet in thickness. In fact, on the east side.

* Cornpaie Jnlicn’s II wen Th.sang, I. 16*^1, with Til, 50.

BJinAGAoy on nalanda.

at 50 feet above the groixnd, the broken wall is still 15 feet
thick. Most probably the walls were not less than 20 feet
tl)ick at this height, which would leave an interior chamber
80 feet square. There is now a great hollow in the centre of
this mound, which I would recommend to be further excavat-
ed down to the ground level, as I think it highly probable
that both statues and inscriptions of much interest would be
discovered. Perhaps the colossal statue of Buddha, the teacher
now standing at the foot of mound H., may have been
originally enshrined in this temple.*

In the north-east corner of the square tcn’acc that sur-
rounds this massive ruin, I found the remains of several small
stupas, in dark blue-stone of various sizes, from 10 to 30 feet
in height. The ornamental carvings are still in good order,
many of them being very elaborate. Rows after rows of
Buddhas of all sizes are the most favourite decoration. The
.solid hemispherical domes are from 1 foot to 4 feet in diame-
ter. The basement and body of each stupa were built of
separate stones, Avhicli were numbered for the guidance of
the builders, and cramped together with iron to secure greater
durability. No amount of time, and not even an earth-
quake, could have destroyed these small buildings. Their
solid walls of iron-bound stones could only have yielded to
the destructive fury of malignant Brahmans. I tried to com-
plete a single stupa,, but I soon found that several pieces were
missing. I believe, howevei', that a complete one might be
obtained by a careful search about the village temples, around
tlic Jain temple, and in the small court-yard opposite Mitra-
jit’s house. If one could be obtained complete, or nearly so,
it would form a most striking and ornamental addition to the
Calcutta Museum.

• Thn rnonnd was subsequently excavated by order of Government under the superin-
tendence of Captain Marshall. The templo stood on a plinth 12 feet high above the ground
level, forming a terrace 15 feet wide all round. Tho inner room is 2() feet square, with an en-
trance hflill on the east aide. The walls, which are of extreme thickness, are built of large
bricks laid in mud. There are few remains of plaster, but the lower walla appear to be
sound, but externally they are much cracked. The remains of the pedestal occupy nearly

tlie whole west h*df of the inner room, but there were no traces of any statues. Pieces
of broken statues were, however, found in the entrance hall. A portion of the entrance
is of moro modern date, the saiuo as at Bodh-Gaya. Captain Marshall closes his account of
tho explorations with the following opinion, which aoems to be well founded ; ** The general
appearance of the building, the fhlse doorway, the abstraction of the idols, and tho
absence of inside plaster, all give me the notion of the building having been made use of
after the glories of the temple had passed aw.iy, and then to have fallen to pieces by neg-
lect and consequent decay/*

AKCTT.L'OLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-62.

A short distance to the north of the Great Vihar, there
was another temple containing a statue of the Bodhisatwa
Acalokiteswara. This Saint is the same as the Fadma^pdni
of the Tibetans, and is always represented with a lotus in his
hand. An extensive low mound, marked G., immediately to
the north of the great mound, corresponds exactly with the
situation of this temple.

To the north of the last temple there was a grand vihai*,
built by Baladitya, containing a statue of the ascetic Buddha.
The height, as I have already noticed, is differently stated by
Hwen i’lisang at 200 and 300 feet. The lesser height I
believe to bo the correct one, more especially as Hwen Thsang
mentions that in its magnificence, its size, and its statue of
Buddha, it resembled the Great Temple at Buddha-Gaya. As
this last was 170 feet in height, Bahlditya’s Vihdr might
very fairly be said to resemble it in size, if it was 200 feet
high ; but if it was 300 feet in height, there could have been
no resemblance whatever in the dimensions of a temple that
was noaily twice as lofty. A mound, marked H., to the east
of the Debar Tank, corresponds exactly with the situation of
this temple. It is still 45 feet in height, with a breadth of
60 feet at top from edge to edge of brick-work. As the
facing has disa])peared on all sides, the original breadth, at
the ground level, could not have been less tlian 60 feet ; and
if the relative proportions wwe the same as those of the
Buddha- Gaya Temple, the height of this temple must have
been 204 feet, or say, in round numbers, 200 feet, exactly as
stated by Hw'cn Thsang. There is a colossal statue of the
ascetic Buddha in a small court-yard called Baithak Bhairav
at the foot of this mound, which, in all probability, was the
original statue enshrined in BalMitya’s Vihar.

Pour other buildings and statues, which I have been
unable to identify, are next mentioned by Hw'en Thsang, who
then goes on to describe a brick vih^r containing a very
lofty copper statue of Tara Bodhisatw^a. This was situated at
2 or 3 li to the north of the monastery, that is, between one-
third and one-half of a mile. Now, at a distance of 2,000
feet to the north of the monastery, and to the east‘of the
Suraj Pokhar, there is a brick ruin of a very large temple,
marked N. From its close jjroximity to the village, this
ruin has supplied materials for all the existing houses, and is

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BAUADAON OR NALARDA.

consequently . of much smaller dimensions than those which
have been already described. But the removal of the bricks
has exposed the actual walls of the temple in several places ;
and, by making a few excavations, I was able to determine
the exact dimensions of the base of this temple. It Avas 70,^
feet by 07 feet, and it stood on a raised terrace 6 feet in
height and 125 feet square. If the relative proportion of
base to height was the same as that of the Buddba-Gaya
'i'emple, the height of this temple could not have been less
than 228 or 240 feet, according to which side of the base is
taken for the caleulation.

Hwen Thsang also mentions a large well which Avas just
Avithin the gateway on the south side of the surrounding AA'alls
of this vihdr. Noav, there is a large AA^ell, marked P., imme-
diately on the south side of the ruined mound above describ-
ed, which must be the very one noticed by Havcii Thsang as
having owed its origin to Buddha himself.

There are many other objects Avorthy of notice at Bara-
gaon, Avhich I can only briefly enumerate : 1st, The sculptures
collected in the enclosure at Baithak Bhairav, marked M.
2nd, The colossal figure of the ascetic Buddha at S. This
statue is remarkable for having the names of the attendant
figures inscribed over their heads. Thus Ave have Arya
Sdriputra and Arya Maudgaldyana inscribed over tAVO flying
figures carrying garlands ; and Arya Blitreyaudtha and Arya
Vasumitra over two attendant standing figures. An inscrip-
tion in two lines on the hack rail of the seat gives the usual
Buddhist formula, and adds that the statue Avas “the pious
gift of Gangyakd (a lady who had attained the religious
rank of paramopdsikd.) This statue is well worthy of
being photographed. 3rd, A small temple, marked T.,
with a figure of the three-headed goddess Vajra- Vardhi.
The Buddhist formula is inscribed on this figure, which is
evidently one of those mistaken by Major Kittoe for Durga.
slaying the buffalo demon Maheshasur. The goddess has one
porcine head, and there are seven hogs represented on the
])edestsil. 4th, A life-size ascetic Buddha in the village of
Baragaon, and a number of smaller figures at an adjacent
Hindu temple, and also at the house ot Mitrajit Zamindar.
5th, Two low mounds to the north of the village marked V.,
.one haA'in.^' a four-armed imago of Vishnu on Garud, and'the

3G AUClI-EOLOGICAT. KEPOllT, 18(71-03.

other having two figures of Buddha seated on. chairs. Tifo
former must clearly have belonged to a Bi*ahraanical temple.
6th, Three statues at W., near the T{l,r Sing Tank, of vvhicli
two are females and one a naaie figure seated with hands on
knees. 7th, The small temple in the hamlet of Kapatiya,
marked X., where there are several interesting figures col-
lected. Amongst them there is a fine VajiA Vanthi, and
a v6ry good V^giswari, with an important inscription in
two lines, uhich gives tlic name of the place Nalanda, and is
dated in the year 1 of the reign of the paramount sovereign
Sri GopMa Deva.* 8th, A large mound at Y., which looked
like a mined stupa. I sank a sliaft 20 feet deep in the centre
of the mound, and found that it was filled with rubbish. 11",
therefore, it was a stupa, it had been opened long before ;
but I am inclined to l>elieve that it was a temple, asf a large
stone was found in the excavation at a depth of 13 feet.
9th, A Jain temple at Z., Avhieh is only remarkable as bein„
of the same style of architecture as the Great Temple at
Buddha-Gaya. It is probably of about the same age, or
A. D. 500. Its present height is only 36 feet without the
pinnacle, which is mod(‘rn. The udiolc is white-washed.
Inside the temple there arc several Jain figures, of which
that of Mahdvir bears the date of Samvat 150d, or A. J).
1447. 10th, On the banks of the Suraj-khnd many interest-
ing figures are collected. Tlu^y an? ehietly Buddhist, but
there are also some figures of A^islmu four-armed, of the
Var4ha Avatar, of Siva and Purvati, and also of Surya
himself,

I cannot close this account of the ancient Niilanda with-
out mentioning tlio noble tanks which surround the ruijis ou
all sides. To the north-east are the Gidi Pokhar and the
Pansokar Pokhar, each nearly a mile in length ; while to the
south there is the Indi’a Pokliar, which is nearly half a mile
in length. The remaining tanks are much smaller in size, and
do not require any special notice.

IX. BIHAR.

The old city of Bih^r lies 7 miles to the north-east of
Baragaon. In our maps the name is spelt JDehur, hut by the
people it is written Bihar, which is sulFicient to show that it

See riato XIII. for a copy of tlhs intfi.-n*ptu.n.

^VHiei HHX NO SNOI.WraOSNI

■nijnopo Miyg ■pasroaQ %■* m*«#«««rao 40 iy ’jap 'Tn^qSuiUUnQ 'V

BllliVU.

must once Lave been tbe site of some famous Buddhist Viliiir.
But the only existing Buddhist remains that I could find
•were votive stupas and fragments of figures. One of the last
was inscribed with characters of about A. D. fiOO, but the
inscription is unfortunately only a fragment.

The city of BihAr consists principally of one long nar-
row street, paved with rougli stones. There are tu'o bridges
with pointed arches over some irrigation canals, the remains
of former prosperity ; but the whole place is now dirly and
decayed. In all directions are seen Musalman tombs ; the
smaller ones of brick, the larger ones of squared and carved
stones from the usual Muhammadan quarries of ruined
Buddhist or Brahraanieal buildings. To the north-west of
the city there is a long isolated hill, having a preci])irously
steep cliff on its northern face, and on the southern face an
easy slope in successive ledges of rock. The hill is now
crowned by some Musalman buildings, of which the largest
is said to be the tomb of Malik Baj a, but I believe that it is
the tomb of one Ibrahim iu the reign of Eiruz, as I read
both of these names in one of the inscriptions. To the
north-cast of these tombs and distant 1,000 feet, on the
highest point of therhill, there is a scpiare platform of brick,
which must once have been the basement of a building,
perhaps of a stupa, while the more genial site of the Burgah,
where fine ti’ces are now growing, might once ha^e held a
Buddhist Vihar and its attendant monastery.

One mile due oast from the Burgah, and about 100 yards
inside the northern gate of the old fort of Bihar, there lies a
sand-stone pillar which bears two sei)arato inscriptions of the
Gupta Bynasty. Unfortunately, tlic surface of the stone
has peeled off considerably, so that both of the inscriptions
are incomplete. The upper inscription, which is of Kiunilra
•Gupta, has lost both ends of every line, being probably about
one- third of the whole. The lower inscription has lost only
the left upper corner, and some unknown amount at the
bottom* where the pillar is broken off. But as the I'emaining
})ortion of the upper part is letter for letter the same as the
opening of the Bhitari pillar insci'iption, nearly the whole of
the missing part of the left upper corner can bo restored at

a.ticii.t:o1jOgical ukpout, 1801-02.

♦

oacc.* This record apparently belongs to Sbanda Gupta,
the son aud successor of Kumdra Gupta, as the genealogy
is continued beyond Kum^ra in the same words as in the
Bhitari inscription.

Outside the northern gate of the old fort, there are some
tombs that are said to belong to Christians, as they lie cast
and west, n'hilst all Musalnnln tombs lie north and south.
One of them bears an inscription surmounted by a cross,
which proves it to be a Christian tomb. The inscription 1
believe to bo in the Armenian character, but though it does
not appear to be old, probably not more than fifty or a hun-
dred years, yet I could not obtain any information regarding*
the tombs.

The Cyclopean walls of the old fort are very nurious ;
but as the fort has been fully described by Buchanan, it is
unnecessary for me to do more than make this mention of it.

X. GHOSllAWA.

A Buddhistical inscription from Ghosrilw^, a village to
the S. S. W. of Bihar, distant 7 miles, was first discovered
by Major Kittoe, who published a translation of it made by
Dr. Bailantync. This inscription is a very important one for
the illustration of the later history of Buddhism, as it men-
tions the existence, somewhere about the 8tli or 9th century,
of several of the most famous places of the Buddhists. Bor
instance, it mentions, 1st, the Kanishka Monastery in the
city of Nagarah^ra, close to'Jelalabad in the Ivabul Valley j
2nd, the Vajrdsan, or Diamond throne of Buddha, at Buddha-
Gaya ; 3rd, the Indra-Sila peak, which I have already iden-
tified with Giryek ; 4tb, the VihA.r in Nalanda, the city of
Yaso Varmma. This part of the translation, however, requires
revision, as the name of NManda, which occurs twice, has
in both instances been rendered as if it was merely a term
for some ascetic posture, instead of the proper name of the

* See Plate XVII. for the Bihar Pillar inscriptions, and Plate XXVII. for the Bhitari
Pillar inscription. BAbu Rajendralal Mitra, in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal 186(5, p.
271 denies the accuracy of my statement. He says “ General Cunningham ir,nagines it
to be a counterpart of the Bhitari record" — I imagine nothing of the kind. My remarks refer
to the wooer part of the iiiflcription alone, and this I again assert to he “ letter for letter
the same AS the opening of the Bhitari Pillar inscription." The BAbu says that no speciHc
name is legible.” I refer him to his own Nilgari transcript of line 4, where he reiuls kecha-
polrasya. This should be kacha, for Ghatot-k^ha, the predocefcsor of Chandra Gupta, whose
iviie kuuiari Xlcvi is mentioned in the next line.

GITOSRAATA — TTTAllAWA.

town Avliicli contained the most famous monastery in. all
India. I will submit this inscription for re-translation.

The other remains at Ghosrdw^ are few and unim-
poi’tant. There is a mound of brick ruin touching the
village, and a small temple on a low mound with some
broken figures between Ghosr^w^ and the small village of
Asdnagar. The inscription obtained by Major Kittoe is
now fixed in the wall of this temple. At the western foot
of the GhosrA,w^ mound there is a four-armed standing male
slatue of life size, inscribed with the usual formula of the
Buddhist faith. In the upper right hand there is a necklace,
but the lower hand is open, the upper left hand holds a lotus,
and the lower hand a bell. There is a small figure of Buddha
in the head dress of the statue, from which I believe that
this figure represents Avalokitcswara, as II wen Thsang des-
cribes a similar statue at the Kai^otika Sangharama. The
characters of the inscrijjtion do not seem to me to be later
than A. D. 800.

On the top of the mound I found the lower portion of
a female figure, of which the upper part was fixed in the
ground near the Astinagar Temple. The statue is two-armed,
aTid holds a lotus in one hand. It probably represents
Bharrnma. There are tAvo four-armed female attendants,
that to the left carrying a human head.

XT. TIT A 11 AAV A.

At Titarawa, 2 miles to the north of Ghosrawft, there
is a fine largo tank 1,200 feet in length, with a considerable
niouud of brick ruin to the north, and a colossal statue of
the ascetic Buddha to the south, Avhich is now called llhairav.
The pedestal is 7 feet broad, and the whole figure is still 9 feet
high, although the upper portion is wanting. The usual
Buddhist formula is inscribed on the lotus leaves of the
pedestal. There are besides several others small and unim-
•portant, one of which bears the Buddhist formula, and another
inscription in three lines of small letters. The greater
portion of this inscription is injured, but sufficient remains
to declare the date of the statue, which I believe to be about
A. D. 800 ; I can read the name of Mahftp^la at the end
of it. On the west side of the statue there is the foundation
of a brick stupa, 18 feet in diameter.

•10

APvCn.EOLOGIC.VL RKl’OUT, 18G1-G2.

The mound of Titarawa is about 20 feet high, and has
a small modem fort on the top, with a round tower at each
of the angles. Excavations for bricks are still going on, as
at the period of Major Kittoe’s visit. 1 traced the remains
of several walls, from which I infer that the mound w'as the
site of a large monastery. There is no mention of this place
either in Ea-llian or 11 wen Thsang.

XII. APIISAU.

Pive miles to the east of GhosiAwd, and on the eastern
bank of the Sakri Eiver, tliere is a low hill covered Avith
brick ruins, (dose to a village (iallod Aphsar. The long and
important inscription of a second dynasty of Guptas, that
\A"as discovered at this place by Major Kittoe, is no longer to
be found at Aphsar. The people arc unanimous in stating
that Major Kittoe rcmoA'cd it to NoAA^da for the purpose of
copying it ; and he himself states that he “ brought it aAvay
to re-examine it, and to restore it as much as possible before
having it fixed in a pedestal near the Yaralia” in Aphsar.
I enquired for this inscription at Nowada, at Gaya, and at
Ban^ras, but could not hear any thing of it. The loss of
this important inscription is A'cry much to bo regretted ;
but luckily I possess a transcript of it in modern Kagari,
w'hich Major Kittoe himself gaA'e mo in 1850. This has
been submitted to Babu llajcndralal Mitra for translation.*

XIII. BAllABAR.

At 10 miles to the north of Gaya, or 19 miles by the
road, there are several groups of granite hills, called Kamm-
Dol, Bardhar, Ndgdrjimi, and Dhardiml.^ All of theso
l)ossess some Buddhistic remains, but the most interesting
are the caves of Bardhar ,JSdgdrjnni, which Avere hcAvn
out of the solid rock upwards of tAVO thousand years ago.

Kamca-Bol is a detached hill nearly one mile to the
south-west of the main group of hills, -and just six miles

* The Bilim’s translation will be found in the Bengal ABiatic Society’s Journni for IRCtJ,
p. 272. The iiiBcnption given the genealogy of a dynasty of nine Gupta King®. There i« ap-
parently nothing to guide us in fixing the date, and, in the absence of the original document,
I can only conjecture that th*‘8e Guptas are of later date than the well-known Gujita dyiiafity
of the Allahabad and Bhitari Pillar inscription b. I jioBSeRa gold coins of three later
Fri nr es, Vishnu, Kumilra, and Jay a, who probably belonged to the faniily of the A[>h 3 ar
record.

t Plate XVfll.

BARAB^R CAVFS

\i >1!

T.ARAlSAll.

■1.1

to the casl-nortli-casi, of the I?ola llak Bungalow. This
hill is quite Iuaccessil)lc, as it is formed entirely of huge
niasses of granite piled precipitously above one another,
and crowuccl with a single lofty block that frowns grandly
over the plains below. It is said that this pinnacle was
formerly topped by another block, which was so nicely
balanced that it used to rock even when a croAV alighted
upon it. Eroni this belief the hill acquir(;d the name of
Kimwa-Dol, or the “ crow’s swing,” or “ rocking-stone.”

At the northern foot of the Kauwa-Dol there has
formerly becil. a temple of hewn granilc. A largo village
quist also once have existed on the north and cast sides of
the hill, as the foot of the hill, which is considerably raised
tibovc the liclds, is strewn with broken bricks, hewn stones,
and fragments of pottery. There arc several IMuhammcdan
tombs on this mound, built chiefly of jiillars and other
s(![uared and oniamcnied stones of some Hindu temple.
The name of this old place is said to have been Sammqnir.
-\rajor Kittoe, however, was told that this name applied only
to the northern portion of the ruins, the eastern portion
bt;ing called Saraiu.

On the rocks of the northern face of the hill, nume-
rous rude figures have been sculptured. One of these is a
figure of Oancs, feet high, beside a lingam. Several of
them represent Gouri SfUilro' or Hum Gaiiri-, but the most
common of these sculptures is the favourite figui’c'of the
four-armed Durga slaying the Jhdicsafitr, or Bullalo Demon.
In her ttvo right hands she holds a sword and a trident, and
in her upper left hand a shield, while her lower left hand
grasps the tail of the llulfalo. All of these arc Brahmanical
irgurcs ; but there arc also rude figures of Buddha seated,
and one female figure w'hich is said to be Tadmamti, or
Mdijd Devi, but which is most probably only a representation
of Hhanmua. In a recess on the cast side of the hill, and
amidst the ruins of a large temple, of which several pillars
are still standing, there is a colossal figure of Buddha the
ascetic, as he appeared when seated in mental abstraction
under the Bodhi tree at Buddha-Gaya. A drawing of this
ligure Tias been given in Buchanan Hamilton’s Eastcrir
India.* It is the largest statue that I have seen, the figure

V('1. I., rbto X[V.. v’v

ArvCiLT:o LOGICAL iiJiroiiT, 18G1-G2.

alone being 8 feet high, with a 'breadth across the shoulders
of four feet, and of six feet aeross the knees, liut the great
statue in the temple of Buddba-Gaya, which was seen and
described by IT wen Thsang, was somewhat more than one-
third larger, its dimensions being 11 feet 5 inches in
height, 8 feet 8 inches in breadth across the knees, and G
feet 6 inches across the shoulders.

In the Barabar group of hills there arc several disliuct
peaks, of which the most conspicuous are the Miirali Peak
to the north, and the Sanda Girl on the south, both of whicdi
join the Barabar or Siddheswara Peak on the cast. On the
summit of the Bai-abar Peak there is a small Hindu tcm])h5
dedicated to MahiRleva, which contains a lingam called
Siddheswara, and which, from an inscription in one of the
caves mentioning this name, we know to be at least *as old as
the 6th or 7th century. Immediately to the south of the
Bardbar Peak there lies a small valley, or basin, nearly square
in shape, and entirely surrounded by hills, except at two points
on the north-cast and south-east, where walls have been built
to complete the enclosure. Its greatest length, measured
diagonally from peak to peak, is just half a mile, but the
actual basin is not more than 400 yards in length by 250
yards in breadth.*

Towards the southern corner of the basin, there are two
small sheets of clear water, which find an outlet under ground
to the south-east and re-appear in the sacred spring called
Fatal Ganna, where an annual assembly is hold in the month
of Bhddrapada for the pui’posc of bathing. On this side is
the principal entrance to the valley, which lies over large
rounded masses of granite, now worn smootli and slippery 1)y
the feet of numerous pilgrims. I ascended by this path witli-
out any difficulty, after having taken off my shoes, but iu
descending I found a shorter and quicker way down the mass
of loose rough stones at the foot of the enclosure wall on the
same side. These stones are the ruins of buildings ivliich
once crowned the wall on this side.

Immediately to the south of the water, and in the south-
ern angle of the valley, there is a low ridge of granite rock
lying from west to east, about 500 feet long, from 100 to 120

* See riato XVIII.

BAPlABAR.

feet tliick, and from 30 to 35 feet in height. The top of tiie
ridge is rounded, and Mis rapidly towards the east. It is
<livided longitudinally hy natural cleavage* into three separate
: masses. The block towards the north is much the smallest,

; being not more than 50 feet long hy 27 feet in thickness.
Originally it was probably about 80 or 100 feet in Icngtli, but
its eastern end has been, cut away to obtain access to the face
of the central mass of rock, in which the Karna-Chopdr
Cave lias been excavated. A lingam and two rude Brahma-
nical figures are sculptured on the end of the northern rock.
The middle rock is between 200 and 300 feet in length,
with a perpendicular face towards the north. The
laVgest mass of rock which faces tow^ards the south
is roui^lcd at top, but the lower part has been scarped
to form a perpendicular wall for the two large caves now
called Suddma and Lomets llishi. A level piece of ground,
about 100 feet in width, intervenes between this great rock
and the foot of the soutliei’ii hill. Sheds and temporary build-
ings are erected on this spot during the annual fair time,
when the caves arc visited by thousands of pilgrims. The
ground is strewn with broken bricks and fragments of pottery,
and the rubbish has now accumulated to a height of three feet
above the floors of the caves. This Avill account for the fact
of there having been one foot of water in this cave when
visited by Buchanan. The water was drained away by Major
Kittoo, who dug a trench along the foot of the rock, and
Ibrought to light several pieces of stone pillars which pro-
[bably belonged to some portico or cloister in front of the
'caves.

The Barabar Basin is naturally a strong defensive
^rosition, as it possesses plenty of water, and is only
Accessible at two points, on the north-east and south-east,
^^ow', both of these points have been closed by walls,
nd as there are also traces of w'alls on the surrounding
lills, and more particularly on the Siddheswara Hill, it
Seems certain that the place must once have been used as
* stronghold. There is indeed a tradition of some Raja
aving boon besieged in this place, and that he escaped by
le narroAV passage over the Siddheswara Hill. Its very
Jame of Barabar, ihat is, bara and axcara, or Burawara, the
groat enclosure,” points to the same conclusion, although
Ills may have been originally applied to the much larger

-Ill ArvCiT ■RoriOcrc.VTi rkpoict, 1801 -( 52 .

enclosure between the Bariibar and Nagarjuni Hills, and the
western branch of. the Phalgu lliver, Avhero, according to
Buchanan’s information, the original Bam Gaya was situated.
The numerous heaps of brick and stone that lie scattered over
the plain would seem to show that this Ivad once been the
site of a largo town. The situation is similar to that of old
llaja-griha, namely, that of a small valley or basin ahnosl.
surrounded by bills; but in size it is very much loss than
the famous Ginerafa, or hill-oncireled city of Jarasandha.
This enclosure had the Banlbar Hill on the west, the Saiigav
branch of the riialgii lliver on the cast, and the two parallel
ridges of the Nagarjuni Hills to the north and south. It Avas
upwards of one mile in length, with a mean Avidlh of half a
mile and a circuit of ratlier more than three mih's. The
circuit of the hills surroundiug old Baia-griha was about
eight miles.

The caves in the Barubar Hills arc usually known ns (In;
Sal-ghara, or “ seven houses.” Major Kittoc prof)o.sed Sapl-
gorb/ta, or the “ seven caves” as the’ true name ; but I think
that Sapla-gviha, or, as it is pronounced in the vornaeiilar of
the present day, SaUghara, is a preferable otymolcgy, as it
is the very same name by which this collection of caves is
now known.

The NagArjuni Hills consist of two very narrow ridgc's
of granite running nearly parallel, and about lialf a mile
distaiii irumcaeb other, between the Barabar Beak and tbe
Bhalgu Biver. 'J’hc uorthcru ridge would a])pear to bo I be
.same as that which Buebanan calls but my iidunn-

ants apidied this name to another peak iri the BavAliar group.
The southern ridge contains the famous old cavt'S, of Avbich (be
largest one, called the Gopi Cave, is on the soul hern side, w ill!
its entrance to the 'south. The two other <!avcs are situaled
on the southern face of a small spur, or otl’-shoot, on the ii;)r-
thern side of the hill.

There arc, therefore, altogether seven cav(?s in these hiHs>
four of which belong to the Bardhar or Siddheswara grou)),
and three to tho ^’dgdrjuni group. I incline, therefore, to
believe that the name of Sat-ghara, or the “ seven hoiis(!s,”
belonged originally to the whole of thgisc seven eaves, and not

* IibH.i, V<»I. !., (».

B A R A B A R

Plaip XIX

r.\llATJA1I.

to -tlio four caves with seven chambers in the Eaviihar group.
•It is true, indeed, that the Baraliar caves are somewhat older
4.han those of Nagarjuni, hut the dilTcrence of date is very
little, being not more than 30 years, as will he shown when I
come to speak of the inscriptions.

The Kama Cliopdr Cave, marked A. in the map, is
situated in the northern face of the Barahar ridge of graiiit'e,
which has already been described. The entrance, which ns of
Egyptian form, faces the north. The cave is 33 feet 6|
inches in length, by It feet in width.* The sides of the
oavC are G feet l-^- inch in lieight, and the vaulted roof lias a
rise of <t feet 8 inches, making the total height 10 feet 9
ini^s. At the western end there is a raised platform 7 feet
C inches long, 2 feet 6 inches broad, and 1 foot 3 inches high.
Erom its length I infer that this ■was the pedestal of a statue.
The whole of the interior of the cave is polished. On the
outside, and at the western corner of the entrance, there is a
sunken tablet containing a short inscription of live lines in
the ancient character of Asoka’s Pillars. It records the ex-
cavation of the cave in the 19th year of the reign of ,Ilaja
I’iyaclusi, that is, of Asoka himself.t This cave, therefore,
dates as far back as 2‘l!5 B. C. The inscription has been so
much injured by the weather, that it is very difficult to make
out the letters satisfactorily. It also faces the north, so that
no advantage can be obtained from the dilforcnco of light
and shade Avhich is caused by the sun in the hollows of the
letters of such inscriptions as face in other directions. There
arc also several short inscriptions on the jambs of the door-
W'ay, such as Bodliimida “ the root of Intelligence,” Dai'ulm
kdutdra “ the cave of the poor,” or “ the mendicant’s cave,”
• and others the records of mere visitors.

The Suddma Cave, marked B. in the map, is situated in
the same granite range, but on the opposite side of it, a.nd
with its entrance facing the south. The door-way, which
is of Egyptian form, is sunk in a recess feet square
and 2 feet deep. On the eastern w^all^ of this recess or
porch, thei’o is an inscription of two lines in the ancient Pali
chai’actcrs of Asoka’s Pillars. An attempt has been made to
obliterate the greater part of this inscription wdth a chisel,

* Soo riato XIX , Fig. 1, for pUn a,iul section.

h Sec Date XX., No. 1 Inscription.

ARCII.tOLOGTCAT, URrORT, lSGl-02.

but ou’ing to the great depth of the letters tlio worh of des-
truction was not an easy one, and the clearly cut lines of tlio
original letters, with the exception of qiie, perlia])s, at tlio
end, are still distinctly traceable in the midst of the rough
holes made by the destroyer’s chisel. This inscription re-
cords the dedication by llaja VhjaduHi (that is, Asoka him-
self), in the 12th year of lii.s r('ign, of the JS‘i(/oli(i cavo.*
The excavation of this cave, therefore, dales as far hack as
252 B. 0., the very same year in which many of Asoka’s
edicts were promulgated, as recorded in his dilh'vent inserij)-
tions both on pillars and rocks. T'lu^ cave itself consists of
two chambers, of Avhich the iimcr one is nearly circular with,
a hemispherical domed roof. This roof, which ju’oi' ets
beyond tlic wall of tlic circular room into lla; outer tij)art-
ment, is considerably under-cut, as if to I'cprescnt a thatch
with its overhanging caveft. The cii-eulai' roon is It) feet 11
inches iu diameter from Avest to cast, and 10 feet from north
to south. The outer apartment is .‘>2 feet 0 inches in length,
by 19 feet 0 inches iu breadth. The Avails arc 0 f(.'<d, il inches
iu height to the springing of the vaulted roof, Avhich has a
rise of 5 feet 6 inches, making the total height of the cham-
ber 12 feet 3 inches. At the cast end of this apartment
there is a shalloAV recess Avhich may have been intended as a
niche for a statue, or moi-e jirohahly as an entrance to another
projected chamber. But the Avork Avas abandoned soon after
its commencement, and remains rough and unllnished,
while all the rest of the cave, both roof and Avails, is highly
polished, t

The Lomas Mishi CaA'c, marked C. in the map, is similar
to the Siiddma Cave, both as to the size and arrangement of
its two chambers.; but the Avhole of the interior of the'
circular room has been left rough, and both the floor and the
roof of the outer apartment remain unfinished.} The straight
walls of this apartment arc polished, but the outer Avail of the
circular room is only smoothed and not polished. The chisel
marks are yet visible on the floor, while on the roof, which
has only been partially hcAvn, the cuts of the chisels, both
broad and narrow, are still sharp and distinct. The excava-
tion of the roof would appear to have been abandoned, owing

* 8oe Plato XX., No. 2 Insci iption.

t See I’laie XIX., Fig. 2.

+ 8fe Plato XIX., Fig 3.

B A R A B A R .

via to XX

NAGARJUxVI CAVES

iV, Gopiku, or Nagarjuiii.

BAuA3AR CAVES

1. Kani.i Chopar, at A.

V. Vajaya, or AVtli I'ruj

•# 2L S

^ ’^'Us'n

"ulCT
ri. Sudjina, at I’

V'l. Va<ialliJ Cave.

^ ^ ‘^•4 55?* ^ <=^-««&>^cai

^rijs

III. Vi^wainitra. at D.

^ s, £ A ^ Jy^ ^ «# lil

^ S. s #« » ^ jy> ^ ■J’j 5 ^?

^4 o • =i trir^^J X 64

$&m

Nagarjuni Cavu

VI IL Dl

2 rfJ!r <5 41

^ i

A' i:nZt\: *)'r A ^v'^/JUSh: a ►r4<?v^<r[T?I (

XV I :

XIX I
Louitu iX'i'n

BARABAK.

to J-lie work having reached a deep fissure, which forms one
of the natural' lines of cleavage of the rock. It possesses no
inscription.

The door-way of this cave is exactly of tlio same size
and of the same Egyptian form as that of the Sudama Cave,
hut the entrance porch has been much enlarged, and has been
sculptured to represent W’hat I believe to be the ornamental
ejitranco of a wooden building. A tolerably faithful sketch
of this entrance will be found in Buchanan,* but owing to the
accumulation of rubbish at the time the sketch was taken,
the full height of the work is not shown. The incriptions
,also are represented as extending below the top of the door-
way^on one side, which is not the case, as they are all con-
lincti't-T-^the semi-circular space above the door. This sketch,
however, shows distinctly the ends of the roofing beams and
the bambu lattice work of the gable, just such as may stiU
bo seen in the wooden buildings of Barmah.

As the inscriptions over the door-Avay of this cave are all
in the same character as those of the later princjes of the
Gupta dynasty, the date of this sculptured fa 9 ado may be
assigned to the 3rd or 4th century of our era. But as the
cave itself corresponds so exactly, both in size and in
arrangements, with the Suddma Cave, I feel satisfied that it
must have been excavated at the same time, and that, before
the enlargement of the entrance porch, there must have
existed an inscription of Asoka, recording the name and
purpose of the cave. The present inscriptions arc deeply
and boldly cut, but the letters are not jiolished. There arc
tw'o distinct inscriptions, the upper one, of two lines, being
somewhat later in date than the lower one, of four lines, in
n’atlier larger letters. Both of these inscriptions have been
translated by James Prinsep,t who, owing perhaps to the mis-
2 )laccment of the lines of his fac-similis, did not perceive
that translations of both had already been ‘published by
AVilkins in the second volume of the Asiatic Researches.

jg some variation in the two versions of these inscrip-
1 ions, which will be examined hereafter.

TM fourth cave of the Barabar group is that which is
called Viswa Ilitra by Major Kittoc, b ut which was nam ed

* JCawterii Indi.i, Yol. 1., p.

f A;:iatio Svdcty'si JourmiJ, 1837, p. 017,

AnCIL'i:OLOGICAL TvErOllT, 1801-02,

simply Vmm-jhopri, or “ Viswa’s liut,” by my informants.
This cave, marked D. in the map, is excavated in a large block
of granite lying to the eastward of the cave ridge and at a
somewhat lower level. It consists of two rooms, an outer
apartment or antc-chamher which is polished throughout, and
an inner apartment of 11 feet in diameter, which is rough
and unfinished. The former is 14 feet long by 8 feet 4 inches
broad, and has an inscription on the right hand wall of foiir
lines in the ancient Pali character of Asoka’s inscriptions'.
The last five letters luavc been purposely mutilated with the
chisel, but they are still quite legible.* The inscription,
which is otherwise perfect, records the dedication of the cave
by Ilaja JPiyadasi (that is, Asoka himself,) in the 12th year of
his reign, equivalent to 252 B. C. This is the only iusci'ip'h)n
in this cave which would seem to have escaped the i:.<ucc of
the Brahmanieal occupants or visitors of the otJier caves.
On the floor of this outer chamber there are four oblong
socket holes, which would ai)pcar to have been iut('nded for
the reception of timber framing, as suggested ];y IMajor
Kittoc.

The great cave in the Xagarjuni Hill, marked h. in tin*
map, is excavated in the .soulhern face of the rock, at a
height of 50 feet above the country. It is n])pronciu‘d by
a flight of stone steps, but the entrance is coueealcd jiarll v
by a tree and j)artly by an Idijak wall, wliifdi was built
by the Last Husalman occupants. It was inhabited >vhen
visited by Major Kittoc iji 1817, but was empty when .1
.saw it. This cave is 10 feet 5 inches long and 1!) feci 2
inches broad, botli ends being semi-circular. The A\'al!s
arc 0 feet 0 inches high, and the vaulted roof has a rise of
4 feet, making a total height of 10 feet 0 inches, t 'J'hc
whole of the interior is polished, but quite ])lain. I’hcrc
is a low brick platform of modern date at one end, whicli is
said to have been the scat of a Musalmuu Saint, who was the
disciple and successor of Haji lldi'miUjau, The door-way of
the cave is of Egyptian form, l)cing two feet 0 inches wide at
top, and 2 feet liy inches at bottoin, with a height of (t iTcl
and half an inch. On the eastern jamb of tlic door-way
there is an inscription in ten lines of tisc same l’an)ily and
same date as those over the door-way of the Lomas Iti ,hi

--iSL ... - -

^ See rinlo X.\ , o Iji.S'jiiiitioii

t r^tc riatu XIX., rii'. p.

BAEA.BAK.

CaVe. This inscription has been translated by Wilkins and
by James Prinsep.* On the western jamb of the door there
is a short inscription in large letters of tlie 7th or 8th century.
Achdrya Sri Yoganavda, “ the teacher Sri Yogananda,” whoso
name will be found repeated in another cavc.f

On the outside, immediately over the door-wny, there
is a small sunken tablet, containing, a short inscription of
l\)‘ur lines in the ancient Pali characters of Asoka’s edicts.
This has been translated by James Prinsep. J The cave is
called Gopi-ka-kuhlia, that is, the “ Gopi’s or milkmaid’s
Cave.” The inscription records that “ The Gopi’s Cave, an
libodo lasting as the Sun and Moon, was caused to be exca-
vated by Dasaralha, beloved of the Devas, on his accession
to tlio tlu'one, as a hermitage for the most devoted Bhadantas
(Buddhist ascetics). ”§

The other two caves of the Niigarjuni Group arc situated
in a low rocky ridge on the northern side of the hill. To
<lu! soulh, and in front of the caves, there are two raised
terraces. The lower one to the castAvard has a well, 9 feet
in diameter and 2.‘] feet deep, immediately in front of the
entrance to the eastern cave, AAdiich in the inscription is
called the '("((piya-ku-kubha, or “ Vapiya Cave,” AATiich I
bcli('vc refers to the Avell (vapij vihoxQ described, and which
may, tliercfoi'C, be translated as the “Well Cave.” The
up])er terrace to the AvestAAurd is 120 feet long from, north to
south, CO feet broad from AA'cst to east, and 10 feet in height
aijoA'c the plain. The w'alls are chiefly of brick, but there
are sc\a'ral squared stones and granite pillars near the top.
These must, I think, have been added afterwards by the
when they occupied the caves, for the platform
is covered Avitli their small tombs. All around there are
heaps of bricks and fragments of carved and squared stones
which show that several biAildings must once haA^e existed in
this place. The upper platform I belicA^e to haA^e been the
igS^cof a riltdr or Buddhist chapel monastery, but there is
"uolTirug uGAA”^ remaining to pi’ovo any Buddhist occupation,
cxc(.])tiug only one fragment of a standing statue.

' r 'xKitic noso.iu-lu's, r., 282 ; and Beugal Asiatic Society’s Jourual, 1837, p. 672.
^ t Pint*' X\., No. 7 Iuscri})tioii.

I Ih*n!’,,i] Asj.Uic Stjcioty’s Journal, 1837, p. 677.

^ I’i.iU* XX , No 1 luricriptioii.

BO AUCH/EOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

The Vapiija Cave, marked P. in the map-, has a small
porch or ante-chamber, 6 feet long by 5^ feet broad, from
which a door-way only 2 feet 10 inches wide leads to tho
I)rincipal room, which is 16 feet 9 inches long and 11 feet 3
inches broad. The roof is vaulted, and 10 feet 6 inches in
total height. The whole of the walls are highly polished.
On the left hand side of the porch there is an inscription of
four lines in the old Pali characters of Asoka’s edictr *
In this record the cave is called, as already mentioned, the
Vapvja-ka-kiihha, or “ the Well Cave,” in evident allusion to
the well in front of it. The remainder of the inscription is
word for word the same as that of the Gopi’s Cave. There
are several short inscriptions on the side walls of the p'..'rch
and on the jambs of the door-Avay, b\it they little

interest, as they merely record the names of visitors. The
longest of them reads —

Aclidt'ya Sri Yogananda pranmnati Siddheswara, “The
teacher Sri Yogananda offers adoration to Siddhesw'ara.”t
In this inscription we find the name of the lingam now exist-
ing in the temple of the Barabar Peak, recorded in charactf^rs
of the Gth or 7th century. James Prinsep refers them to the
6th century. A still older inscription, Videsa Vamsya
Kirttih, or “ the renown of Vasu of Videsa,” belongs to the
age of the Guptas. According to Buchanan, this ca\'e is
called Mirza Mandai, or tho “ Mirza’s house.”

The third cave of the Nagiirjuni Group, marked G. in the
map, is situated immediately to tho westward of the last
cave, in a gap or natural cleft of the rock, which has pro-
bably been enlarged by art. The entrance to tho cave lies in
this gap facing the east. It is a mere passage, only 2 feet.
10 inches in width and 6 feet 1^- inch in height, with a
length of 7 feet 2 inches on tho northern side, and of 5 feet
9 inches on the southern side. There are socket holes both
above and below for the reception of a wooden door. The
cave itself is 16 feet 4 inches by 4 foot 3 inches ; but jtJi" .
been divided into two rooms by a rude brick wall. I'his
must have been tho work of some ascetic of former days, as
the only opening to the inner room appears to be to5 small
for the passage of any grown-up man, and coul\| only haves

* See Plate XX., No. 6 Inscription, and Plate XIX., Fig. G, for plan.

+ See. Plate XX., No. 8 Inscription.

BAKABAR.

been used by the occupant for the reception of food. On the
right hand jamb of tlie door-way there is an inscription
of four lines in the. old Pali characters of Asoka’s edicts, in
which this cave is. called the Vadathi-kd-kubha. The re-
mainder of the record is letter for letter the same as those of
the Gopi and Vapiya Caves. The meaning of the name of
Fadathi I am not able to explain. The root vada means to
separate or divide, to surround or encompass, and also to
Cviver. Any one of these meanings might be appropriately
apjdied as descriptive of the peculiar position of this cave,
for it is entirely separated from the other cave it is encom-
passed by the bluff rocks of the gap in which it is situated,
and is so cflecUially covered or screened from view, that it
alto'?ctlicr escaped the notice of Mr. Ilatborne when he
made L >pics of the inscriptions in tlie Gopi and Vapiya caves
for James Prinsep. I think, therefore, that the term
“ secluded” would be descriptive of the position of the cave,
and I would suggest that Vadatkika may probably be a
vernacular form of vada + arthika, the whole meaning
simply the cave of the “ secluded mendicants.” According to
Buchanan, this cave is called the abode of Haji Ilarmdyan*

Prom the foregoing account of the Barabar caves, it will
be seen that the two groups are separated by date as well as
by position, the Satghara caves having been excavated in the
12th and 19th years of Baja Fiyadisi (or Asoka) while
those of Nagarjuni were excavated in the first year of
JJasaratha, the beloved of the Bevas. According to the
Vishnu Parana, Dasaratha was the grandson of Asoka, and
the son of Suyasas ; and as the son of Asoka, according to the
Vaya Purana, reigned only eight years, the accession of
Dasaratha must have taken place in 214 B. C. The age of
the Na,g£irjuni caves is, therefore, 31 years later than that
of the Karna-chopar, and 38 years later than that of the
Suduma and Viswa C{ivcs.

Prom the various inscriptions we learn that these caves
have boon successively occupied by Buddhists and by
tni-.v-Ifmanists. They were originally excavated for the occu-
pa( ion of Buddhist monks by the Bings Asoka and Dasaratha
ill the, third century before Christ. About the third or fourth
century after Christ, the Kings Sardula Varmma and Ananta
Jarmma, placed Brahmanical images of Deva-matd, of

* Soo Plato XIX., Fig. 7, for plan, and Plate XX., No. 6, for inscription.

AKCH^OLOGICAIi REPORT, 1861-62.

Kiltyaxjani, and of Mahddeva and his wife in three of the
caves. At a somewhat later date, in the sixth or seventh cen-
tury, the teacher Yogananda recorded his adoration of the lSid~
dheswara Ungam. This occupation by Braiimans in the seventh
century may account for the silence of the Chinese pilgrim
Hwen Thsang regai’ding the ' caves, which, as being in the
immediate neighbourhood of Gaya, would otherwise have
attracted his attention. At a still later date, somewhere about
the twelfth century, the Jogi-Karmamuvga and the pilgrrm
JBhaijankara Ndtha visited the caves and inscribed their
names.* Still later, the Nagarjuni caves were occupied by
Musalman Fakirs. The Idgah outside the Gopi Cave is said
to be only 150 years old, but the numerous graves on the
raised terrace in front of the Vapiya Cave would seem to
denote a much longer occupation of probably not lisSs" than
300 or 400 years.

During this successive occupation, the caves would
appear to have received new names, as not one of the ancient
names recorded in the inscriptions has been preserved.
Indeed, the most ancient nanies would seem to have been lost
at a very early date, for the Gopi Cave of Dasaratha is desig-
nated by Ananta Varmma as “this cavern of the Vindhya
mountains,” and the Vadathi Cave is calhal sirnidy “this
Cave,” as if the ancient names had already been forgotten.
Similarly, the Lornos Ilishi Cave is called Fravam-giri-guha,
or “ the great mountain cave.” From these instances, I would
infer that the present names cf the caves are all of later date
than the time of Ananta Varmma in the third or fourth cen-
tury. That they were also of Brahmanical origin seems to me
to bo quite certain for the following reasons : Karna-chopdr
I take to be simply Karna-jhopra, or “ Kama’s Ilut,” so named,
after Kama, King of Angga, the illegitimate son of Fritha,
the mother of the Pandus. Similarly, Lomas JUshi, wlio
was described to Buchanan as a “ vdry haiiy saint,” is no
doubt the same as Loma-pdda or “ hairy foot,” who urns also
one of the Kings of Angga (or Bhagalpur). But as Lorna-
pada is only a descriptive appellation of a Prince \fjiose
true name was Dasaratha, it would seem as if the name of

♦ See Plate XX., T) and B inscriptions from the Vapiya or Well Cave, 'I li(‘ other
inscriptioiiH given in the same Plate are whort desultory records of little iin|i<jrtance.
No. 16, (htridra-k^ntdra^ “ the cave of poverty,*’ and Nos. 18 and 19, kkm-kdnfdr(iy “ the
cave of aflliction,” no donbt refer to Buddhism, and show that these caves were inhabited;
or at least vi.>5itod, by Bnddhibt votaries as late as the third or fourth century A. D.

BARABAK — DHARAWAT.

Da^saratha, the founder of the three Nagarjuni Caves, had ac-
tually been preserved down to a comparatively late period, and
■was then ignorantly Referred by the Brahmans* to the early king
of Angga, instead of to tlie Maurya Prince of Magatha. ll(>
gnrding the name of Stiddma or Sudhdma, 1 am unable to
offer any conjecture ; but Vislmmiira w^as one of the most
celebrated of the seven Ptishis, or great Brahmanical Saints.

. The silence of Hwen Thsang regarding the caves has
iDeen already noticed ; hut I have a suspicion that he had heard
of the celebrated spring of the Fdtdl Gangd at the foot of the
Barabar llill. According to his account, there was a famous
.spring of pure water situated at 30 li (or 5 miles) to the north
of Gaya.* Now, as I could not hear of any spring to the
north\»rvd of Gaya nearer than Barabar, I would suggest
that Hwen Thsang’s distance of 3< > li should be corrected to
130 li (or 21 3 miles), which would make his famous spring
agree exactly with the position of the Fatal Ganga, accord-
i7ig to the distance by road, which is 13 miles to the Bela
l)ak Bungalow + 6 to the Kauwa-Bol Hill -f 2 more to the
PAtal GangA. Hwen Thsang adds that “the Indians, follow-
ing an ancient tradition, called this spring the ‘ holy water*
(I’eau sainte), and that at all times whoever drank of it, or
bathed in it, was instantly purified from the stain of his sins.”
Now the source of the Patal GangA is still held in such esteem
that, according to Buchanan, from 20,000 to 50,000 people
assemble annually in the middle of the month of Bliadrapada
to bathe in its waters, and about 500 people bathe daily
during the whole of that month.

Should this identification be correct, it would seem to
bo almost certain that towards the middle of the seventh cen-
fury of our era, not only were these caves occupied hy the
Brahmans, hut the very memory of their Buddhist origin
had either been forgotten or was carefully concealed.

... . XIV. DHARAWAT.

The Fhardwat group of hills lies immediately to the
north tfard of the BarAbar hills, about 1^ mile distant. There
are two distinct ridges running from west to east, that to the

* Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 455.

51 AUCII.EOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-G2.

south being nearly two miles in length with three pe/tio
named Salei/a, Guret/a, and DhaolL* The nearest road from
BavAbar to Bharilwat lies through a pass .between the Gureya
and Dliaoli Hills. The northern ridge consists of a single
hill named Ratmii, which in former days was occupied by
some establishment of the Buddliists. On the northern slope
of the hill there are two brick terraces which have been built
up against the rock. The eastern terrace is 60 feet long by
20 feet broad, and 50 feet above the plain. Near the top the
solid brick-work can still be seen for 20 feet in height, below
which the brick rubbish roaches to the foot of the hill. The
second terrace lies more than 200 feet to the westward of
the other ; it has a front of 250 feet, but its height is not
more than 15 feet above the plain. On this terrace there are
two br*oken Buddhist figures, and beneath it therdfl'c four
others, of Avhich one boars tlie usual Buddhist formula of
“ Ye Dharmma helu prahhava, &c.,” in characters of the
9th or loth century.

To the north of the Batani Ilill there is a large tank called
Chdndokhar Tal, 2,000 foot in length and 800 feet in width.
On the eastern embankment there is a new temple to Maha-
deva, only three years old, and close beside it a AX'ry small
old temple to Narsingh. Outside this temple thci’e is a very
fine life-size statue named Bhairav. The figure stands under
a thick stem of lotus Avhich forms an arch overhead, and from
which little curling branches strike off on both sides, ending
in lotus flowers which support tiny figures of men, women,
and animals. The statue has twelve arms, and bears in the
head-dress a small figure of Buddha squatted with hands in
lap. I recognized it at once as a statue of the famous
3odhisatwa AvaloJcitesioara. Beside the statue, there an*
seAxral sculptured stones containing rows of Buddhas, and
also several fragments of votive stupas, and two slabs with
representations of the Nam-graha, or “ nine planets.” There
are also numerous fragments of sculpture under a Pipal tree
close by, two of which bear inscriptions in characters of .tlie
9th or 10th century.

To the north-east of the Chfindokhar TAl there is an ex-
tensive mound of brick ruin, which is probably only tbo
remains of the former town of Dharfiwat. In the north-west

• Seo Plate No. XVIII.

DHAUAWAT — BESABII.

Pi' fco

c(jrncr of tliis. mound there are two small eminences, M'hicli
n«iy be the remains of temples, hut as the surface of the
mound now presents* nothin}' hut small fragments of bricks,
all the larger bricks having been removed to furnish materials
for the present village, it is quite impossible to say what kind
of buildings may once have stood upon it. All that can be
inferred, I think, from the present remains is, that Dhar^wat
mu'it at one time, probably aboirt the 8th or 9tli eentury,
nave been the seat of a considerable Buddhist community.
jMajor Kittoe paid a hurried visit to Bharhwat by moon-light,
lie notices tlie twelve-armed figure, which he calls a Buddhist
sculpture, as being very remarkable.

XV. BESARII.

The village of licsdrh, or Besddh in Nagari characters, is
situated 27 miles, a little to the east of north from Patna, and
20 miles from llajipur on the left bank of the Gahges. !Both
the distance and direction from Patna point to this place as the
representative of the ancient Vimdli. The name also is the
same, as it is written Besdrh by Abul Pazl in his Ain
Akbari.* Now, Ilwon Tlisaiig places the King’s Palace in
Vaisali at 120 //, or 20 miles, to the east of Tiortli from the
northern bank of the Ganges opposite Pfitaliputra, that is,
from the present Hajipnr.t He also describes the King’s
Palace as being from 4 to 6 U (from .Ij.oOO to 1,400 feet) in
circuit, whicli agrees with the size of the mined Tort now
called JldJ(t Bisdl-ka-ffnrh, which is 1,580 feet long and 750
feet broad inside, or ^,()(!0feetiu circuit round the crest of the
mound. This almost perfect coincidence of name, position,
and dimensions, seems quite sufficient to place the identifi-
cation of Besarh with Vaisali beyond all reasonable doubt.
I will, therefore, now proceed to describe the objects of interest
that still remain in Besarh and the neighbouring village .of
Bakhra, which will afford further proof of the identity of
Besarh and Vaisali.

These nains were visited by Mr. J. Stephenson in 1834,
and described by liim in Prinsep’s Journal. f They consist
of iw^ distinct grotips, one at BesArli itself, and the other

^^(jladwin’s Translation, II., 198.

Julian’s Ilwen Tbsanjr, II., 399. To Swetapura 90 //, plus 30 li to the Ganges. In
Vol. I., p. 137, the distiince to Swotapnra is stated to be 100 h.

, J; Hongal Asialic Society’s Journal, 1835, p. 128.

5G AUCHiEOLOGICAL BEPOUT, 1861-G2.

2 miles to the north-north -west of Besfirh, and. 1 mile to the
south-east of Baklira. But the whole of those must have
belonged to the aneioiit Vaisuli, as llwen Thsang describes
the old foundations of the city, although even then much
ruined, as occupying a cii’cuit of from GO to 70 U, or from
10 to 12 miles. Now, an oblong square, miles from
north to south, and 2| miles from west to east, making a
circuit of exactly 12 miles, would include both Baklira and
Besttrli and all the remains that are at present traceable.
This of itself would be sufficient to show that the Baklira
ruins must have formed part of the ancient Vaisfdi; but the
fact will be placed byond all doubt when I come to describe
the ruins themselves, which correspond in the most remark-
able manner with the minute details recorded hy Uwen
Thsang.

The remains at Bi'sarh consist of a large deserted fort,
and a ruined hriek slupa. The fort is a larg'e brick covered
mound of earth, 1,580 foot long from north to south, and 750
feet broad from west to east, measured from edge to edge.*
It has round towers at the four coiners, and the whole is
surroundc'd by a dileh which was full of water at the time
of my visit. The ruined ramparts along the edge, and the
four towers at the coriun-s, are somewhat higher than the
mass of the mound, which has a general elcivation of from
6 to 8 feet above the country. The height of the north-west
bastion I found by measurement to be 12 feet above the lields,
and 15 feet above the bottom of tlie ditch, where it was dry.
The main entrance Avas in the middle of the south face, where
there still exists a broad embankment across the ditch, as well
as a passage through the rampart. In the northern face there
was probably oqly a postern gate, as there is no passage
through the rampart, and no trace of any embankment across
the ditch, excepting the fact that the only dry part of the
ditch is on this face. The only building within the fort is a
small brick temple of modem date.

Outside the south-west angle of the fort, and about l,00fi(
feet distant, there is a ruined mound of solid brick-work, 23
feet 8 inches in height above the fields. The whole of the
top has been levelled for the reception of Musalmau tombs,
of which the largest, ascribed to Mir Abdal, is said to be

• Set! Plato -Vo. XXI.

BESAIin.

years old. Mr. Steplicnson gives the name of the Saint as
Mir Abdullah, and the ago of thg^ tomb as 250 years. My
informant was the Musalman whom I found in charge of the
tomb. On the south -edge of the mound there is a magnifi-
cent wide-spreading Banian Tree, supported on numerous
trunks, which shades the whole* of the tombs. On tlie same
side also a flight of steps leads down to the village of Besarh.
This brick mound is the ruin of one of the stupas, or solid
towers of Vaisali, of which so many arc descrilx'd bv ITavcu
T lisaitg. “ Both within and Avithout and all round the town
ol N’aisali,” says he, “ the sacred monuments are so many
that it would be difficult to enumerate them.”* IIo has,
however, described a few of them, which were situated to the
south of the town, one of which, I have no doubt, is the solid
brick mound that now bears the tomb of the Musalman
Saint, Mir Abdal.

At a short distance to the south of the town, there was a
vihilr, and also a stupa in the garden which Amraddrikd had
presented to Buddha. Beside the garden there was another
stupa erected on the spot where Buddha had announced his
approaching Nirvana (or death). Beyond this there was a
third stupa on the spot Avhere the “ thousand sons had recog-
nized their mother.” A fourth stupa stood over the spot where
Buddha was said to have taken exercise, and a fifth, erected
on ancient foundations, commemorated the site on which he
had explained certain sacred books. A sixth stupa held the
relics of one-half of the body of Ananda, the oftier half
being enshrined at Eaja-griha. The bearing df these stupas
from the gai’den of Amraddrikd is not stated ; but as the mass
of the existing brick ruins lies to the westward of the southern
entrance of the fort, the whole of these monuments must
have boon situated in that direction. Of the six stui)as
described by HAven Tlisatjg, it is probable that only two were of
any size, namely, that erected on the spot Avhere Buddha had
announced his approaching Nirvdnd, and that Avhich contained
the redics of the half body of Ananda. It is much to be
regretted that the presence of the Musalman tombs on the
top of this ancient stupa effectually precludes any attempt at
excav^iou, otherwise a shaft sunk down through the centre
of tl^mound would probably reveal the purpose for which
tlwrmonuraent had been erected. The stupa built by the

• Juliou’s Hweii Thsang, II., 395.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RKTOUT, 18G1-G2.

King of Magacllia in Kaja-grilia, orcr the other half of the
I’cinains of Auauda, is said by liwcu Thsang to have been a
su[)erb one. An annual fair is held at. the Besarh stupa in
(he month of Chaitm, when many thousands of people as-
semble at the shrine of Mir^ Abdal. As the occurrence of
this fair is regulated by the solar reckoning of the Hindus,
and not by the lunar year of the ]Muhammedans, I conclude
that the festival ivas established long before the time of the
]\Iusalman Saint. I would, tliorcfore, as the fair is held
beside the ruined stupa, connect the festival ivith some
celebration in honour of Buddlia, or of one of bis disciples.
Two ornamenlal stone Pinal’s of mediaeval date wei'c found a
short time ago iii ejccavating near the foot of the mound.

To the westward of the fort there is a large sheet of
Avator Avith an island on the east side, on Avhich is situated a
small temple dedicated to Mahadeva. Inside the temple all
the sculptures found in the ruins of Bes;irh have been col-
lected. The principal sculpture is a group of MahadcAfa
seated on his bull Nandi and caressing Hurga, or Ganri, avIio
is seated on a lion. There is also a standing figure of tlie
four-armed Vishnu Avith a radiated halo round his head. In
his hands he holds a club, a ball, a quoit, and a shell. A third
sculpture represents the Ashla Saldi, or eight female energies
seated on their respective vahans or vehicles. The remaining
sculptures arc Buddhistical. One is of Buddha the Ascetic,
two represent the DhyAni Buddlia, Amitabha, Avhilc a fourth
is a seated figure of the famous Bodhisatwa Avalokitcswara.

There arc several small sheets of Avatcr to the north and
north-west of the fort, but Avhen I saw them they Avero irre-
gular in shape and seemed to me mostly natural hollows filled
with the i-ain Avhich had recently fallen. The Natives, how -
ever, say that formerly there Avere 52 tanks (Briumw Pokhar)
around Besarh, two of which still exist in the neighbourhood
of Bakhra.

The remains at 'Buklira are all situated on a low mound
just one mile to the south-east of the village, and two miles
to the north north-west of the Port of Besarh.* The gi-oafiir
portion of this mound is noAv cultivated, but the. whole
surface is covered Avith small fragments of bricks. Tho.edge
of the mound is best defined on the western side, Aidicrr it

• See IMate XXI.

fiKSAUll.

lias an olcvafjon of four feet. Tjic remains consist of — '
a jtonc pillar surmounted by a lion ; 2w(/, a ruined stupa of
sojid lii'iek ; 3n?, a*tank; 'Uh, four small eminences 'wliiclt
mark tlie sites of ancient buildings ; and Uh, a very fine
life-size statue of Buddha the Ascetic, Avhich was discovered
only eight years ago. Tnc pillar and the ruined stupa have
already been described by Mr. Steiihcnson, and the site has
alwady been identified by M. Vivien de St. Martin, as. well as
by myself, with the Vaisali of the Buddhists.

The lion pillar of Baklira is situated in the middle of a
small court-yard with small rooms on three sides — the resi-
•denco of a Samjasi who has recently settled at this place.
The people call him Baba, lie is about 30 years of age, and
appealed to mo very like a sepoy. He Avas obliging and
communicative, and gave me both assistance and information.
If he had been surly and disobliging, he might easily have
raised religious scruples, and thus have tlnyarted me froin
making an excavation round the pillar, which I was parti-
cularly anxious to do, as it Avas cAudent to mo that the
column had sunk considerably into the earth. The man had
a few followers, and appeared to bo very comfortable. There
AA'as plenty of food stored in his house, and a line old Avcll on
the cast side of the court-yard.

The shaft of the pillar is a single block of polished
sand-stone, 18 feet in height above the present ground level
of the court- yard in which it stands, and 27 feet 11 inches
abQ\’’e the surrounding Holds. The difference bctAA'een these
two measurements, or 9 feet 11 inches, represents tne ac-
cumulation of rubbish around the pillar above the general
level of the country. I made an excavation all round
the shaft until I reached water at a depth of 14 feet below
the level of the court-yard, and of 4 feet 1 inch hcloAv the
level of the fields. The water in the old Avell close by was
standing at the same loA’^el. As the Avhole of the sha t f-x-
iiosed by the excavation is polished, it appears to me certain
that the pillar must have sunk into the ground at least 4
feet 1 inch in depth, and most probably several feet more
as there Avas no appearance of any hnsement at the point
reaibiGtl hv my excavation. The Avholo heigdit of shaft
alXthe AVater level is 32 feet. I was informed by an ohl
man at Besarh that the Saheb who excavated the Bakina

AllCU-EOLOGICAL IIEPOIIT, 1861-62.

stupa left a Bengtlli to make an excavation round the pillar,
and that just at the water level he found a square pedestal
in three steps. Before I began my ojvh excavation, I was
told that a previous excavation had been made down to the
water level without revealing any inscriptions. I found, how-
ever, a few short records in the curious flourished characters,
which James Prinsep called “shell-shaped,” and which Major
Kittoe thought somewhat resembled Chinese. I believe that
these characters belong to the 7th or 8th century. But at
whatever period these may have been in use, it is certain
that at least 4 or 5 feet more of the shaft must then have
been exposed to view. The pillar now leans to the westward,
and is from 4 to 6 inches out of the perpendicular at the
ground level. I attribute the sinking of the pillar partly to
the insufficiency of the basement, and partly to the want of
stifihess in the sub-soil, which is a loose wet sand. In such
a soil the basement should have been well spread out, with
its foundation resting on wells, so as to offer an effectual
resistance to the thrust of the heavy pillar which, with its
capital, must weigh nearly 60 tons. The shaft alone above
the water level weighs 37 tons.*

The upper diameter of the pillar is 3 8* 7 inches, and the
lower, ctiameter at the water level is 49’ 8 inches, the mean
diameter being 44'2 inches, as the slope of the shaft is (itiitc
straight. The pillar is surmounted by a bell-shaped capital,
2 feet 10 inches in height, with an oblong abacus of 12
inches, making the whole height of capital 3 feet 10 inches.
This forms the pedestal of a lion statue of life-size. The
animal is seated facing the north with his hind legs under
him, with his mouth open as if snarling, and his tongue
slightly protruded. The attitude is rather stiff, and the fore
legs of the animal seem to be both too short and too thick ;
but the hair of the mane is boldly and cleverly treated, and
the general'appearance of the statue is certainly striking.

There is no inscription on the pillar to declare the object
for which it was erected. It is possible that a short inscrip-
tion may once have existed, for the surface of the pillar has
suffered con.siderably, and in one part, 2^ feet above the
present ground level, the polished surface has peeled eff all
round. Is'umerous names of visitors have been cut on Iho

See riatc XXII. for a view of tliiw

BESARII.

pillar. • Some few are of Musalmilns, several of Hindus, but
the most of Christians. The visitors, I was told, wrote their
names in charcodl^ and a village black-smith afterwards
traced them roughly with a chisel The whole surface of the
pillar within reach is disfigured with these rude scrawls, of
which the neatest and smallest is that of “ llcuhen Burrow^
1792.” Some of the N4gari inscriptions consist of two short
lines, but none of them, as far as* I could judge, are more
than 200 or 300 years old. The pillar is known by the
people as BMm-Sen-kd-ldi and BMm-Sen-lcd-danda.

Immediately to the south of the pillar there is a small
tmdc, 200 feet from east to west, and 150 feet from north to
south! It has no name, but is simply called K4nd or
BoJehar. To tbe south, at a distance of 35 feet, there is a
low mound of broken bricks, which must have been the site
of some ancient building. At short distances from the
south-west and north-west corners of the tank, there are two
similar mounds. The probable identification of the tank and
mounds will be noticed hereafter.

Due north from the pillar, and just outside tbe court-
yard, there is a ruined stupa of solid brick surmounted by a
fine old Pipal tree. This stupa is 26 feet 10 inches in height
above the fields, but only 15 feet 11 inches above the present
ground level of the pillar. An excavation has been made
right into the centre of the mound from the north-west. The
excavation, I was informed by an old man, was superintended
by a Bengali servant of some Saheb more than 60 years ago,
but no discovery was made. This account agrees with that
given by Mr. Stephenson, who relates that the excavation was
^made by a Doctor, resident at Muzafarpur, 30 years ago, that
is, previous to 1836, or about A. D. 1805. As the centre of
the mass had evidently been reached by the Bengali, I did not
think it necessary to make any further excavation.

To the north-east of the ruined stupa, at a distance of
250 feet, there is a low mound similar to those near the tank,
and due north, at a distance of 600 feet, there is a small
temple containing a life-size statue of Buddha the Ascetic,
whinh was discovered only eight years ago in digging up some
hrU^ walls immediately to the east of the temple. The
smtuo is perfect, not even the nose being broken. There
is a small Buddha oh each side of the figure, and there arc

62 AKCH.IJOLOGICAL KEl’OllT, 1801-62.

two lions on the pedestal, hesidcs a long inscription, begin-
ning Avith the usual Buddhist formula. There is no date,,
but the characters are those of the 8th oi; 9th century. The
spot on which the figure M'as found was most probably the
site of an ancient vihdr or BuddhisiT chapel monastery, in
which the statue was enshrined. I saw several of the bricks
with bevelled edges similar to those that form part of tliu
mouldings of the Great Temple at Buddha Gaya, and of the
stupa at Giryek.

The lion pillar and the surrounding remains at Bakhra
I would identify until a group of holy buildings described
by Ilwen Thsang as being situated upwards of one mile to
the north-west of the Palace of Vaisali. Tho exact distance
is not mentioned, but the existing remains correspond so
closely with his details regarding the situation and nature
of the different objects, tliat there can be no reasonable
doubt as to the identity of tho whole group. The first work
.noticed by llwen Thsang as being upwards of one mile to
tho north-west of the Palace of Vaisiili is a stupa that was
built by King Asoka, of w'hich the purpose is not stated.
Beside the stupa there was a stone column from 50 to ^'0
feet in height, surmounted by tho statue of a lion. To the
south of the pillar there was a tank which had been ex-
cavated by a flock of monkeys for the use of Buddba. At
a short distance to the west of the tank there was a stupa
erected on tho spot where the monkeys elimbed a tree and
filled Buddha’s begging pot with honey. On tho south
side of the tank there was another stupa erected on the
spot where the monkeys offered the honey to Buddha, and
at the north-west angle of the tank there was a statue of
a monkey.*

The ruined stupa to tho north of the pillar I would
identify with Asoka’s stupa, and the small tank to the south
of the pillar with the celebrated Marhata-hrada or “ Mon-
keys’ Tank,” which, as we have already seen, w'as in the same
])osition with respect to the lion pillar. The two low mounds
to the west and south of the tank correspond with the sites
of the two stupas built to commemorate tho monkey’s offer-
ing of honey to Buddha ; and tlie low mound to tho hfiytli-
west agrees exactly with the site of the monkey’s stathe.

* Julicu’s Ilwcn Tliban*^, U., ])\). 386-3S7.

BESAJllI.

ai\c c)OiTCspontlencc between the several objects so minutely
detailed by Ilwen Thsang and. the existing renrains is com-
plete. The only point on which there is any seeming discre-
pancy is the height Of the pillar, which was from 60° feet to
(50 feet, while the actual pillar may, perhaps, be less.* The
height of the lion statue is 4 *feet 6 inches, that of the capi-
tal is 3 feet 10 inches, and that of the polished shaft down to
the water level is 35 feet 10 inches, njaking altogether a height
of ‘only 44 feet 2 inches ; but as neither the basement of the
pillar nor the end of the polished portion of the shaft have
been reached, it is quite certain that the pillar must have
been higher than this measurement. I would, therefore, fix
‘its probable original height at about 50 feet, whieh would
then agree with the measurement of Hwen Thsang.

Vaifiali, the Capital of the Lichchhavi family, was espe-
cially famous as the scene of the second Euddhist Synod in
41^_ B. C. The assembly was held, according to liwen
T'hsang, at a spot 24- miles to the south-east of the city, but

I could find no remains in that dircclion. Vaisali was also
celebrated as the place where Buddha had announced his
approaching Nirvana. The actual spot was to the westward
of the town, but after the announcement, Buddha, with his
cousin disciple Ananda, repaired to the Kutdijdm hall, where
ho addressed his followi'rs for the last time. Kulagilra, which
means the “ upper-storied hall,” was a famous edifice situated
i n th e Mahdvano Vihdro, in which Buddha had dwelt during
tlie 5th year of his teaching.* jrahdcono Vihdro means
“ the Chapel Monastery of the Great forest.” Fa-Hiaii
speaks of “ a great forest and a chapel of two stories but

II wen Thsang makes no allusion to the upper-storied hall,
^altliough, as we know from tlic Mdndhdtri Hulra of the

Divi/a Avaddtia, translated by Burnouf, the Kutdgdra Hall
was.jsituatcd on the bank of the Marhaln-lirada, or “Monkey
Tank.”+ from Hwen Thsang’s silence I infer that this once
famous hall, which fa-IIian had seen about A. D. 410, must
have become ruined befoi’e A. D. 640. Altogether, the agree-
ment of these details is so very close that I think there can
be little, if any, doubt that the Bakhra ruins represent the
site of the group of sacred objects described by Hwen Thsang.
Even the irreat forest can still be traced in the numerous fine

* 'luriiour ill Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, lb3'^, pp. 70') and 1200.

Y Iniiodaftiun Vlli^toire du Buddhisrae Tndion, p. 7h.

Gt ARCU^OLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2.

groves of trees whicL. surround the ruins on all sides.- The
name of Bakhra may possibly have been derived from Vak
(S. Vach) “ to speak,” from the fact that in the Kutdgdra
Hall J3uddha had addressed his disciples for the last time.

XVI. KESAEIYA.

To the north-north-west, distant 30 miles from BesArh,
and somewhat less than two miles to the south* of the large
village of Kesariya, stands a lofty' brick mound capped by a
solid brick tower of considerable size. This ruin has already
been brought to notice by Mr. B. H. Hodgson, but no des-
cription has been published, and in the sketch taken by his
Native artist, the mound appears much too high for its
breadth, while the stupa (or dahgopa) on the top is made
much too small.*

The mound of Kesariya is a ruined mass of solid brick-
work, 62 feet in height, and 1,400 feet in circumference at
the base of the ruins’; On the top of this there is a solid
brick stupa, the whole surface of which is ruined, excepting
at the base, which is still perfect in several plates. In the
most perfect part there are 15 courses of surface brick-work
still in good order, and in two other places there are 10 and

11 courses perfect. From these three points I made out the
base of the stupa to be 68 feet 6 inches in diameter. My
measurement of the height was necessarily rough, as there
was no defined edge at the top, the whole being thickly
covered Avith long grass. After much trouble I made out a
height of 38 feet inches for the cylindrical portion, and of

12 feet 10^ inches for the dome, or altogether of 61 feet G
inches. But as the height of the dome cannot have been
less than the half diameter of the building, or 34 feet 2^
inches, the original height of the solid brick-work or this
stupa must have been 72 feet 10 inches, and the Avholo
height of the stupa with its pinnacle not less than from 80
to 90 feet, or including the ruined basement on which it
stands, not less than 150 feet above the ground, f

From the ruined state of the lower mound, compared
with the perfect state of the base of the upper stupa, I am

r- . i...,. —

* BcTigfvl Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1835, Plate VIL

f Sco Plate XXIII. for a plan of the ruins of KesaiJya ; and Plato XXIV. for a view
of the titupa.

•>

LAURIA NAVANOGARH

ol tiic Hums ot

NAVANDGARH LAURIYA

kesariya.

of opinion that the present stupa is of middle age, say from
A-. X). 200 to 700, and that it was huilt upon the ruined mass
of a much older and much larger stupa. That such a
practice was not uncommon, we learn from Hwen Thsan",
who describes two stupas at Vaisali as having been erect^
on ancient foundations. I feel’ quite satisfied that such has
been the case with the Kesariya Monument, and as all the
early stupas are found to be hemi^icrical, I infer that the
lower and earlier stupa must ha’Je been of that form. Its
great size may bo deduced from the breadth of the base of
the upper stupa, namely, 68 feet 6 inches, at a height of 62
feet above the ground ; and as there must have been a clear
"Icrracc all round this stupa, for the perambulation of pil-
grims, the actual thickness of the early stupa at this height
cannot have been much less than 100 feet, which would give
a diameter at base of 160 feet. The height of the hemis-
phere would, of course, have been 80 feet, but with the usual
square IJuddhist capital surrounded by an umbrella, or other
pinnacle, the stupa could not have been less than 100 feet.

This ancient monument is known to the people as JRdja
Jicn ka Dedra. The similar but smaller stupa at Kasiya is
also called a Dedra, or, as it is written by Buchanan, Dewhara.
In both cases the name belongs to the upper stupa, and not
1o the whole mass, as all mounds, Avhethcr of earth or brick,
this part of the country, are named Dhisa. Bedriya,
Avhicli is a very common village name in the districts of
Tirhut, Champaran, and Gorakhpur, is applied, I believe,
only to such places as possess either a temple or some other
holy buildings. Of Daja Ben the people have no tradition,
except that he was one of the five Supreme Emperors of
^ndia, and he is, therefore, called JRaja Ben ^ Chakravartti.
The piece of water immediately to the south of the stupa is
also named after him, Baja Ben ka Digha, or Baja Ben’s
Tank. I know only of one Baja Vena, whom the Bishis are
said to have inaugurated as “ Monarch of the Earth,” but
wdiom they afterwards slew, because he would not allow theni
to worship Vishnu — “ Who,” exclaimed he, “ is this Harl
Avhom you stylo the lord of sacrifice?” Erom Vena’s right
arm, when rubbed by Brahmans, was produced a son named
Pritliu, who, according to the Vishnu Purana, also become a
Chakraoarlti Baja, Tliis Vena ChakraA^artti is most pro-
bably the gi'cat Baja Ben to Avhom the tradition refers.

CO AUClI.EOLOGtC.VL UErOUT, 1SG1-G2,

Now it is remarkable that, according to the account of
Hwen Thsang, this stupa was also refex'red to a Chakravavtti
Raja hy the Buddhists of the 7tli ceuUiry. He states that
at somewhat less than 200 U (that is, less than 33 miles, or
say about 30 miles) to the portli-west of VaisAli, which is
the exact position of the. Kesariya stUpa, there was an ancient
town Avhicli had been deserted for many ages. It possessed a
stupa built over the spot .where Buddha had announced that
ill one of his former existences he had been a Bodhisatwa,
and had reigned over that town as a Chakravavtti liaja,
named Mahadcoa* It can hardly, I think, be doubted that
the tradition of Raja Bon preserves the very same story which
is recorded by Huen Thsang. That the stupa was intended
to commemorate a Chakravartti Raja might also have been
inferred from its position at the meeting of four principal
roads. “ Bor a Chakravartti Raja,” said Buddha addressing
Ananda, “ they build the thupo at a s])ot ivhero four princi-
pal roads meet.” Now to the south of Kesariya, within
one-quarter of a mile of the stupa, the two great thorough-
fares of tiie district cross each other, namely, that from Patna
northward to Bettiah, and that from Chapra across the Gan-
dak, north-eastwards to Nepal.

On the east side of the Kesariya stupa a gallery has been
excavated right to the centre of the building. This is said
to have been done upwards of TO years ago by one Kasi Nalb
Babu, the servant of a Colonel Saheb. As the name of
“ Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, Madras Engineers, 1811',” is
inscribed on the Bakhra Pillar, I think it probable that the
excavation was riiade by his orders. No discovery wa.s made,
and, if I am right in my identification of this stupa with that
which was erected on the sfiot where BuTldha announced his
previous existence as a Chakravartti Raja, it is almost certain
that it would not have been the depository of relics or of
other objects. The monument was, in fact, only a racmori.nl
stupa, erected to perpetuate the fame of one of Buddha’s
acts, and not a sepulchral stupa for the reception of relics.

To the north north-east of the stupa, and rather less
than half a mile distant, there is a small mound which has
been partially excavated to furnish materials for the bridges
on the high road, which, within the last few years, have been

♦ Julieii’s II Win Tksan^, IT., 39G.

STUPA AND MOUND AT KESARIYA.

KESAUIYA — LATJRIYA AEA-UAJ.

made from Bakhra to Motihari vid Kesariya. The excaA'atious
have disclosed the walls of a small temple, 10 feet square
inside, and the head .and shoulders of colossal liguro of Bud-
dha, witli the usual crisp curly liair. The mound, which is
about 200 feet square, is called llaniiods, and also Gorai, and
the buildings are attributed to some ancient lU\ni. It ap-
pears to me to have been the site of a Vilulra or Temple
Monastery, as portions of cells are still traceable on the
eastern side. At the south-west angle there is another
smaller mound of brick ruin, 120 feet from north to soulh
and 00 feet from west to east. It is probably the ruin of a
temple.

XVII. LAURIYA ARA-RAJ.

Between Kesariya and Bettiah, at a distance of 20 miles
to the north-west of the Kesariya stupa, and one mile to the
south-west of the llindu temple of Ara-Baj Mahaileo, there
stands a lofty stone column Avliich bears in well-preserved
and well-eut letters several of the edicts of King Asoka. The
pillar itself is simply called Lcmr, that is, “ the phallus” and
the m'.ighbouring village, Avhich lies not more than 100 yards to
the AV(!stward, is called Laurhja. This is the j)iliar which, on
the authority of Mr. Hodgson, has been called the Eadhia
Pillat. Noav, as the other pillar to the north of Bettiah is
also called Laur, and the large village close to it icuoyyff,
while Mr. Hodgson has named it Malhiuh, I presume that
his Munshi intentionally suppressed the phallic name of
Lanriifa, and named the two pillars at random after some ot
tlie neighbouring villages. Thus Eahariya (llurheea ot
Indian Atlas Sheet No. 102), which is Mr. Hodgson s Eadhia.
lies 21- miles to tho»west north-west of the southern pi jar,
while Mathiah lies 3 miles due south from the northern pillar.
In describing these pillars I will preserve the charactenstio
uarae of Lauriya, and for the sake of distinguishing e one
from the other, I will add to each the name o ^
village, thus the village near the southern pillar I shall caU
ylra-iZq/, and that near the northern pillar Launyu

iNacaiulgarh.

The Ara-Ea] Pillar is a single block
stone, 3G4- feet in height above the ground, a base
meter of 41’8 inches, and a top diame ci - ^

The weight of this iiortion only is very ncary >

AECHiEOLOGICAL EEPORT, 1861-G2.

as there must be sereral feet of rough shaft sunk in the
earth, the actual weight of the single block must be about
40 tons. This pillar has no capital, although there can be
little, if any, doubt that it must once have been erowncd
with a statue of some animal. • The people, however, know
nothing of it, and not a fragment of any kind now exists
to suggest what it may have been. The site of the village is
a very secluded one, and' there are no ruins or other remains
to attract attention. It has accordingly escaped the notice
of travellers, and the disfigurement of their names — the only
record being that of “ ileuben Brnrow, 1702,” besides a few
flourished letter's, or marks, of the kind which James Prinsep
called shell-shaped characters.

The edicts of Asoka are most clearly and neatly en-
graved, and are divided into two distinct portions, — that to the
north containing 18 lines, and that to the south 23 lines. I
made a copy of the inscription by the eye, which I then
compared with James Prinsep’s text, and afterwards I re-
examined every letter in which our copies differed. I also
made an inked impression of the whole inscription on paper.
But, though the variations from Prinsep’s text are not many,
yet, as no facsimile has yet been made public, it is important,
for the sake of comparison, to afford access to one which has
been carefully copied in every letter.

XVIII. LAURIYA NAVANDGARH.

The lion pillar of Lauriya Navandgarh, which after Mr.
Hodgson has hitherto been called tlie Mathiah Pillar, is
situated at rather less than half a mile to the north-cast of
the large village of Lauriya, at 15 miles to the north north-
west of Bettiah, and at 10 miles from the nearest point of the
Gandak Kiver. As Mr. Hodgson’s name of Mathiah serves
only to mislead, I propose to call the site of this pillar
Lauriya Kavandgarh, by adding the name of a very remark-
able deserted fort which stands just half a mile to the south-
west of Lauriya. The village of Mathiah lies no less than 3
miles to the south of the pillar, and is besides both smaller
and of less consequence than Lauriya. The name of this
Lauriya is printal in Homan letters in the Indian Atlas Slicot
No. 102, and even the “ stone pillar” itself is inserted in its
proper place to the north-cast of the village. The deserted

PlLLAl

LAURIYA NAVANDGAllH. 09

fort of Navandgarh is omitted, but it will be found in the
Calcutta Map, on the 8-mile scale, as Naonad-garli. The
mound is from 260 ‘to 300 feet square at top, and 80 feet in
height. Od account of its height it was chosen as one of the
stations of the Trigonometrical Survey, and for the same
reason it commands a most extensive and beautiful view of

the well-wooded country aroimd it.*

•

The remains at Lauriya Navandgarh are particularly in-
teresting, as they are very extensive, and at the same time
quite different in character from any others that I have exa-
jnined. These remains consist of three rows of earthem
barrows or huge conical mounds of earth, of which two of the
rows lie from north to south, and the third from west to east.
The stupas hitherto met with have been made either of stone
or of brick ; but the earliest stupas were more mounds of
earth, of which these are the only specimens that I have
seen. I believe that they are the sepulchral mounds of the
early kings of the country, prior to the rise and spread of
Buddhism, and that their date may, therefore, ho assumed as
ranging from about 600 to 1500 B. C. The word stupa
meant originally only “ a mound of earth,” and this is the
rendering given to the word by Colebrookc in his transla-
tion of the Amarakosha. In the time of Asoka all the
stupas w^crc certainly built cither of stone or brick, as
recorded by II wen Thsang ; and, although he is silent regard-
ing the material of the earlier stupas of Ajsltasatra and other
contemporaries of Buddha, yet, as he makes no mention any-
where of earthen stupas, I presume that all the Buddhist
monuments were cither of brick or stone. The earthen
barrows I would, therefore, refer to an earlier period, as the
‘stupas or sepulchral mounds raised over the ashes of the
rulers of the country, the larger mounds belonging, perhaps,
to the greater or more famous monarchs who had assumed
the title of ChalcramrUi Eajas. Every mound is called
simply Mhlsa, and the whole are said to have been the^forti-
fied residences of the ministers and nobles of Baja TJttdnpat,
while the Eort of Navandgarh was the Baja’s own residence.
IJtldnapddtty King of Brahinavarta or Bharatkhand, that is,
of the Gangetic I)oab, 'was the son of the Manu Swaycmi-
hhuva, the fir^t-created of Brahma, and the progenitor of

Sec riiilc XXIII. lor a plan of these ruins, and Plato XXV. for a view.

ARCn^EOLOGICAL RErORT, 1801-02.

mankind. Raja Vena, to wliom tlie Kcsariya .Monnraent is
assigned, was the seventh in descent from UttAnapMa.
Another decisive evidence in favour of tjie great antiquity of
these barrows is the fact that Major Pearse, of the Madras
Artillery, found one of the small punch-marked silver coins
in his excavations amongst them. These coins are certainly
anterior to the time of Alexander the Great, and I believe
that many of them are as old as 1000 B. C., and, perhaps,
even older.

There are three rows of these earthen mounds, of which
one line runs from cast to west, and the other two lines from
nox’th to south. There are five barrows in the cast and west
row and six barroAvs in the inner north and south roAA% Avbilo
the outer north and south row has four large and at least
scA'en small bari'ows.* Tliore are probably several more small
mounds which escaped my observation in the jungle .sur-
rounding some of the larger mounds, but I do not believe
that any barrow of greater height than 5 or 0 feet remains
unnoticed. In my survey of these remains I have attached
a separate letter of the alphabet to each mound for the sake
of greater clearness of description.

In the east and west line there arc five mounds marked
A. to E. Four of tlicse mounds. A., C., D., and E., are covered
Avith fragments of brick, and there arc also traces of the aa uHs
of small brick buildings on their summits. Mound A. is 20
feet in height. Within 5 feet of its top, I excavated a
portion of a circular foundation AA'all, 16 inches thick, formed
of single bricks 20 J inches long and 4 inches thick. There
were only four courses of bricks resting on the earth of the
mound. This work may cither have been the retaining A\all
of a circular terrace which once croAvned the top of the
mound, or it may haA'c been the foundation of a tower ; but

* Slie Plato XXIV. for a view of Uiohg earthen mounds and of the Lion pillar. TIio
followirijjf extractn fro..i the He/igal Adininiistratiou Ifeport for show the nature of

the di.- 3 Covoric.s to he e-xpoetod in these mounds. Tho cxciivations were Uhido on my re-
commendation :

**J*ara. 273. — ** At Lowrya, 15 miles north-west of llettiah, there is ono of Asokii’s c'dict
or boundury pillars. It i.s of granite, 4f) feet liigh* and 9 feet in einminlVrence at base.
It has an entablature at top Huriiiouuted by a lion coucliant. A sliort time ago, close by it,
■wore found some leaden coftin.s containing unusually long human skeletons.’^

A second paragraph, x>orhaps, refers to a dillbreut discovery, hut 1 su.spcct it mu.st
bo the same described by a ditl’orent person.

** Some tumuli have been discovered in tho Bettiuh Hub-diviaion, from one of which
two iron coins jvere obtained, and from another an iron cofliri 9 foot or ho in length; in
tliiri were human lonca. The uollin was gi cully corroded, and fell to pieces.’*

lAtmirA NAVAXDGAUn.

as the wall was only IG inches thick, the former would scorn
to he the more probable supposition. Mound B. is a simple
earthen barrow, 25. feet in height. Mound C., which is 30
f(!ct in height, is thickly covered with broken brick. There
are traces of foundation walls on the top, but a former exca-
vation shows that the whole mass is plain earth. There are
truth's also of walls on the slopes ‘of the mound ; and in an
excavation amongst these superliciah brick ruins made by Mr.
Jjyncb, Deputy Magistrate of Motihdrj^ there was found a seal
of black earthen- ware, bearing a short inscription in characters
of the Gupta period, that is, of tlie 2nd and 3rd century after
Christ. The inscription, which consists of four letters, reads
'Alacijd. This is most probably only a name which may
mean cither Atavi ju, “ the forest born,” or less jn-obably
Ata -I- Ajn, “the cause of motion.” At the end of the
name there is the Sicmtika, or mystic cross, and over the
name in the middle there is the symbol of DJiarmma, and
to the left, in a slanting direction, a trident, or IrmtL The
discovery of this seal shows that Navandgarh Lainaya was
certainly occupied by the Buddhists as late as the 2nd or 3rd
century A. D. Doubtless their occupation continued to a
later p(‘riod ; for, although both Pa- Ilian and Ilwen Thsang
make no allusion to it, their silence is easily accounted for
by the fact that the course of their travels did not take either
oi‘ ^lem into the Bcttiah District. The two remaining barrows
of this row are somewhat higher, mound D. being 35 feet,
and E. 45 feet. Both of them arc covered Avith broken brick.
The top of D. had already been open' d, tand I myself made an
excavation on the top of "mound E. Both had Hat tops, as if
terraces had once existed on their summits, and Avith this
impression I began my excaA'ation. At the de]i)th of 4 feet
‘all trace of brick disappeared, the mass of the inound being
plain earth. The bricks Avere large, 15" x 9" x 2}."

None of the barrows of the middle line have any traces
I of brick u])on them, but seem to be • made ot plain earth.
‘They arc all coA'cred with low thorny jungle. The most
nortlierly mound of this line, marked 11., is 25 loot in height;

1 the next mound, marked G., is 20 feet ; the next I . is 60
•feet ; and the next M. is 65 feet. The last tvA'o arc the
jhighest of all the barrows at Navandgarh Lauriya. The
fnext mound N. is only 15 feet high, and the next southerly
Iniound, marked Q., is 25 feet in height. About one-half of

72 auciijeological r.EPonT, 1861-G2.

the mass of the last mound has been exeavated and envried
away to Bettiah on bullocks and donkeys. The whole heart
of tlie mound is formed of an extremely , hard whitish clay,
which is used by the people as a light coloured clay-wash for
the walls of their houses. This clay is, indeed, so hard that
it turns the edges of common digging tools. When Ireshly
cut, it glistens, and has a bluish tint. Brora whence was
this clay obtained r There is none noAV anywhere near tlic
place, the soil being generally light and sandy. Can it liave
been found here formerly, or Avas it broiiglit from a distance ?

In the outer line there are only four large barroAvs, the
most northerly, marked L., being 20 feet in height, and the
other 1 hree, marked K., J ., and li., being each GO feet . The last
mound li., Avbich is the most southerly of this line, has also
been ('xcavated for the sake of its stiif white clay, Avhieh is
similar to that of mound Q. of the middle lino. Between.!,
and 11. I traced sca'cii small mounds, of Avhich the largest,
marked ()., is only 8^ feet in height. I made an opening in
this mound doAvn to the ground leA'el, but AA ithout any resi\lt.,
except that it proved the mound to l)e form(!d of common hard
earth, and not of the indurated glistening white clay, Avhich
forms the masses of the Iavo barroAA's (,). and 11.

There is another question regarding these barroAvs Avhieh
is, perhaps, quite as puzzling as that of their origin, naniely,
from AAdicncc aa'os the earth for so many large Jiuniuds ju'o-
enred, for there is not a single hollow or o.v<;avaCon of any
kind in their neighbourhood? On three .skies of tlie huge
mound of Navandgarh the laidcs still exist to show from
whence its material AA'as ol)tain('d, hut Avith respc.ad to the
material for the tumuli Ave arc left entirely to eonje' l ui-e.
Between the moiuuls and the village of Lauriya there is the
dry bed of an annual flood stream called the Tarkdhn Ndl<i.,
hut its soil is light and sandy, excepting only in tlu^ dijeper
pools, where the AA'atcr lies for several nxonths. It s(;o)ns
scarcely possible that the cax’th could hav'c been taken from
this sandy clianncl, and yet it is equally impossible to say
from what other plaee it could have beexr obtained.

The lion pillar of .Lauriya Nav^andgarh stands to tlie
north of the mounds A. and B., at a di.stanccof less than 500
feet from each. Its shaft is formed of a single block of
polished stand-stone, 32 feet 9^ inches in height, Avith a dia-

LAURIYA NAVANDGA-RTI.

7:?

meter "^bjiso. of 35-5 inches and of 26;2^ inches at top. The
-capital, which is 6 feet 10 inches in lieight, is bell-shaped,
with a circular abacus supporting the statue of a lion facing
the north.* The abacus is ornamented with a row of
Brahmani geese pecking their food. The column has a light
and elegant ajj[)earancc, and is altogether a much moi’e pleas-
ing monument than the stouter and shorter pillar of Baklira.
Tlialion has been injured in the month, and the column itself
hears the round mark of a cannon shot just below tho
eapital, which has itself been slightly dislodgc'd by the shock.
C)n(! has not far to s(;ck for tho name of tho probable author
.of this mischief. By the people tlio outeige is ascribed
to the Miisalinans, and on the pillar itself, in beauti-
fully cut Persian characters, is inscribed the name of
Ilahl-nd-din Muhnniniad Ai'ranrfzlh PiidAidh Ahimr/lv Ghhi,
Saiiji, 1071. I'his date corresponds with A. .D. IGOO-Gl,
which was the foiirtli j^ear of the rcigu of the bigotted Aurang-
zih, and the record may probably have been iiiscribcd by
some /ealous follower in JNlir Jumla’s Army, which was
llien on its return from Bengal, after the death of tho
Ihnpcror’s brother Shuja. Tho IS'avandgarh Pillar is much
tliinner and miieli ligliter than those of Ara-Baj and Bakhra.
The weiglil, of tlie ])olisl)ed \)()rtion of its shaft is only 18 tons,
or rather less than half that, of tho Bakhra Pillar, and some-
tvXai tnore than half that of the Ara-llaj Pillar.

'file, ]nllar is inscribed with the edicts of Asoka in the
.'•ame eh'ar and beautifully cut chai’actci’s as those of the
Ara-Uaj Pillar. The two insmdptions, Avith only a few trifling
varial ions, correspond letter for letter. I made a careful copy
of till' whole for eomjiarison with the text made public by
dames Prinsc]). I made also a facsimile impression in ink.

'flic Navandgarh Pillar has been visited by numerous
travellers, as it stands in the direct route from Bettiah to
Nepal, d’hcro are a few unimjiortant inscriptions in modem
Nagai i. tliemidcst being dated in ISamnat 1560, clinit hadi 10,
(‘(piivalcnt t(X\.. D. 1509. One of them, without date, refers
t ;0 some pett_wiloval Family, Aemyenn Suict, Nripa

Amara i/ffhd that is, “King Ainara Singha, the son of
King Narayana.” The only English inscription is the name
of Jill. Jhirrow, 1792.

* .Sen riatc XXII. for a view of this pillar.

arch^t:ological report, 1801-G/8.

The pillar itself has now become an object of wc/aship as
a phallus or lingam. Whilst I was copying the inscriptiou^ •
a man with two women and a child set iip a small flag before
the pillar, and placed offerings of sweetmeats around it.
They then all knelt before it, bowing down their heads to
the ground with their hands behind their backs, and repeating
some prayer. The erection of the pillar is ascribed to llaja
Bhim Mnri^ one of the five Pandava brothers to whom most
of the pillars in India are now ascribed. T could not learn
anything I’egarding the title of Mari. There are two fine
Banian trees close to the pillar, — one to the north, and the
other to the south ; — but there are no traces of buildings of,
any kind near it.

XIX. PADARAONA.

The large village of Badaraona, or Badaravana, is sitiv^
ated 12 miles to the west of the Biver Gandak, 27 miles in a
direct line to the north north-west of Navandgarh Lauriya,
and 40 miles to the north north-east of Gorakhpur. I be-
lieve that it is the ancient Bdwn, as it is situated just 12
miles from Kasia, which agrees with the position assigned to
Bawd in the Pali Annals with respect to Kusinagara. The
very name of Bawd also seems to be only a corruptior ol‘
Badara~vana, or Badar-han, which might easily be shortened
to Barhan, Bdimn, and Bawd.

The remains at Padaraona consist of a large mound
covered with broken brick and a few statues. The mound
is 220 feet in length from west to east, 120 feet in breadth
from north to south, and 14 feet in height at the western
end above the fields. The long trench mentioned by Bucha-
nan still exists on the west side, and looks as if a wall had
been dug out for the sake of the bricks. About eight years
ago a large hole was excavated to the east of the trench by
a zemindar for the sake of bricks. Two houses were built of
the materials then obtained, but sufficient tra^i of the walls
still remains to show that they were in straigm lines, one of
them being paralled to Buchanan’s trench, t Prom this I
infer that there was a court-yard about 100 fe^ square, with
cells on each side for the accommodation of monks. In the
centre there was probably either a stupa or a temple. But
if I am right, in my identification of Padaraona with Bawd,

PADAUA^ONA.

the almost certainly have been a stupa ; for

we know the people of P^l,w&, after the cremation of
BuddhaV-iDMy, Obtained one-eighth of the relics, over which
they erected a stupa. The entrance to the court-yard would
ippear to have been on the eas| side, where the mound is
ttow low and thickly covered with bricks.

In a small roofless brick building at a short distance to
the' northward, there are a few old figures. This temple is
ledicated to Ilhthi Bhaw^ni, or the Elephant Goddess, who
s accordingly propitiated with rude votive figures of ele-
phants in baked clay, of which numbers lie scattered about
he temple, both inside and * outside. The statue called
Uhthi Bhawiini represents a squatted male figure with a
iriple umbrella over his head. The figure appears to be
lakcd, and if so, it must belong to the Jains, and not to the
Bij/ldliists. A drawing of it is given by Buclianan.* There are
Iso two fragments with seated Buddhas, and a third ^vith the
upper half of a female figure. On referring to Buchanan I
rticognized all three fragments as having belonged to the statue
sketched as fig. 2 in his plate. The principal figure is now
gone, but there are a few unimportant fragments not noticed
by Buchanan, and in the village there is the pedestal of a
sta/tue.

I made an excavation on the highest part of the mound
om the west side, and to the northward of the zemindar’s
excavation. In this I found bricks with rounded edges such
as I had noticed in the mouldings of tlie Great Temple at
Buddha-Gya, and of the stupa at Giryek. I found also
wedge-shaped bricks of two sizes. The^ largest ones being
only fragments, I was unable to ascertain their length, but
their breadth was 20f at the end, and 191 inches at 6 inches
distance. As the larger end was rounded, these bricks must
have formed part of some circular building and most pro-
bably of a solid stupa, wdiich would have been just 30 feet in
diamoter.-'Tilhe smaller bricks were 81 inches long 5g inches
broad at the ^Mdest end, and 5 inches at the narrow end, mth
a thickness of )2l inches. These may have belonged to a
small stupa About 9 feet iu diameter. In my excavation 1
found also the base of a pillar of coarse grey sandstone. It
was 15 inches square and 61 inches high, with a few plai n

• Eastern India, II., Plate L, I ig. 2.

7G AllClI.EOLOGICAL llEPORT, 1801-0'j.

mouldings at the upper edge. The complete, ^exc^iwon of
this mound would not be difficult, and the wpfj|\4aight hr
superintended by the civil authorities of dlTo place, Vho live
close by.

XX. JCASIA,

The village of Kasta is situated at the crossing of two
great thoroughfares, at a distance of 35 miles due east from
Gorakhpur. The name is written Ka^ia, with the shoit a
in the first syllable ; but I have little doubt that it should
be written Kusia with the short «, for the place corresponds,
both in position and in name, with the celebrated Kminagara
or “Town of the Kusa-grass,” which, as the scene of'
Buddha’s death, was famous throughout India. This sacred
spot was visited both by Ba-Hian and by II wen Thsang ;
and the latter has left a detailed account of the various
stiijjas which still existed in his time. Most of these have
now disappeared, owing partly to the removal of bricks b^
the people, but chiefly, I believe, to the inundations of the
Little Gandak River, which at some former period must have
flowed close by the sacred buildings of Kusinagara, as there
are several old channels between the two pi’incipal masses
of ruins, which are still occasionally filled during the rainy
season.

The existing remains have already been described oy
Buchanan* and by Mr. Liston ;t but their accounts arc very
brief, and offer no attempt to identify the ruins with any of
the ancient cities which are known to have existed in this
part of the country. The remains consist of — a lofty
mound of solid brick-work called Decisthdn and Rdtmhluh'
Rhaiodni; 2»c?, an oblong mound called the Fort of MCdhd
Kudr, which is covered with broken brick and jungle,
and on which stands a brick stupa much ruined ; Zrd, a largo
statue of Buddha the Ascetic ; ^th, a low square mound
covered with broken brick near the village of Anrudhwd;
and 5tA, a number of low earthern mounds, b'lsft barrows,
which are scattered over the plain to the north ^d cast of the
great mound, f /

* Eastern India, II., p. 357, '

t Bengal Asiatic Society's Jonrnal, 1837, p. 477.

X See Plate XXVI. for a Map of Kasla. 1 opened several of these barrows, but with-
out any result. I believe now that I did not dig deep enough. That they are tombs 1 feel
quite certain, as Meganthenes describes the Indian ^‘sepulchres as plain, and the tuinuU of
earth Strabo., XV„ 1. 54,

K A S 1 A

KASIA.

Tljc mound called Devisthdn and Bdmdhhdr Tila is the
ruin oi largfe ancient stupa of solid brick-work, which is
still 49 in hefgjit above the fields. It is situated some-
what less than one mile to the south-west of Kasia. On the
top, under a fine old Banian Tree, is the shrine of the goddess
Devi. There is neither statue no'r building, but only some
votive figures in baked clay, the offerings of the poor people
to tlicir favourite Devi. The godd^ is also called Rdmdhhdr
Bhawdmi, because the mound is situated on the western bank
of the TLdmdhlidr JMl, a large natural sheet of water, which
forms part of the bed of the Roha Ndla, one of the old cliannels
of the Little Gandak. As the mound is also called Ramabhar
Tila, it is possible that this name may have originally belonged
to the stupa. I attempted to make an excavation at the top
of the mound, but the large interlaced roots of the Banian
Tree soon forced me to give up the woi-k. At the south-
eastern foot of the mound I discovered a portion of a small
slupa formed of very large bricks, averaging 5 inches in
thickness. These bricks were 17-a- inches in length and wedge-
shaped, being 8^- inches broad at one end, and only 7 inches
at the other end. These dimensions would give a diameter
of only 16^ feet to the stupa.

The large mound called MdlM-Kuar-Jca-kot, or the
“ Fort of MAtlia-Kuar,” is 600 feet in length frommorth-
AVGst to south-east, and from 200 to 300 feet in breadth. At
its highest point, which is 30 feet 3 inches in height above
the plain, the mound is formed entirely of solid brick-work,
which I believe to be the remains of a very ancient stupa.
On this point stands a solid tower of brick- work with sides
much ruined, and its top covered with long grass. This is
undoubtedly a stupa, and from its position it must be of much
later date than the ancient mass of brick-work on which it
stands. I conclude that it is a work of middle age, or between
A. D. 200 and 600. At present the mass of the tower is only
24 feet thick, but by clearing away the rubbish, I measured
a circumference of 86 feet, which gives a diameter of nearly
27 ^ feet. The present height of the lower portion is only 15
feet, and that of the grass-covered top, 12 feet 9 inches, the
whole being ^ feet 9 inches above the ancient foundation,
and 58 fee^ove the plain. But as the original height of
tliis was most prcAably equal to two diameters, or

5^ Ixict, the whole height of the stupa above the plain would
l^avo been 85 feet. J'/lrove a homontal gallery into the

ARCniEOLOGICAL REPOIIT, 1801-06.

centre of the building at its base without. makincr4iiy dis-
covery. I confess that I did not expect to fin^^VPJ^iing, as,
I believe, that whatever relics may ha?^e‘Tb^n*iRposited on
this spot, they would, have been placed in the more ancient
stupa below, which forms the foundation of the present
monument. There is a finj^ipal Tree close to this stupa.*

The mound called tfyi Fort of M^tli^ Kuar is situated
nearly 1,600 yards to the north north-west of the ruined stupa
called R&m4bh^ir. Buchanan gives the distance as 400 yards,
which is most probably a misprint for 1,400 yards. My dis-
tance was measm’ed from centre to centre ; if taken from foot
to foot, the distance would be a little over 1,400 yards. Tliis
mound would seem to have been formed of the ruin of two
large buildings and of several small ones. The site of one of
the larger ones has just been described ; that of the other is
to the north-westward, the summit of the mound at this
point, which is crowned by a large Pipal Tree, being 20 feet
in height above the plain. To the east of the stupa there is
also a small detached mound, 16 feet 3 inches in height. I
made an excavation in the top of this mound, which I aban-
doned after reaching a depth of 4 feet 3 inches, as I found
only broken bricks mixed with earth. Both to the north and
south of the stupa there are low mounds, which are probably
the remains of small detached towers or other buildings. The
top of the large mound is in most parts thickly covered W'ith
bricks, but towards the north-west end, whore the elevation
is low, there are some rather large spaces quite clear of
bricks, which may be supposed to represent the court-yards,
or vacant spots between the buildings. I noticed many
wedge-shaped bricks, which must have belonged to stupas of
small size, besides several bricks with one-half face bevelled
like those in the mouldings of the Great Temple at Buddha-
Gaya and of Jarasandha’s Tower at Giryek. I was unable to
trace any straight lines of surrounding walls, and, from the
irregular outline of the mound, I incline to believe that it
has been formed by the ruin of a considerable number of
independent buildings, such as a cluster of stupas of all sizes.
From the total absence of statues, I infer that there were
l)robably but few temples on this site. s

The large statue known as that of MdtM K;vir, or the
“Bead Pidnee,” is now lying on’the ground at a distunoe of

* See Plate XXVII. fur a vicw\^theBe ruins.

STUPA AN]1 MOUKD UP UIJIN

KASTA.

|cit from {he brick stupa above described. Quito close
• jit, to the ca^ward, there is a low square mound which
•ive to be the remains of a temple in which tlie ima^^e
trmerly enshrined. The statue which is made of the
blue stono of Gaya, is spi’t into two pieces from top
jlom, and is otherwise much \njured. The short inscrip-
|n its pedestal has been almost’ worn out by the villagers
Irpening their tools, hut the few'letters whicli remain\rc
lent to show that the statue is not of older date than the
lor 12th century. The figure itself is colossal, and
feents Buddha the Ascetic seated under the Bodhi Tree at
. ja-Gaya. The whole sculpture is iO-J- feet in height by
‘ 'y feet in breadth. The height of the figure alone is 5 feet 41
iches, the breadth across the shoulders being 3 feet 8^
iches, and across the knees 4 feet 5 inches. A sketch of
lis -sculpture is given by Buchanan.*

I Between the Port of Mdtlia, Ktidr and the great stupa
|i the Jldmdhlmr JMl, there is a low mound of brick ruins
l)out 600 feet square, which is said to have been a hot or
Irt, and to which no name is given ; hut as it lies close to
lie village of Anrudhwd on the north-west-, it may be called
me Anrudhwa mound. There is nothing now left to show
me nature of the buildings which once stood on this site ;
iut from the square shape of the ruins, it may be conjec-
aii-ed with some probability that they must be the rqmains of
I monastery. There are three fine Pipal Trees now standing
m the mound.

^ To the north and east of the mound of MathA, Kuilr the
plain is covered with a number of low grassy mounds from
S to 6 feet in height, and from 12 to 25 feet in diameter.
Regarding those barrows the people have a tradition that
gypsys were formerly very numerous about Kasia, and that
these mounds are the tumuli of their dead. I opened three
of them, hut without making any discovery. They were all
formed of plain earth, without any trace of bones, or ashes,
or broken bricks. The people call them simply mounds, but
I was informed by an old man that ho had heard them styled
BMmdwdt, and that ghosts were sometimes seen flitting
about them. /If the name of BMmdwdt has any reference
these ghosts, it might, perhaps, be translated as the ” fear-

* Easterii India, II., Plate II.

ARCn.'EOLOGICAL REPOUT, 18G1-G2. ;

some place but I cannot be certain of the spcllinj', and it
is also possible that the old man may not have remembered
the name correctly. I counted 21 of thtise mounds, but as
they are generally not more than 3 or 4 feet in height, it is
probable that their actual mKnber is much greater.*

I have already staj^d that the site of Kasia corre-
sponds both in position and in name with the ancient city
of Ktmnagara, which was famous throughout India as the
scene of Buddha’s death. According to Hwen Thsang,
Kusinagara was situated at 700 li, or 116 miles to the north-
east of Benares. Now Kasta is 112 miles to the north
north-east of Benares in direct lino. Fa-IIian also places
Kusinagara at a distance of 23 yojans to the north-west of
a place which was situated only 8 or 10 miles to the north
of Vaisfili, where the Lichchhavi Nobles had taken a last, fare-
well of Buddha. At 7 miles to the yojan Fa-Hain’s measure-
ment would place Kusinagara at 148 or 150 miles to the
north-west of Vaisali. Now the distance by the route which
I marched is exactly 140 miles in a north-west direction,
but as this measurement was taken along the straight lines
of road which have been laid out by the British authorities,
the actual distance by the old winding Native roads must
certainly have been somewhat greater, or as nearly possible
150 miles.

The only name now associated with the ruins near
Kasia is that of Mathu Ku&r, or the “ Dead Prince.”
Mr. Liston gives the name as Mata, but a Brahman of the
neighbouring village of Bishanpur, who wrote the name
for me, spelt it as I have given it, Mdthd. As this spelling
points to the derivation of the word from Mdthd, or Mdthd,
“ to kill,” I have translated 31dthd Knar as the “ Dead
Prince,” which I refer to Buddha himself after his death, or,
in the language of the Buddhists, after his obtainment of
Nirvana. Hwen Thsang, when speaking of Sakya*s as-
sumption of the mendicant’s dress, calls him Kmidra Raja,
or the “ Boyal Prince but, although this title was never, I
believe, applied to him by the learned after his assumption of
Buddhahood, it does not seem at all improbable that it may
have remained in common tjpe amongst th6 people. Wo

* See a previous note at p. 70, qnotinjj fSfi description of Megasthones, that tho
Indian tumuli were ‘Mow mounds of earth,*'

KASIA.

know ffem Hw^ Thsani? tliat on tlio spot where Butldh.i
died there Avas shriek vihdr or temple raonaslerv in Avliiel:
Avas enshrined a rPeumhont statue ol' Jluddha on ‘ins death-
bed, willi Ids head turned to the north. Koa? tins statue
Avould naturally have been the «->rincipal objeet oC Aencration
at Kusinagara; and, although ai;\\ongst the learned it might
JliaAu; been called the “statue ot\the Nimlui,” yet I can
' vead.ily bclieAU'. that its more popular '3iamo aiuongstrall classes
Avould haA'e been the “ statue of the Dead rrince.” I am,
therefore, of opinion that the name of Mdlhd Knar, Avhich
still clings to the ruins of Kasia, has a direct reference to the
, death of Buddha, Avhich, accoiAling to his folio Avers, took place
at Kusinagara on the full moon oi' Vaisfikh, 513 B. 0,

OAving to the wanderings of iJie Litile Gandak lliA^er,
it is. sonrewhat dillieult to follow linen Tlisang’s iiccouut of
tiic sacred edifices at Ivusinagara. Tlie Avholc of the existing
)'('niains arc situated to the castAvard of tlie k'Jtnniia Ndla,
nliich is only a branch or inundation channel of the lattle
(landak Biver. All the old ehaniuds are called Chaioar ;
the LainhnhO' Clutiiuiy, running betA\c<!n the two ancient
stupas, and the Uohu Cluia'ar, or iloha Nala, to the cast of
the Bamribhar Tila. An intelligent man, whom I met at
Badraona, ealhal the stream to the AvestAvard of Kasta the
.llh'uim, hivt the people in the A'illag;cs about the ruin knew"
only the Klianlia Ab'/rc, and had ncA'cr licard of the. Iliraaa.
Buclianan, hoAAXWor, calls the Jltnnxi a considerable rivnlet
Avlneb lias a course of about 15 mihs, and makes it a I'eedev
of the Little G mi dak;* but there is some confuMou in his
description of this riAXW. The changi's of name Aiould, hoAV-
evor, appear to haA’o hecn as numerous as the changes of
channel ; for, in tlio time of Hwcn Tlisang, this stream aaxis
called the AjItaA'ati,- its more ancient name having been
llh-(nt>jnr,all, Avhile the present name is CV/n/u Gn/n/n/;, and
the eastern innndatioii branch is called Kluuiiid. Tliere is
noAV no trace of IIaa'cii Thsang’s y/yV/exv///, hut the name of
dUninyaridi is still preserved in the lliraua oJ my Badraoua
informant.

At the time of Ilwon Thsang’s visit, the walls of 3vu-
slnagara Avere in ruins, and the place aaxis almost deserted;
hut ^ the hi-iek foundations ^f the ohl^a])ital occupied a

‘ *• EualtTTi Jinli.j; n., ]}. 31(3.

AECII^EOLOGICATi REVOUT, 18G1-G2.

circuit of about 12 li, that is, of about two mij>;s. After a long
and atlciitivc comparison of all our availabtj information,' I
have come to the conclusion that the lamoi'is city of Kusina-
gara must have occupied the site of the mound and village
of Anrudlma. Tlie ruint'd -^mound, which is about 500
icet sq^uarc, I would identify as the site of the Palace
of the Malliau Kings, which was in the midst of the city,
and to the city itself I would assign an extent of about
1,000 feet on all sides of the palace. This would give a
square area of 2,500 feet, or nearly half a mile on each side,
with a circint of 10,000 fc(;t, or nearly 2 miles, as recorded
by llwon Thsang. I will now compare the existing remains
with the account of tlic Chinese jnlgrim, and with tlic details
given in the Pali Annals of Ceylon, as translated by Tumour.

The s])ot Avhere Buddha died is fixed by Hwen Thsang
at 3 or f li, or ratlior more than half a mile, to the north-west
of the city, in a forest of sal trees, at a short distance from
the western bank of the Ajitarali lliver. The distance and
direction corresjiond exactly with the site of the great mound
now called the Port of Mdtlut Kiiiir. On this spot Avas erect-
ed a groat brick rilidr or temple monastery, in which was
enshrined a statue of Buddha in a recumbent posture as lx;
::p))eared aa'Iioh about to enter Nircdiia. This cihtir I Avonld
i'h'ntify AA'ilb tlic extensive ma«s of ruin marked K. in niy
-nrvt'v of t!'.!' -i c el Ihe Avestern end of the mound. Besuh^
:bo vihar there aaus a stupa, 200 feet in height, built hy
..Isoka, and a stone pillar, on Avhich Avas recorded the history
of the JSirKnhd, or death of Buddha. This stnjia I would
identify Avith the foundation or loAver part of the brick tower
marked A., now standing on the mound, and of which an
account has already been given, llwen Thsang describes
two smaller stupas, and then a third grand stupa Avhich
stood on the spot AA'here Brahman Subhadra had entered into
NirvdnaJ^' As the Aidioleof the buildings above described as
well as three small. stupas were clustered together around the
spot Avhere Buddha was said to have died, their ruins, in the
lapse of ages, AA Ould naturally have formed a single large
mound of irregular outline, in all respects similar to the
mass of ruins now called Mdthd-Ktiiir-ka-kot. I think, there-
fore, that no reasonable doubt' can noAV remain against the
identitication of Kasia with tl^D ancient Kusinagara. With

* Tlii.i List I tMjiild idc'iitiiy wiLli tlio point in llic centre of tlio moiiiiil nnirkcd IL

KASIA.

- , KASIA.

j- , . J ,

regard to difference of name, I have already stiffed

my belief that 'im name of the present village shouid in all
probability be written Jijfsm instciid of Aa,sw\ and in tavour
of this spelling I may add that the name is variously spelt
in the Buddhist Books as Kimyrumaka, Kualudm, Knsind-
gara, and Kusiitagari.

After the death of Buddha, the. assembled Bhikshus (or
mendicants) were consoled by the Venoralde Aniriuldba, who
assured them that he saw tlie Devatas looking down from
the skies upon earth, and weeping and l)ewailing witli
dishevelled liair and up-lifted arms.* Aniruddha was the lii-st
cousin of Buddha, being tlie second son of Amitodana, one
of the brothers of Suddhodana, the tatlier of Siikya Sinini.
lie was one of tlie ten great disciples of his cousin, and Wiis
rcnQwncd for his penetrating sight. Accordingly, on tlio
death of Buddha, he took the lead of all the disciples prescnil,
and conducted their proceedings. By liis directions ^Vnamla
made known the death of Buddha to the IMallian Koblcs, wlio
at once proceeded to the spot with garlands of ilowers, and
numerous cloths and music. Por six days tlie body lay in
state, attended by the people of Kusinfira. On the seventh
day, when eight of the Jktallian Nobh's, who had been seloet-
(xl to carry the corpse to the place of cremation, attempted t,o
lift it, they found themselves unable to move it, Tlie amazed
iS'oblcs, on enquiring of the Venerable Aniruddha the,
cause of this prodigy, were informed that their intimtion of
carrying the corpse through the southern gate to the south of
the city was contraiy to the intention of the Devatas. “ Lord,”
said the jMallian Nobles, “ whatever be the intention of the
Devatas, be it acceded to.” Accordingly, the corpse was borne
by the eight lEallian Chieftains, on ahier formed of their lances,
through the northern gale to the centre of the town, and then
through the eastern gate to the coronation hall ol tlie IMallians,
where the funeral pile had been prepared. Pour Noble IMallians
then advanced and applied their torches to the ii moral ])ne,
but they were unable to ignite it. Again the baillcd N^obles
in([uircd of Aniruddha tlie cause of this^ second prodigy,
who informed them that it was the intention ot the
Devatas that the corpse should not be burnt until the airiial
of jMaha Jvasyapa, the chi^f disciple ol Buddha. At that

* Turaour in JJenijal Asiatic Sociot^'’s Journal, 1838, p. lOOU.

AT 1 C 11 .EOLOGTCA.L lUn’OllT, 18G1-G2. i

{ __ I

inoment Kasyapa was on ^vom.]? died Knslntim. On

Jiis arrival he j)crambulatctl the ])ilc tlirt;('< times, ami then
opening it at tlu^ end, he j’cvcrentially howdcl down his licad
at the feet of JJuddlia. As lie rose, the jiilo spontaneously
ignited, and the eorjise of the’great tcaiiher rvas consumed.

I have given tliis long account of the ohscquics of
Buddlia for tlie exjircss luirposc of showing tl)c very promi-
jicnt part that was talnm by Aiiiruddlia in all the proceed-
ings. ]J e lirst consoled the disciples on the death of Buddha ;
he then exiilained the causes of the miracles why the Mal-
lian Nollies were unalile at lirst to lift the eorjiso of Buddha,
:nid afterwards to ignite the funei\il pile; and lastly, accord-
ing to 11 wen 'I'hsang, ho ascended to the heavens to inform
iMAy.i Devi, t he mother of Buddha, of her son’s death. As tlie
A\ liole of these acts Avere ])erformed at Kusinara, avc might
not unreasonably sujiiiosc that some memorial monument of
iVniruddha Avould liave hcen erected there. There is, hoAv-
ever, no ri'cord of siieii a monument in llAVCn Tlisang’s ac-
count of the sacred ediliei's at Kusinagara; hut I think it
move than ])rohahle that the village of Anrudlnvci must have
received its name froni some former memorial of the far-
sighted Aniruddha, the cousin of Buddha. .In Sheet 102 of
the Indian Atlas the name of this A’illago is spelt Aniroodwa,
which is more covri'ct than the name Avritten down ibr mo
by a Drahman of the jilace. 'I'he existence of this name ia
the immediate vicinity of the ancient monuments of Kks/'I
Jiuust, 1 IhiidA, add eoMsiderahIo Aveight to all the other evi-
deiiee in favour of the identilicatiou of A'/f&v'ef Avith the ancient

There is a diseropaney hclAA^een the Ceylonese annals
and the accounts of the Chinese pilgrim regarding the site
ol Buddha’s erouiation. According to the Bali annals above
(pioted, the corpse must have liecn burnt somcAvhere to the
eastAvard e.f the city, and Avith this account ]^’a-liian Avoidd
scorn to agree, for he places the scene of Buddha’s death to
the northward of the town. Ilwcn Thsang, hoAVOA'er, places
the site of the cremation to tlie nortliAvard of the city, across
the Jiiver lliranyavati. I. think that these different iiceounts
iituA, perhaps, be rceoneiled hy identifying the stupa of tlie
tTcmatiuu with the large brickvmound called the lldmdhhdr
'fdit, wlueh being situated opposite to the north-cast corner
oi the Anrudhuu uio;md for ancient city as 1 suppose), might

KSHJKHUNOO

T/iflfc^jaLl&j

vufjc SXV’ifl ]

r ~\

of til** R»un# *t I

KHUUHVJNDO

» nt^

tarhaltihi

*' Soihtyyvdr

11 E 1' E R E N C 1

Statue t\f V}.^hna.

Swa-ka~Tila.

iJ.

Lingain Temple.

X>.

Variou.s Statue.^!,

(excavated)

!• .

(i\i* Hiiuw

F. Statue o/ Vishnu

G-.ll. Jj. M. Small mountls,

J. Statue af Vishuu

K. "Largest mound.

N. Lingam Temple. I

(). P. Jl. U. Small momids |
Q,. T. I”, iow mounds. j
Sh Jug~Ilhira mound. j

r. ir. A'. Low Jfoiinds. I
Z. (excavated) J *^iuj>a. j

• t'/./ WfJl

Ttmf>U*

\.' u'u>\m;*.'in .tfl

>cale of i'Vot

-_J I

t’. tne ?'ifv. Chit’s ‘Ofiioe C a 'ir*- {"'/[

ICASIA — KIIUKllUNDO.

'* 1 ,'

liavo been described by one party as lying to ‘the

north, and by tbt gther as lying to tbe east.

But tbe llamabbar Tila, perhaps, corresponds more exact-
ly with the site of anotlicr stup/i, which is described by llwen
Thsang as having been built by Asoka near the ancient
dwelling of Chanda, to the north-cast of the city gates. This
account, however, is somewhat vague, as no particular gate is
specilied. The existence also of a second sttq)a at the south-
east foot of the Itdmdhlutr Tila is against this identification,
as only one stupa is mentioned on this site by llwen Thsang.
.1 am, therefore, strongly inclined to identify tlic Itdiitiibhiir Tila
with the famous cremation stupa ; but if this positi(ui should
he considered too far to the eastward to agree with Ilwcii
Thsang’s description, then the cremation tower must liavc
occupied some position to the north of the Anrndhwa monml
in the very midst of the ancient channel of the little Candak
Itivor. I confess, however, that my own opinion is against
tin's conclusion, and in favor of the idcntilicution of the
lldmabhar Tila with the cremation stupa. ,

XXI. KIIIJKIIUNDO.

On leaving Kusinagara llwen Thsang directed his steps
towards Banaras, and, after having travelled about 200 U,
or upwards of 30 miles, to the south-west, he reached a large
town, in which dwelt a very rich Brahman devoted to
Buddhism.* If we adhere closely to the south-west hearing,
■we must identify this largo town with lludrapur, an ancient
place 30 miles to the south-east of Gorakhpur, and 28 miles
in a direct line from Kasia. But as llwen Thsang speaks
of the Brahman’s hospitality to travellers going and coming,
it would appear certain that the town must have been on the
high road leading from Kasia to Banaras. Now the high
road can never have passed through lludrapur, as it woxild
have entailed the passage of the llapli in addition to that
of the Ghdgra Biver. I have had some experience in the
If lying out of roads, and I feel quite satisfied that the old
high road must have crossed the Ghagra somewhere below
its junction with the llapti.; According to the people, the
old passage of the Ghagra was^at four miles to the south

of Kahaon, and three miles to the north of Bhagalpur., From

* JulicuH Ilwcu Thiiang, II., p. 340.

ARCn^OLOGICAL UEPOUT, 1861-G2.

W» £

KaSia to tins ghat on the Ghilgra, the rofid' would have
passed through the ancient town of KhiAchimdo, and the
large villages of Kahaon and JBMgalpur» Of these three,
Khukhundo corresponds best with the description of a large
town ; and as it is 27 miles frcmi Kasia by the present straight
road, it must have been about 30 miles by the winding
Native tracks. I believe, therefore, that it is the largo town
described by Hwen Thsang in which a rich Brahman, had
spent his wealth in the magnificent decoration of a Buddhist
monastery. Khukhundo is not now a place of any note
amongst the Brahmans, hut it is often visited by Agarwill
Srawaks from Gorakhpur and Batna, who have built a small
Jain temple amongst the ruins. By them its proper name
is said to be Kishithulapura, so called from Klshldnda, a
mountain in the south of India, fixraous in the history of
Kama. Khukhundo must, therefore, have been a Brahmanical
town.

The remains at Khukhundo consist of a few large tanks,
and a number of low mounds covered with broken brick and
thick jungle. The ruins which lie scattered about over
the plain, and amongst the fields to the south of Khxikhundo,
cover nearly one square mile of ground. All the larger
mounds arc square in form, and arc beyond all doubt the
ruins of temples. There arc a fexv low oblong heaps wliieli
may possibly be the ruins of long ranges of inferior build-
ings, but I tbink it more probable that they arc only the col-
lections of brick from the fields. Eveiy largo mound has
at least one fine lofty tree growing on its summit, and to the
destructive poAver of the roots of these trees I would attri-
bute the overthroAV of the Khukhundo temples. I verified
this opinion in one instance, that of mound K., by an excava-
tion which showed the floor of a temple completely broken
up by the Avide-sproading roots of a fine Tamarind tree.
Another notable instance is that of a temple at Kahaon,
Avhich was standing at the time of Buchanan’s visit, but
w;hich is now only a low mound, of brick ruin. Its over-
throAV is attributed by all the villagers to a Pipal tree, wliich
stands close by the ruin.

The mounds of Khukhundo are about 30 in number, but
not more than three of them have any names, the rest being
called simply Deom, or “ mounds.” In my survey of the

KnUKnUNDO.

87 •

ruins I Lave .distinpiuishcd them by difTcrent letters of the al-
phabet, and under these letters I will now describe them.*

Mound A. is 100 feet square at base and G feet in hoisiht.
There is a lid tree (iEgle IVlarmelos) on the top, and a Fiikar
(hieus Venosa) on the west side. Under the Bel tree there
is a good figure of tlic four-arrned Vishnu in sandstone, witli
■ a- peculiar rayed halo, which is boldly pierced through the
slab. •

Mound B., which is GO feet square at base and 10 feet
high, is called Slm-ka-TJla or Siva’s mound, because there
are the foundations of a Ungam temple on its summit ; the
temple was only 8 feet square, but the lingani in blue stone
is still perfect. There is one good piece of sculpture repre-
senting two seated figures, male and fi'malc, the latter with
a child in her arms. A tree rises behind them, and with its
branches forms a canopy over their beads. The figures,
which appear to be cmtircly naked with the exception of
some ornaments, are, I believe, Mahadeva and his wife Devi,
or Bhawani, rejiresentcd as the goddess of fecundity, with a
child in her arms. Another sculiiturc represents a four-
armed female standing in what appears to be the prow of a
boat. The subordinate figure of Gansea, on the upper right
hand, shows that the principal figure must be I’arvati, the
wife of Siva.

Mound C. is 120 feet in length, by 110 feet in breadth,
and 15 feet in height. On the top there are the ruined walls
of a brick temple, from 4 to 6 feet in height, forming a room
of 0 feet square, with a Ungam in the centre. To the south-
west there is a walled entrance built of bricks of diftcrent
sizes, and containing one piece of moulded bricks with a
flower ornament. The small size of the room, the mixture of
large and small bricks in the uMls, and the unusual direction
of the entrance, all lead me to conclude that this is an
insignificant modern structure, bifilt of bricks of all kinds
found on the surface of the mound.

On both sides of the entrance there are several sculptures
in sandstone, of which the prjiucipal is a statue of Ganesa.
The other sculptures are a broken statue of Ganesa with his
rat ; the pedestal of a statue with a foot resting on a hull ;

* See rute XXV J II. fom plan of these ruiue.

Aucn.-TiOTiOGTCAi, heport, 18G1-G2.

a fom'-armcd female, most probably PArvati, attcmlcd by two
bcaveuly nxiisicians ; and a slab conlainin'g pcrsonilicatious
of the Namiyraha, or “ Nine Planets.”

Mound D., wbicb is 100 feet square at base and 15 feet
in beiglit, is crowned Avitli'a lino Panian tree, llenoatli
tlic tree arc collected several pieces and fragments of sculp-
ture, wbicb arc partly Bralunauieal and partly Jain. Tbo
principal sculpture represents a four-armed seated -male
figure, Avitb beard and moustaebes, bis right foot resting on
a bull. In bis four bands be bolds a two-pronged sceptre,
a necklace, a ball, and square pole. This is jirobably a liguro
of Siva. A second statue represents tbc four-armed Vislinu
standing, and bolding in tbrec bands a club, a quoit, and a
sbcll, tlic fourth band being open Avitb a lotus floAver marked
on tbc palm. A third sclupture is the pedestal of a statue
Avitb some naked figures on tbc face of it, and an antedope
in the middle. The antelope is tbc cognizance of Santanatli,
the IGtb Jain bierarcb. A fourth stone is simply the pedestal
of a lingam. The remaining sculptures are tAVO pairs of
apparently naked figures, male and female, seated- -the latter
AA'itb a child in her arms. These tAVO sculptures are similar
to one in tbo S'ca Tcm])le on mound P., Avbicb I liaA^o sup-
])Oscd to re])reseut j\tfihadcva and bis Avife PbaAvani as the
goddess of fecundity. Put in these Iavo sculptures tlio god
lias a small naked figure of Puddha fixed in the front of his
head-dress, from wbicb I infer that these figures probably
belong to tbo Jain religion, AA'bilc that on mound P. certainly
belongs to tbo Brabmanical Shashli, tbc goddess of fecundity.

Mound E. is about 75 feet square and 15 or IG feet in
bcigbt. It is noAV quite bare, tbo Avbole surface having been
recently cxcaAntcd for bricks. Any figures that may have
been discoA'ered were probably removed to Mound P., Avbicb
Avould account for tbo mixture of Saiva and Visbnava Sculp-
tures noAV lying on its summit.

Mound E. is 150 feet in length, by 120 feet inbreadb, and
18 feet in height. On the south slope of tbc mound there
is a fine statue of tbo fore-armed Vishnu in blue stone
from tbc quarries near Gaya. ^

G. and II. arc small low mounds from wbicb bricks baA'o
been recently excavated. They are probably tbc remains of
inferior temples.

KHUKUUNDO,

89
/'

Mound J.-, Mihich is 75 feet square at base, and 15 feet in
height, has also been recently excavated. I was able to trace
‘ the straight walls of a temple, and in the excavated holes I
found large thidk pieces of plaster, which had once covered the
walls. There are no sculptures now lying about this mound,
but immediately to the south of it, and outside a small modern
•Jain temple, there is a very fine standing figure of the four-
armed Vishnu in blue stone. The head and arms are gone,
but the rest of the sculpture is in good order. On the left side
there are the Eish, the Tortoise, and the Boar Amtdrs ; and
on the right the Buddha and the Kdlki Amtdrs. The five
missing incarnations must have been lost ndth the head of the
figure. This fine statue was probably enshrined in a temple
now represented by mound J.

The Jain temple is a small square flat-roofed brick build-
ing of recent date. There are no Jains now living at Khu-
khundo, but the temple is visited by the Baniyas and Bankers
of Gorakhpur and Batna. Inside the temple there is a large
naked figure in blue stone, sitting squatted with his hands in
his lap. Overhead there is a triple umbrella, and above that
a Dwidubhi Musician flying with his drum. On the pedestal
there is a bull with a lion on each side. Now the bull is the
cognizance of Adi Buddha, the first of the 24 Jain Pontiffs.
The people are, therefore, mistaken in calling the figure a statue
of Fdrstowdth, whose well known symbol is a snake. • Out-
side the temple, however, there is another naked Jain statue
which has two snakes twisted around its pedestal, and is, there-
fore, most probably a figure of Prdswandth. It is possible
that this may have been the original figure enshrined in
the temple. Another sculpture, in coarse sand-stone, repre-
sents the same naked couple, male and female, whom I
have before described. A tree rises behind them, and with
its boughs forms a canopy over their heads. Over all there
is a small squatted figure like a Buddha, but naked. The
male figure in this scidpture has a lotus in his right hand.

Mound K., which is crowned with a fine Tamarind tree,
is tKe lai^gest mass of ruin at Khukhundo. It is 120 feet
sfiuarcat base and 16 feet in height. At 10 feet above the-
ground level I made an excavation at a point on the western
edge, where I observed something like a piece of terraced
flooring. My excavation uncovered a portion of terraced

90 AllCn.EOLOGICAli BE POET, 18C1-62.

•\

floor 9 feet square, but completely broken up- by the wide-
spreading roots of the Tamarind Tree, ■which have pierced
the mouiid in all directions. I found several ornamental
bricks -with boldly cut-flowers and leaves 1|- inch in depth.
Two of these bricks, with o'^posite curves forming an ogee,
had evidently belonged to a cornice. The outer faces of all
the bricks arc ground smooth, and all the edges are so sharp
and clean that the joints between the courses of bricks -must
have been very fine indeed. As I saw no fragments of
figures about this mound, I think it is very probahlo that the
statue belonging to it may be one of those now standing
outside the Jain temple.

Mound N. is low and clear of jungle, having been exca-
vated for bricks within the last few years. It is 45 feet
square at base, but only 8 feet high. From its being, both
low and clear I thought it favourable for excavation. I dug
a circular hole of about 8 feet diameter in the top of the
mound, and near the middle, at a depth of only 1 foot I came
upon a stone Yoni, or receptacle for a lingam, fixed in its
original position, with the spout end turned towards the
north. Further excavation shoAved that the floor had been
broken up, but the marks of the original floor level were
quite distinct on the centre stone. As there were no traces
of any figures, I gave up the excavation, which had already
been sufficient to determine that the mound N. is the ruin of
a Unga temple, dedicated to the god Mahadeva.

Mound S. is 100 feet in length, by 60 feet in breadth, and
12 feet in height towards its western end. The top is crowned
with two fine Siris Trees, under which there is a life-size
standing figure in stand-stone. The nose and forehead have
been lost by a split of the stone, which must have been as
old as the figure itself, for there are two holes in the split
face which still retain bits of the metal clamps that were
used in repairing the statue. The figure has apparently had
four ai'nis, and is called Jug-liMra, or Jug-vilra, “ the Champion
of the Age,” a title which might be applied appropriately to
yira, or Mahhvira, the last of the 24th Jain hicrareho. and
the pontiff of the present age.

Mound Z. is a long low mass of ruin to the south-west of
Khukhundo, half hidden admits bambus. I found a recent
excavation at -the western end of the mound, fi’om which the

KKUKnUNDO — KAIIAON,

])ric]vs could not liavo been removed above a few days, as tiio
sides of the excavated hole still preserved the shape of the
walls exactly. In form the building was an octagon of 14
I'cet across, with projections on the four sides facing the
cardinal points. On the north-east side a portion of solid
brick-work still remained, but’not of sufficient thickness to
show whether the building had been solid or hollow. As far
'as my experience goes, the only buildings of this shape are
Buddhist stupas, as at Dhamtidr and Khoioi in Malwa, or
Baragaon (or Ndlancla) in Biliar, and throughout Pegu and
Burmah. In all instances the four projecting sides form
niches for statues of the previous Buddhas. In the gigantic
Shwe-Dagon stupa at Bangoon, these niches are expanded
into distinct temples enshrining colossal figures. I incline,
therefore, to conclude that the building recently excavated in
mound Z. was a Buddhist stupa. But if Brahmanical temples
of this form have ever been built, I should certainly prefer
to consider mound Z. as the ruin of another oi'thodox temple,
and to add one more to the long list of Brahmanical remains
at Khukhuudo.

With the exception of Baragaon (the ancient Ndlanda),
I have seen no place where the ruins olfor such a pi’omise of
valuable discovery as at Khukhundo. The mounds arc all
low, and as they appear to be the rums of temples, the work
of excavation would bo comparatively easy. I think that it
would be sufficient to remove the top of each mound down
to the level of the floor of the building, clearing away the
rubbish entirely, but leaving the walls standing to show tlie
plan of the building. Amongst the rubbish we might expect
to find both statues and inscriptions, and perhaps other objects,
all of which would help to throw light on the rise and pro-
gress of modern Brahmanism, more particularly during the
long period of its struggles with expiring Buddhism.*

XXII. KAHAON.

The village of Kahaon is situated eight miles to the
sou^h_ of Khukhundo, and 46 miles to the south-east of
Goraku^pur in a direct line. To the north of the village there is
a stone ^pillar, and also some other remains, which have been

* As far aa I am aware nothing haj) yet been done towards the excavation of these
oiouikIh.'

AllC UFOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2.

(lo^ribcd by Dr. Buchanan* and by Mr. Liston. f Dr. Buchanan
calls the village Kangho, but the name is ‘Written Kahaon,
or KaMimn, by the people of the place, and I can only
surmise that Buchanan’s KangliQ may have been originally
written Kanghon, and that the final nasal has been omitted
by mistake, either in copying* or in printing. In the inscrip-
tion on the pillar the village would seem to be called Kaku-
bharati ; and from some compound of Kakuhhn, such as'
Kakuhhaioan, the name of Kahdwan would be naturally
derived.

The remains at Kahaon consist of an inscribed stone
pillai*, an old well, two ruined temples, and several tanks.
The whole of these, together with the village itself, arc situat-
ed on a low but extensive mound of brick ruin. Although
the mound is of rather iiTCgular outline on the east side, it
may be best described as a square of nearly 500 yards. + The
village occupies the south-western quarter of the square, and
contains some fine old wells built of very large bricks, which
arc a sure sign of antiquity. ''J''be tanks, which would seem to
have been connected with the old buildings, ax’c all called gar,
the meaning of which I was unable to ascertain, but which,
as applied to water, must certainly be derived from the Sans-
krit gri, to wet. These tanks are, 1st, the Furena-gar, a
dirty pond immediately to the north of the village ; 2nd, the
Karhahi-gar, a small deep pond at the north-west angle of
the ruins ; 3i’d, the Jhukrahi~gar, another small pond at the
north-east angle, which is also called Sophn-gar ; and 4th, a
large sheet of water to the cast of the village called Askdmini,
or Akdskdmini-gar. This is the tank which Buchanan calls
Karhahi, a misprint probably for Kdniini. Prom the size and
appearance of the Askdmini Tank, I conclude that from it
must have been excavated all the bricks and earth for the con-
struction of the temples and village of Kahaon.

The Kahaon Pillar is a single block of coarse grey sand-
stone, 24 feet 3 inches in height from the ground to the
metal spike oii the top. The existence of this spike shows
that the pillar has once been crowned by a pinnacle of some
kind, perhaps by a statue of a lion, or of some othe^tflMal

* Eastern India, II., p. 366.
t Bt! ^al Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1838, p. 33
: See Fl'ite XXVIll.

KAHAOK.

rampant; but whatever the pinnacle may have been, its
height could not have exceeded 2^ or 3 feet. The total height
of the column, therefore, must have been about 27 feet. The
lower part of the shaft, to a height of 4^ feet, is a square of
1 foot 10 inches ; above this, for a height of 6 feet 3 inches,
it is octagonal ; then sixteeii-sided for a height of 5 feet
lO^- inches ; and then circular for a height of 2 feet inch.

> Above this, for a height of 9 inches, the pillar becomes
square with a side of 18 inches, and then circular again for
a height of 4^- inches, making the total height of the shaft
19 feet 10^ inches. The height of the capital, in its present
incomplete state, is 4 feet 4^ inches. The lower portion,
whicli is 2^ feet high, is bell-shaped, with circular bands of
moulding both above and below. The bell itself is reeded,
after the fashion of the Asoka pillars. Above this the capital
is square, with a small niche on each side holding a naked
standing figure. The square top slopes backward on all sides,
and is surmounted by a low circular band, in which is fixed
the metal spike already described.* * * §

On the western face of the square base there is a niche
holding a naked standing figure, with very long arms reach-
ing to his knees. Behind, there is a large snake folded in
horizontal coils, one above the other, and with its seven beads
forming a canopy over the idol. Two small figures, male
and female, are kneeling at the feet, and looking up to the
idol with olTerings in their hands.

On the three northern faces of the octagonal portion of
the pillar, there is an inscription of 12 lines in the Gupta
characters of the Allahabad Pillar.f There is a good copy
of this inscription in Buchanan, + and another and better
copy in Prinsep’s Journal.§ In the translation given by
James Prinsep, the date was read as being 133 years after
the decease of S/canda Gnpta, instead of in the year^ 133,
after the death of Skanda. The true number of the year is
141, as pointed out by Professor PitzEdward Hall, but the
epoch or era in which the years are reckoned is doubtful.
Professor Hall, on the authority of Bdpu Beva SastH, the

* See Plato XXIX.

t Soe Plate XXX. ^

J Eastern India, II., Plate V.

§ Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1838, Plato I.

9Jf AUCn/TSOLOGICAL REPORT, 18GI-02.

learned Astronomer of the Banaras College prefers the era of
Vikramdditya, hut I am inclined to adopt that o'f Sake ; and
this era, I believe, is also preferred by Mr. Thomas. The
difference between the two is 185 years. If dated in the
Vikrama era, the pillar must have been erected in 141 — 57
= 84 A. D. ; but if dated in tlie" Sake era, the period of its
erection, will be 141 + 78 = 219 A. D. The latter date, 1
think, accords best with the now generally admitted epoch-,
of the overthrow of the Gupta Dynasty in A. D. 319.

The purport of the inscription, as translated by Prinsep,
is simply to record the dedication of five images of Indra by
one Madra, Avho calls himself “ the constant and friendly
patron of Brahmans, Gurus, and Tads,” or Brahmans, reli-
gious teachers, and sages,” or Ascetics who have subdued their
passions. In the present day the term Yati is, I believe,
applied only' to a Jain Priest; and, although at first •the
mention of Brahmans would seem to preclude any reference
to the Jain religion, yet the Yatis themselves are usually,'
if not always. Brahmans, and the naked figures with crisp
curled hair, on the base and capital of the pillar, must be-
long cither to the Jains, or to the latter Tdntrika Buddhists.
I found a similar naked standing figure, canopied by a seven-
headed snake, inside the great mound of old llaj agriha.

Both of the temples described by Buchanan* arc now
in ruins ; and as they are not mentioned by Mr. Liston in
1837, they must have fallen before his visit. Buchanan
describes them as pyramidal in form, with two apartments,
one over the other, as in the great temple at Buddha-Gaya.
Inside he found only two fragments of images, of which
one showed the feet of a standing figure with a female
votary seated at one side. I made an excavation in the northern
ruin, and found that the temple had consisted of a room 9 feet
square with walls only 1 foot 9 inches in thickness. The build-
ing, therefore, was only 12 feet 6 inches square on the outside.
In the slight sketch of this temple given by Buchanan, no
dimensions are noted, but the height of the building is twice
and a half its width, or about 30 feet, according to the mea-
surement obtained by my excavation. On the ruin/oF the
southern temple, I found a naked standing figure of ^fe-size,
similar to that on the base of the pilar.

Pastern India, II., p. 367,

Plate XXX.

Inscription on the Bhitan Piliar.

gitTSa*^ l^^«u

■*S1VH*T3^^^*^^^ld'^S^a'5)Sv)«sssiea»»^«JI^'V/3«t/4i5^1x7^ciu ,..

JS^, JB, The thin lines with No. ever them denote the correspottdinff lines of the
loioer inscription on the Bihar Pillar,

Inscription on tho Kahaon Pillar.

Bhjtari

B/icka.

rhotoyu>c*jflpa|»lii)d n Ihc Sui-veryw rwnornlV Oftioo CaJmsTtn

BHITARI AND KAHAON PILLARS.

KAITAON — HATHIVA-DAII.

Immediately to the north of the pillar, and on the high-
est point of the mound, there are traees of the briek walls of
some buildings; and to the south-east, there is an old -well
which has been lately filled up. Buchanan describes the pillar
as having originally “ stood in a small quadrangular area, sur-
rounded by a brick wall, and probably by some small cham-
bers.” I presume that the pillar must have been placed
'opposite the entrance of the temple, in which the Panchendra
or five images of Indra were enshrined. It is probable that
there were several temples and other buildings crowded
around the pillar, otherwise it will be difficult to account for
the great size of the mound, Avhich, though not more than (5
feet in height above the fields, extends from west to east up-
wards of 1,200 feet, with an average breadth of 400 feet.

XXIII. II ATIIIYA-DAII.

Twelve miles to the east of Deogong, and nearly mid-
way between Azimgarh and Baudras, tliere is an old dry tank,
called UatMya-dah, or the “ Elephant’s Tank,” with an in-
scribed pillar standing in the middle of it. The pillar itself
is called Ilathiya-dah-Jca-ldt. The name is derived from a
large stone elephant, 5 feet 6 inches in length, and 4 feet
10 inches in height, which stands to the north-west of the
pillar, at a distance of 138 feet. Both the pillar and the
elephant arc formed of a coarse grey sand-stone, and they
have accordingly suffered from exposure to the weather,' and
arc now much Avorn. The shaft of the pillar is a single
block, 12 feet 9 inches in height and 1 foot 5| inches in dia-
meter, both at base and top. Originally it must have been
several feet higher, but the bed of the tank has gradually
silted up, and in the month of March bore a fine crop of
wheat. The capital is a flat circular slab, slightly rounded
on the upper edge, and quite plain. In fact, the pillar is a
mere cylindrical block intended apparently for the sole pur-
pose of exhibiting the inscription. To the west of the pil-
lar there is a low mound of brick ruins, 170 feet in length
from north to south, and 25 feet broad. It is called Siwari-
or “ Siwaris’ Mound;” but the people have no tra-
dition about it, and do not know what is the meaning of the
names. Most probably it has some reference to a temple
of Siva, AA'^hich may have stood there in former days.' The
villages nearest to the pillar are Singhpura to the north.

AaCHiEOLOGICAL llEPOUT, 1861-62.

Nowa Bastya to the east, Pakari to the south-east, D{;hhao
to the south-west.

The pillar is said by the people to have been set up^by
Baja Gajpat Singh in Samvat 201, or A. D. 150 ; but both
name and date are wrong. * ’Gajapati, or “ Lord cof Ele-
phants,” is only one of the titles of the king in whose reign
the pillar was erected, and the date is Samvat 1207, or A. D:,
1160. This inscription occupies 10 lines, but as the letters
are large and coarsely cut, it is not a long one. It records
the excavation of the tank by several Ihdkurs, of whom the
chief is “ Bellan Thdkur, the Treasurer (BhS,ndagarika) of
Gosalla Devi, the (^ueen (Mahdrdji) of Baja Govinda
Chandra Deva, the Lord of Horses, Lord of Elephants, and
Lord of Men, on Thursday, the 5th of the waning moon of
Ashdrh, in Samvat 1207.” The record is not of much value,
but it is of later date, by 25 years, than any inscription
hitherto found of the Bilhtor Prince Govinda Chandra Deva
of Kanoj.

XXIV. BHITARI.

The large village of Bhitari is situated on the left bank
of the Gdugi Nadi nearly midway between Banaras and
Gh4zipur, and five miles to the north north-east of Saidpur.
The G^ngi River, which surrounds the village on three sides,
is crossed by an old stone bridge of early Muhammedan
style. The oldest bridge consisted of only two small
arches, to which two others have since been added at
different times. Bhitari has once been a town of some
consequence, and it is still a considerable village, with
a great number of brick-houses. Both in speaking and in
Avriting, its name is usually coupled with that of another place
in its vicinity as Saidpur Bhitari. It is thus designated in
the Ain Akbari, but the name has beep strangely misread by
Gladwin as Syedpoor Nemedy,* a mistake that must be due
to the faulty nature of the Persian character in which his
original was written, as its alphabet is utterly unsuited for
the correct record of proper names.

The remains at Bhitari consist of several ruined brick
mounds, an inscribed stone pillar, and a few pieces of sculp-

* Eu^h TranidatioD; 11., p. 202.

BlIITART.

ture. Some of the mounds appear to be mere heaps of
broken stone and briek — tlie gatherings from the fields after
each season’s ploughing. The larger mounds, which run
parallel to each other from the bridge towards the village,
seem to mo to be only the ruins of houses that once formed
the two sides of a street. The remaining mounds, which
are of square form and isolated, are at present covered with
Musalmiln tombs ; but I have little doubt that all of them
were ‘ originally either temples or other Hindu buildings.
That one of these mounds belonged originally to the Hindus,
we have an undoubted proof in the existence of the inscribed
stone pillar, which stands partially buried in tlic rubbish
of its eastern slope, and in the discovery at the foot of the
pillar of an old brick, inscribed with the name of Sri Kumar a
Oupta. The early occupation of the place by the Hindus
is further proved by the discovery of several Hindu statues
and lingams in the rubbish about the mounds, and by the
finding of numerous bricks inscribed with Kumdra Gitpia's
name in the fields.* I obtained further proof of the same
by the purchase on the spot of three Indo-8assanian coins of
base silver, which probably date from the 8th or 9th century,
and of one small round copper coin with an elephant on the
obverse, and a peculiar symbol, supposed to be a Ghaitya,
on the reverse, which cannot, in my opinion, be of later
date than the invasion of Alexander the Great.

The Bhitari Pillar is a single block of reddish Sand-stone,
apparently from one of the Chunar quarries. The shaft of
the pillar is circular, with a diameter of 3 feet 4} inches, and
a height of 15 feet 5 inches.! The base is square, but its
height is rather uncertain. The upper portion, on which the
inscription is cut, has been smoothed, but the lower portion,
as far as my excavation went, still bears the marks of the
chisel, although not very deep. My excavation was earned
down to the level of the adjoining fields, a depth of G feet
9 inches below the top of the base, without finding any trace
of a pedestal ; and as it is most probable that the inscrip-
tion was placed on a level with the eye, I would fix the
height of the original base at about 6 feet, thus giving it an
elevation of only 9 inches above the level of the country.

• Seo Plate XXX. lor skctelies ot these. bricks.
+ Sec Plate XXIX. bjr a view of tlii.s jallar.

98 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-02.

The capital is 3 feet 2 inches in height, hell-shaped, and
reeded like the capitals of the Asoka Pillars. A large por-
tion of the capital is broken of on the western side, thus
exposing a deep narrow socket, which could only have held
a metal spike. The upper portion of the shaft also is split
to a depth of about 2 feet. The people say that the pillar
was struck by lightning many years ago. It certainly was
in the same state when I first saw it in January 1836, arid
I know of only one reason to make me doubt the acduracy
of the people’s statements, namely, that both the iron pillar
at Delhi, and the stone pillar at Navandgarh Lauriya, have
been wantonly injured by cannon shot. If the capital of
the Bhitari Pillar had been surmounted by a statue of any
kind, as it most propably was when the Muhammadans first
settled there, I think that the breaking of the capital may
bo attributed to their destructive bigotry with quite as much
probability as to lightning. I found a portion of the broken
capital in my excavation at the foot of the pillar.

The inscription, which is cut on the eastern side of the
base, consists of 19 lines of well shaped characters of the
early Gupta period. Unfortunately, this face is much wea-
ther-worn, and the stone has also peeled off in several places,
so that the inscription is now in even a worse condition than
when I first saw it in January 1836. The copy which I
then made by eye I compared letter by letter ivith the origi-
nal inscription on the spot, and, although I found several
errors in different parts of the inscription, yet the only seri-
ous one is an omission of five letters in the 16th line. I
made also an impression of the inscription over which I
pencilled all the letters as they appeared to the eye. This is,
indeed, the only successful method of copying a weather-worn
inscription ; for the edges of the letters being very much
rounded, an impression gives only a number of confused and
shapeless spots, although many of the letters being deeply
cut are distinctly legible, and may easily be copied by the
eye. The value of an impression thus pencilled over is very
great, as it ensures accuracy in the number of letters, and
thus most effectually prevents all errors, both of insertion
and omission. The copy which I have thus made is, I be-
lieve, as perfect as it is possible to obtain now, considering
the weather-worn state of the letters.*

* See Plabe XXX. for a co])y of tliid inscription.

UHITARI.

From the copy which I prepared in January 1836, a
translation was made by Dr. Mill, which was published in
. Prinsep’s Journal for January 1837. My re-examination of
the inscription has corrected some of Dr. Mill’s proposed
readings, while it has confirmed many of them, a few being
still doubtful owing to the abraded state of the letters. As
translated by Dr. Mill, the inscription refers chiefly to the
resign of Skanda Gupta, closing with his death, and the
accession of his infant son. The object of the inscription
was to record the erection of a sacred image, the name of
which Dr. Mill was unable to read, but which may possibly be
recovered when my new copy is re-translated by some com-
petent scholar. In my remarks on the lower inscription on
the Bihar Pillar, I have already noticed that all the remain-
ing part of the upper portion of it, which contains the
genealogy, is letter for letter identical with the first part of
Bhitari record, and I repeat the notice here for the purpose
of adding that, by a comj^arison of the two inscriptions, cveiy
letter of the upper part of both, or about one-thu’d of the
whole, may be restored without chance of error.*

Tlie sculptures now to bo seen at Bhitari are very few,
but they are sufficient to show the former existence of several
large stone temples. In the village there is a colossal figure
of Ganesa, and a broken bas-relief of the Navagraha, or
“ Nine Planets.” The colossal statue must almost .certainly
have been the principal figure enshrined in a temple dedi-
cated to Ganesa. There is also a largo slab with a half-size
two-armed female figure, attended by another female figure
holding an umbrella over her, both in very high relief. The
figures in this sculpture are in the same style and in the
same attitudes as those of the similar group of the Raja and
his umbrella attendant on the gold coins of the Gupta
Princes. This sculpture, I believe, represents a queen on
her way to* worship at the temple. The group is a^ favorite,
one with Hindu artists, and, as far as my observ’^ation goes,
it is never used singly, but always in pairs — one on each side
of the door-way of a temple. The ago of this sculpture I
am inclined to fix as early as the time of the Gupta Kings,
partly on account of the similarity of style to that of their
gold coins, partly also because the pillar belongs to one of

* The two inscriptions may now be compared in Plates XVII. and XXX. ;Scc my
previous remaiks in note in page 38.

100

AKCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2.

that family, but chiefly because the bricks found in various
parts of the ruins are stamped with the name of Sri Kumdra
Gupta.

If I am riglrt in attributing the sculptures to the time
of the Gupta Dynasty, or from A. D. 100 to 300, then the
Bhitari ruins will be amongst the oldest Brahmanical remains
now known to us. For this reason alone I w’ould strongly
advocate the excavation of all the isolated mounds, and more
particularly of the pillar mound, in which we might expect
to find not only all the fragments of the original capital, but
also many sculptures and other objects belonging to the
temple in front of which the pillar was erected. I have
already stated that the bridge over the Gfingi Biver is built
entirely of stones taken from the ancient buildings of Bhitari.
Many of these stones are squared, and ornamented with
flowers and various mouldings, and on one of them I observed
the syllable ci. This is a mere mason’s mark, but as the
shape of the letter is the same as that of the Gupta alphabet,
the discovery of tlais single character tends strongly to con-
firm the accuracy of the date which I have already assigned
to the Bhitari ruins on other grounds. As Bhitari is in the
Jdglvir of the enlightened Baja Deo Ndrayan Singh, every
facility for excavation would, of course, be obtained on appli-
cation to him.

At my recommendation the Government afterwards
authorized a small sum for excavations, and, at my request,
my friend Mr. C. Horne, of the Civil Service, then Judge of
Bantlras, kindly undertook to superintend the work. His
report, which follows, gives a tolerably full and interesting
account of this ancient place :

“ Bhitari is a small bazaar and village situated on the
Gangi Nadi, about 4^ miles north-east by north of Syedpur,
on the high road from Banaras to Gh^zipur. It is called
Syedpur Bhitari, and Baja Deo Narain Singh derives
his title from it. On approaching from the south-west by a
good fair weather road, it presents the appearance of a very
large ruined earthen fort. In general form it is nearly a
rectangle,* and the only deviation firom that form is caused
by an eminence or spur running from the south-west corner,
and which has evidently been always crowned by some

^ Eubt face 500 yard.s S»>utli 525 yards, West 685 yards, North 700 yards.

UniTARI.

101

imposing edifice. The nature of the ground lias been skil-
fully brought to bear ; and it would seem that the west face
was merely scarped towards the river, having been originally
very high (perhaps thirty feet), whilst to the cast a largo
space has been lowered a few f?et to provide earth to raise an
embankment, in digging through which no traces of masonry
can bo found. On the south face the line is by no means
straight, the nature of the ground having been followed, and
the high bank of a tank already formed having been merely
added to the north face is more regular.

“ Each of these sides had largo mounds, upon which were
cither temples or forts. There is one of these at each corner,
and one-half way on each side, whilst the spur before alluded
to) which forms the south-west corner, has certainly been long
ago crowned with a large Buddhist temple, now re-plaecd
with' a shabby Idgah. "Within this enclosure were evidently
many largo buildings, and their former presence is attested
by the kheras or mounds of broken brick and earth scattered
in every direction. At present there is a small winding
bazar of insignificant shops, all, however, buUt of old bricks.
There is also a largo suburb, if it may bo so termed, of
ruinous brick houses with but few inhabitants. The surround-
ing mounds and embankments arc dotted over with Muham-
madan tombs, mostly of very recent erection, and many of
which arc built with the large nearly-squaro Buddhist bricks.

“ But to proceed to the object of this notice, viz., the
Buddhist remains at Bhitari — 1.5^, there is a large monolith
standing, as nearly as possible, in the centre of the place.
This is 28-J feet in height, and stands upon a rough stone
7 or 8 feet below the present level of the soil. Eor the first
10 feet 2 inches it is square, and stands, as nearly as possible,
facing the cardinal points. At the top of the square part
is an inscription which is stated by General Cunningham to
contain a record of Skanda Gupta; this faces east. The
upper part, including the capital which takes up about three
feet, is circular, and where it joins the square part is 2 feet
3 inches in diameter, and apparently of even thickness in its
whole length. The capital is handsomely fiuted, and has a
slice broken off it. There is also a flaw near the top in the
pillar itself, which is one solid piece of sand-stone, resembling
that found at Chunar, being of the hard kind.

102 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2.

“ The monolith is out of the perpendicular, and this de-
viation, as well as the cracked capital, is said to have been
occasioned by lightning long ago.

“ I laid hare the east face of the foundation as the column
slopes to the north, and foufed that the base was displaced
three inches off the fouudation-stone on the south side, and
that there were two iron wedges driven under it, and that
at some remote period stone-ivork of a massive character
had been placed around to prevent further declension. I then
cleared the mound away which abutted on the column,
hoping to find some traces of foundations at least of the
building to Avhioh the monolith might have formed an adjunct.
This mound, from 12 to IG feet in height, and extended some
distance, and, as far as I could ascertain by cutting a trench
and levelling, consists entirely of broken bricks and earth.

“ I will now refer to the old Buddhist temple, which must
formerly have stood on the high spur to the south-west.
Owing to the presence of the Idgah, the number of tombs,
and my limited time, I made no excavations on this
spot; but 1 was easily enabled to trace the various parts
of the temple scattered over the place and performing
various functions. Pirstly, there were the pillars of the
shrine, with their carved suns, and grotesque faces with
foliage flowing from their mouths and eyes, and the con-
stantly recurring flat vase, all used by the Muhammadans
in tlicir mosque. Then there were the plainer columns
of the cloister, square below, and octagonal above. These
latter I found rounded olf and set up as Muhammadan
head-stones to graves, the light being burnt on the top of
them ! Until I discovered two of these in situ, or at the
graves, the Musalmans assured me they were Hindu conver-
sions of the Buddhist pillars into emblems employed in the
worship of MahAdco. Secondly, there were the stone beams
used also in the mosque, both as beams, and as uprights at
the wells and in houses. And, lastly, there were the roofing
stones used as pavement and for putting over graves.

“ In compliance with the extract of General Cunninghap i’s
report, several cross cuttings were made : The one through
the surrounding mounds to see what kind of wall had been
erected, if any, — the result of this has been before alluded
to ; Another cutting was made through an isolated mound of

BIIITAM — BANAUAS, SABNATII.

103

some 9 feet in height, the result of which merely proved it to
have an ancient dust heap ; A third, through a very high aud
likely mound resulted in nothing but earth and broken bricks ;
Another has since been made, hut the results were the same
as in the other cases. Tho' >eason for this is very plain :
Each of these mounds represents an ancient edifice not,
perhaps, of tho time of the Buddhists (for the bricks do not
bear that character), but the constant excavation of found-
ations for the past 200 years for tho purpose of building has
produced the results above alluded to. Each party has taken
the bricks he needed and filled in again the rubbish.

“ Just below tho Idgah and exterior to the work is an old
Muhammadan bridge across the Gangi Nadi, which might
be repaired with advantage. This has been entirely con-
structed with the cut-stones taken from the Buddhist struc-
ture -above. The date of its erection may have been from
200 to 250 years, since or subsequent to tho erection of that
of Jonpur, Avhich it resembles in many points. Tlie carved
work is built inwards.

“ There are around Bhitari, at some little distance, say
a quarter or half a mile, a number of detached mounds evi-
dently of Buddhist origin, and apparently of artificial con-
struction. These might repay excavation.

“ In conclusion, I would beg to suggest with all deference,
and without access to books, my knowledge must be limited
that Bhitari was of old a strongly fortified earthen camp, in
which there was at least one largo Buddhist temple and
several edifices in connection -with the same; but nothing
short of a lengthened residence on the spot, together with
careful exploration, can ever accurately determine tho nature
of the latter. It is difficult to account for tho base of tho
monolith being so far below the present level of the soil with
which it does not appear to me ever to have been even.”

XXV. BANARAS, SARNATH.

Ban^ras is celebrated amongst tlic Buddhists as the
soone where their great teacher first expounded his doctrine,
or, as they metaplmrically express it, where he first began to
“ turn tho wheel of the law.” This is one of tho four great
events in the life of Buddha, and accordingly it forms one
of the most common subjects of Buddhist sculpture. In the

104

ARCnJEOLOOICATi nEPOKT, 1801-02.

great Buddhist establishment near Banaras, whieh is des-
cribed by Hwen Thsang the principal statue enshrined in a
temple 200 feet in height, was a copper figure of Buddha •
represented in the act of “ turning the wheel of the law.”
I found numerous statues ofiwBuddha in the same attitude
during my explorations about Stlrrnilth in 1835-30, and Major
ICittoc discovered several more in 1851-52. I found also
many others figures, but those of Buddha, the “ Teacher*,”
were the most numerous. The inscribed pedestal foufid by
T)cwiin Jagat Singh in 1794, also belonged to a statue of
Buddha, the Teacher. Similarly at Buddba-Claya, where Sakya
Sinha sat for six years meditating undcu* the Bodhi Tree, the
favourite statue is that of Buddha the Ascetic.

The city of Banaras is situated on tlio left bank of' the
Ganges, between the Jlanid Nadi on the north-east, and the
Asi Ndla on the south-west. Tlie llarud, or Varand, is a
considerable rivulet, whicli rises to (Licsiorth of Allaliabad,
and has a course of about 100 miles. I'ho Asi is a mere
brook of no length, and, owing to its insignilicajit si/i“, it does
not appear in any of our most detailed inatis. It is not
entered in the Indian Atlas Sheet .No. 88, m liich is on tlie
scale of four miles to the inch, nor (‘ven in tlic larger litho-
graphed map of the District of Banaras on the doul)lc scale
of two miles to the inch. This omission has led the learned
French Academician M. Vivien dc Saint Martin to doubt tlu'
existence of the Asi as a trilnitary of the Ganges, and ho
conjectures that it may be only a branch of the llama, and
that the joint stream called tlic Varanasi may have commu-
nicated its name to the city. The Asi Nala, however, will
be found, as I have described it, in James Prinsc])’s map of
of the city of Banaras, published by llullmandol, as well as
in the small map which I have prepared to illustrate this
account.* The ])osition of the Asi is also accurately des-
cribed by H. IT. Wilson in his Sanskrit Dictionary, under the
word Varanasi. I may add that the road from the city to
Marnnagar crosses the ylsi only a short distance from its con-
fluence with the river. The points of junction of both
streams with the Ganges are considered particularly holy,

* Sec Plate XXXI. — The Asi is iiicniionotl by Abiil Fazl in his Ain Akhari, If.,
p. 28; and by Bishop llubor, I„ 3t)7, aud more particularly in p, 3‘Jd, where ho speuks of
“ the small river.”

SARNATH - SANA R AS

('liii ij*!} 4’,^^" ^

; ( , V ^ " ''' SJ^r tch

Rums &jt

WsARNATH - BA NARAsI

LB0O .SOO

'oioo '^O

BANARAS, SAUNATir.

105

n.ml accordingly temples have been erected both at Barna
Sangam below the city, and at Asi ^cmgcmi above the city.
.Erom the joint names of these two streams, which bound the
city to the north and south, the Brahmans derive Varanasi
or Varanasi, which is said te’bo tho Sanskrit form of tho
name of Banaras. But tho more usual derivation amongst
tho common people is from Baja Bandr, who is said to have
EC-built tho city about 800 years ago.

The Buddhist remains of Bandras are situated nearly
duo north, and about 3^- miles distant from tho outskirts of
tho city, at a place popularly known by tho name of Sdrndlh.
This name, which is usually applied to the great Buddhist
tower, or stupa, belongs properly to a small Brahmanical
temple on the western bank of the lake, while the great
tower itself is called Dhamek. An annual fair is hold close
to the temple of Sarndth, and there is an indigo factory
only 200 yards to the north of it. The name of Sdrndth was,
accordingly, well known both to the Natives and to the Eng-
lish, and when the neighbouring ruins first attracted atten-
tion, they were always referred to by that name. The ear-
liest mention of them is by Jonathan Duncan in 1794, in his
account of tho discovery of two Urns by Babu Jagat Singh
“in the vicinity of a temple called Sdrndth.”* It is possible
that Duncan here refers to the Brahmanical “ temple but
in tho subsequent notices by Wilford and James Prinsep, both
of whom had resided for many years at Bandras, the' name of
Sdrndth is always applied to tho great tower. Tho same
name is given to tho tower in an engraving which was pub-
lished in 1834 in Captain Elliot’s Views in India.

Sdrndth moans supply the “ best Lord,” which title is
here applied to the godMahddcva, whoso symbol, the Ungam,
AS onshAned in tho small temple on tho bank of tho lake.
I believe, hoAvever, that the name is only an abbreviation of
Sdranggandilia, or the “ Lord of Deer,” which would also be
. an appropriate epithet for Mahddeva, who is frequently re-
presented as holding a deer in his left hand. As the lake in
front of the temple is still occasionally called “ Sdrang Tdl”
my conjecture that the true name was Sarangga Nath seems
a very probably one ; but I would refer the epithet to Buddha
himself, who in a former existence was fabled to have roamed

* Asiatic Uesoarclics, V., p. 131.

IOC ATICH^OLOGICAL REPOKT, 18G1-62.

the Avoods in this very spot as the king of a herd of deer.
But this spot was specially esteemed by the Buddhists on ac-
count of a curious story which is given at some length by
Hvven Thsang, and which, as illustrative of the Buddhist
tenderness for life, I will* row relate.* — “The RSja of
Banaras, who was fond of sport, had slaughtered so many deer
that the king of the deer remonstrated with him, and offered
to furnish him with one deer daily throughout the year, if he
would give up slaughtering them for sport. The Raja' con-
sented. After some time, when it came to the turn of a hind,
big with young, to be presented to the Raja, she objected
that, although it might bo her turn to die, yet the turn of her
little one could not yet have arrived. The king of the deer
(that is, Buddha) was struck with compassion, and offered him-
self to the Rilja in place of the hind.” On hearing the story
the Raja exclaimed — “ I am but a deer in the form of a man,
but you are a man in the form of a deer.” lie at once gave
up his claim -to the daily gift, and made over the park for
the perpetual use of the doer, on which account it was called
the ‘ Doer Park’ ( IlrUjaddm). It is curious to learn that
a ramnci, or antelope preserve still exists in the neighbour-
hood of Surndlh.

The principal remains at SArnalh arc the following :

Is^. — The great stone tower call Dhameh ; ’ind, the re-
mains of a large brick tower opened by Jagat Sing ; Zrd, the
traces of buildings excavated by myself in 1835-36 ; 4tih, the
remains of buildings excavated by Major Kittoe in 1851-62 ;
and 5th, a high mound of solid brick-Avork crowned with an
octagonal brick toAver, called Ghauhandi, and situated at
rather less than half a mile from the great tower of Dhamek.
With the simple exception of Ghauhandi, the whole of these
remains are situated on an extensive mound of brick and
stone ruins about half a mile long, and nearly a quarter
of a mile broad. On the north and east there are three large
sheets of water which communicate with one another. To
the east lies the Narokar or Sdrang Tdl, which is 3,000 feet
long and 1,000 feet broad. On the north-east this co m muni-
cates with the Ghandokar or Ghandra Tdl, which is of about
the same size, but of less regular shape. On the north lies

* JuUeu’a llwon Thsang, II., p. 361.

BANAllAS, SAllNATtl.

107

the Naya Tal^ or “ New Tank,” which is upwards of half
a mile in length, hut little more than 300 feet in Mudth.*

At the north-eastern end of the mass of ruin is situated
the village of Bardhi, which^ ,as I infer from the spelling,
must have been named after fajra Fardhi, a goddess of the
later Buddhists. To the west, beyond the bend of the Naya
TM, lies Guronpur, or the “ Village of Teachers,” which in
its day was probably inhabited by Buddliist Gurus. The
Mrigaddvat or “ Deer Park,” is represented by a fine wood,
which still covers an area of about half a mile, and extends
from the great tower of BhameJc on the north _ to the
Chaukandi mound on the south. To the south-west of the
great tower the Jains have erected a modern temple of
Bdrsxoanath. The temple is white-washed and surrounded
by a wall enclosing an area 167 feet square. Since I first
surveyed these ruins in 1836, a second or outer enclosure has
been added on the east side, the walls of which run right up
to the great tower and cause much inconvenience to visitors,
by obstructing their free passage round the building.

The most remarkable of the Sarnath Monuments is the
great tower called Bhartiek. Mr. Pergussonf has stated
that “ this building was opened by Major Cunningham,
binder Mr. Brinsep's auspices but this statement is incor-
rect, as the oijcratious were begun by myself before any
communication was made to dames Prinsep, and were after-
wards continued entirely under my own guidance. The cost
of opening the tower was shared between James Prinsep,
Captain Thoresby, Major Grant, and myself, but the work
had been commenced “ under my own auspices,” and was not
suggested to mo by James Prinsep. The excavation Avas
begun in December 1834, and closed in January 1836, at a
cost of Bupecs 517-3-10. But, before detailing these opera-
tioils, I will describe the tower itself.

The Buddhist stupa called Bhamek is a solid round tow-
er, 93 feet in diameter at base and 110 feet in height above
the surrounding ruins, but 128 feet above the general level
of* the country. The foundation or basement, which is made
of very large bricks, has a depth of 28 feet below the level of
the ruins, but is sunk only 10 feet below the surface of the

• Sco PlHte XXXI.

t Handbook of Architecture, L, p. 15.

108

AUCniEOLOGtCAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2.

country. The lower part of the tower, to a height of 43 feet,
is built entirely of stone from one of the Chunar quarries,
and with the exception of the upper five courses, the whole ■
of this part of the building is a solid mass of stone, and each
stone, oven in the very heart' tjf the mass, is secured to its
neighbours by iron cramps. The upper part of the tower is
built entirely of large bricks, but as the outer facing has long
ago disappeared, there is nothing now left to show whether
it was formerly cased with stone, or only plastered over, and
coloured to imitate the stone-work of the lower portion. I
infer, however, that it was plastered, because the existing
stone-work terminates with the same course all round the
building, a length of 292 feet. Had the upper part been
cased with stone, it is scarcely possible that the whole
should have disappeared so completely that not even a single
block out of so many thousands should now remain in its
original position. In one part I observed some projecting
bricks which appeared very like the remains of a moulding at
the base of the dome. On the top I found a small brick cap,
8 feet in diameter and only 4 feet high. From its size I infer
that this was the ruin of the base of a small pinnacle, about
10 feet square, which most probably once supported a stone
umbrella. I infer this because the figures of Buddha the
Teacher are usually represented as seated under an umbrella.

The lower part of the monument has eight projecting
faces, each 21 feet 6 inches in vsidth, with intervals of 16 feet
between them. In each of the faces, at a height of 24 feet
above the ground, there is a semi-circular headed niche, 6 2-
feet in width, and the same in height. In each of the niches
there is a pedestal, 1 foot in height, and slightly hollowed on
the top to receive the base of a statue ; but the statues them-
selves have long ago disappeared, and I did not find even the
fragment of one in my excavation at the base of the monu-
ment. There can be little doubt, however, that all the eight
statues represented Buddha the Teacher, in the usual form,
with his hands raised before his breast, and the thumb and
fore-finger of the right hand placed on the little finger of tho
left hand for the purpose of enforcing his argument. Judg-
ing by the dimensions of the niches, the statues must have
been of life-size.*

I that ono of the many sitting statucH of Buddha tho Toaolior, which

It.ixo siiiL'o hcoii cliNcoverod, and arc uow deposited at tho Baiiaraa Collo^jc, should he
placcvl in one •<l’ theso uiches.

IJANATIAS, SARNATH,

100

From the level of the base of the niches the eight pro-
jecting faces ■ lessen in width to five feet at the top ; but the
. diminution is not uniform, as it begins gradually at first, and
increases as it approaches the top. The outline of the slope
may have been possibly intQpdcd for a curve, but it looks
much more like three sides of a large polygon. Around the
niches seven of the faces are more or less richly decorated
.with a profusion of flowing foliage. The carving on some of
the faces has been completed, but on others it is little more
than half finished, while the south face is altogether plain.
On the unfinished faces portions of the unexecuted ornamen-
tation may be seen traeed in outline by the chisel, which
proves that in ancient times the Uindus followed tlic same
practice as at present, of adding the carving after the wall
was built. *

‘On the western face tlie same ornamentation of flowing
foliage is continued below the niche, and in the midst of it
there is a small plain tablet, which can only have been in-
tended for a very short inscription, such, perhaps, as the name
of the building. A triple band of ornament, nearly 9 feet in
depth below the niches, encircles all the rest of the building,
both faces and recesses. The middle band, which is the
broadest, is formed entirely of various geometrical figures, the
main lines being deeply cut, and the intervening spaces being
filled with various ornaments. On some of the faces where
the spaces between the deeply cut lines of the niling figures
are left plain, I infer, that the work is unfinished. The
upper band of ornamentation, which is the narrowest, is
generally a scroll of the- lotus plant Avith leaves and buds
only, while the lower band, which is also a lotus scroll, con-
tains the full blown flowers as well as the buds. The lotus
flower is represented full to the front on all the sides except
the south south-west, where it is shown in a side view with
the Chakwa or Frahmani Goose seated upon it. This, indeed,
is the only side on Avhich any animal representations are
given, which is the more remarkable, as it is one of the re-
cesses and not one of the projecting faces. In the middle
of the ornament there is a human figure seated on a lotus
flower and holding two branches of the lotus in his hands.
On each side of him there are three lotus flowers, of which
the four nearer ones support pairs of Brahmani Geese, while
the two farther ones carry only single birds. Over the nearest

110

AUCnJEOLOGICAL HEPORT, 1861-62.

pair of geese, on the right hand of the figure, there is a
frog. The attitudes of the birds are all good, and even that
of the human figure is easy, although formal. The lotus
scroll with its flowing lines of graceful stalk, mingled with
tender buds and full blown flowers, and delicate leaves, is
srery rich and very beautiful. Below the ornamental borders
:here are three plain projecting bands.

I employed two expert masons for twelve months in
making full-size drawings of the whole of these bands of
ornament. Two plates of the east south-east and south
south-west sides were afterwards engraved in Calcutta under
my own guidance, for publication by James Prinsep in the
A.siatic Besearches ; but his lamented illness put a sudden
stop to the work, as his successor, Mr. Cumin, would not
illow the mint engraver to continue it.

Near the top of the north-west face there are four pro-
ecting stones placed like steps, that is, they are not imme-
liately over each other, and above them there is a fifth stone
rhich is pierced with a round hole for the reception of a
lost, or more probably of a flag-staff. The lowest of these
tones can only be reached by a laddei’, but ladders must
lave been always available, if, as I suppose, it was customary
n stated occasions to fix Hags and steamers on various parts
f the building, in the same manner as is now done in the
(uddhist countries of Burmah and LadS.k.

With the single exception of the Taj Mahal at Agra,
icre is, perhaps, no Indian building that has been so often
escribed as the great Buddhist tower near Shrnhth. But
range to say, its dimensions have always been very much
ader-stated, although the circumference might have been
)ry closely ascertained with the greatest case in a few
inutes, by measuring, either with a wmlking stick or with
le fore-arm, the breadth of one projecting face and of one
cess, which together form one-cighth of the whole. H. H.
ilson, quoting Wilford, states that “ SAmAth is about 50
3t high, and may be as many paces in circumference.”
iss Emma Boberts states that it is “about 150 feet in
fcumference,” and “ above 100 foot in height.” Mr. Eer-
isson calls it between 60 and 60 feet in diameter, and
.0 feet in height. This last statement of the height is
rrect, having been taken from a note of mine, which was

BANARAS, SAK^JATn.

Ill

published by Mr. Thomas in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s
Journal. This height was carefully measured by myself with
. an iron chain in January 1835, by means of the scaffolding
which I had put up for the purpose of opening the tower.
By a previous measurement, with a theodolite I had found
the height to be 109 feet 10 inches. The breadth of one
projecting face and of one recess is 36 feet 6 inches, which
multiplied by 8 gives 292 feet as the circumference, and a
trifle ‘less than 93 feet as the diameter, or nearly double the
thickness stated by any one of the authorities just quoted.

On the 18th January 1835 my scaffolding was complet-
ed, and I stood on the top of the great tower. On cutting
the long grass I found two iron spikes, each 8 inches long,
and shaped like the head of a lance. On the following day
I removed the ruined brick pinnacle and began sinking a
''haft or well, about 5 feet in diameter. At 3 feet from, the
top I found a rough stone, 24 inches x 15 inches x 7 inches,
and on the 25th January, at a depth of 10^ feet, I found an
inscribed slab 28f inches long, 13 inches broad, and 4|- inches
thick, which is now in the Museum of the Bengal Asiatic
S*' ciety. The inscription consists of the usual Buddhist
ivrmula or profession of faith beginnijig with the words “ Ye
Dharmma hetu prabhavd, Sfc.,’* of which translations have
been given by Mill, Hodgson, Wilson, and Burnouf. The
following is Hodgson’s translation, which has received the
approval of Burnouf : “ Of all tilings proceeding from

cause, their causes hath the Tathdgata (Buddha) ex-
plained. The Great Sramana (Buddha) hath likewise ex-
plained the causes of the cessation of existence.” The letters
of this inscription, which are all beautifully cut, appear to me
to be of somewhat earlier date than the Tibetan alphabet,
which is known to have been obtained from India in the
middle of the 7th century. I would, therefore, assign the
inscription, and consequently the completion of the monu-
ment, to the 6th century.*

On the 22nd January I began to excavate a horizontal
gallery on the level of the top of the stone- work, and on the
1 4th of Pebruary, at a distance of 44 feet, the gallery joined
the shaft, which had been sunk from above. As I now found
that the upper course of stone was only a facing, I sank the

* See Bengal Asiatic Society’s Jouinal, 1835, p. 133, for different translations, and Plate
IX. for a copy of tho inscription. The original stone is now in the Museum of the Asiatic
Society in Calcutta.

112

AllCII>®OLOGICATi REPORT, 18G1-G2.

gallery itself down to the level of tlic stone-work, and con-
tinued it right through to the opposite site. I thus dis-
covered that the mass of the inner stone-work was only 33
feet in height, while the outer stone- work was 43 feet. In the
middle, however, there was a pillar of stone-work, rising G
feet higher than the inner mass. This was, perhaps, used as a
point from which to describe the circle with acciu’acy. Small
galleries were also made to reach the tops of tlie oast and
west faces, but nothing was discovered by these works. •

The labor of sinking the shaft through the solid stone-
work Avas very great, as the stones whicii were large (from
2 to 3 feet in lengtli, 18 inches broad, and 12 inches thick)
were all secured to each other by iron cramps. Each stone
had usually eight cramps, four aboAX', and as many below, all
of which had to be cut out before it could be moved. I
therefore sent to Chunar for regular quarrymen to quarry
out the stones, and the work occupied them for scAxral
months. At length, at a depth of 110 feet from the toj) ol‘
the monument, the stone gave place to briek-work, made of
very large bricks. Through this the shaft Avas continued for
a further depth of 28 feet, when I reached the plain soil
beneath the foundation. Lastly, a gallery Avas run right
through the brick-Avork of the foundation, immediately below
the stone-work, but Avithout yielding any result.

Thus ended my opening of the great tower after 14
months’ labour, and at a cost of more than Ils. 600. When
I began the work I was not aAvare that many of the most
hallowed of the Euddhist Monuments were only memorial
stupas, raised over spots rendered famous by various acts of
Buddha, such as we knoAV from II wen Thsang’s account AA'as
the great toAver near Ban^ras, which Avas erected by Asoka
aear the spot where Buddha had began to " turn the Avbeel
)f the law,” that is, to preach his now doctrine. The “ tower
)f the Deer Park near Banaras” is likewise • enumerated by
mother Chinese author as one of the *' eight divine lowers”
reeled on sites where Buddha had accomplished “many
important acts of his terrestrial career,” the particular act
fhich he had accomplished at BanUras being his preachitfg.
'his tower was seen by Ea-Hian in the beginning of the 6th
entury, who notices that Buddha, when he began to “ turn
le wheel of the law,” sat down looking towards the west,
low, on the western face of the great tower there is a small

BANARAS, SARNATH.

113

plain tablet, -which, as I have said before, could only have
been intended for some very short inscription, such as the
. name either of the tower itself, or of the event which it was
intended to commemorate. But, whatever it may have been
intended for, its position was no doubt significant, and, as at
Buddha Gaya, where Sakya had been seated facing the cast,
his statue was placed in the same position, so at Banilras,
where, when ho began to preach he Itad been seated facing
the west, his statue must have been placed in the same
direction. I conclude that the western face of the monument
erected to commemorate that event would have been tho
principal side, and that any inscription would certainly have
been placed on that side.

It now only remains to notice the name hy which this
great to-wer is known amongst tho people of the neighbour-
ing v.illages. This name is DhameJe, of which no one knows
the meaning. It is evidently some compound of Dhurmma,
and, bearing in mind that on this spot Buddha first began to
“ turn the wheel of the law,” I would suggest that Dhamek
is only an abbreviation of tlic Sanskrit l)harmmoj)adesaka
or “ Preacher of Dharmvia” which is, indeed, the common
term now in use to designate any religious teacher. The
term is also used in the simpler form of Dharmma desaka,,
w^hich, in familiar conversation, w’ould naturally bo shortened'
to Dliainadek and Dhamek, The special fitness of this name/
for tho great tower in the Deer Park at Banaras is so_ obvious*
and striking, that I think it needless to offer any further
remarks on the subject.

At a distance of 520 feet to the westward of Dhamek,
there is a large circular hole, upwards of 50 feet in diameter,
surrounded by a very thick brick wall. This is tho ruin of
the large brick stupa which wns excavated by Bilbfi. Jagat
ISingh, the Dew^n of llfija Chait Singh, of Bandras, for the
purpose of obtaining bricks for the erection of Jagatganj.
In January 1794 his workmen found, at a depth of 27 feet,
two vessels of stone and marble, one inside the other. The
inner vessel, according to Jonathan Duncan’s account,* con-
tained a few human hones, some decayed pearls, gold leaves,
and other jewels of no value. In the “ same place” under-
ground, and on the “ same occasion,” with the discovery of
the urns, there was found a statue of Buddha, bearing an

* Asiatic Researches, V., p, lUl.

114 AKCH^OLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-C2.

inscription dated in Samvat 1083, or A. D. 1026. An imper-
fect translation of this inscription was given by Wilford,
accompanied by some remarks, in which he applies the state-
ments of the record to the great tower of Dhamek, instead
of to the building in which it was actually discovered.*

At my suggestion Major Kittoc made a search for this
statue amongst the plundered stones of Jagatganj, where it
was found broken and mutilated. The inscription, however,
was still legible, and the remains of the figure are sufiioient
to show that the statue was a representation of Buddha the
Preacher, and not of Buddha the Ascetic. Major Kittoe sent
me a transcript of the inscription in modem !N%ari, which I
strongly suspect to have been Brahmanized by his Banilras
Bmidits. In its modern Nilgari form, as translated for me, it
records that “ Mahi Bala, KAja of Gauda, having worship-
ped the lotus-like foot of Sri BUdmar&^i (“ heap of light”
? Buddha) grown in the lake of Varanasi, and having for its
moss the hair of prosperous kings, caused to be erected in
EAsi hundreds of Isdua and ChUraghunta. Sri Sthira Bala
and his younger brother, Sri Vamnta Bala, having restored
religion, raised this tower witli an inner chamber and eight
large niches.f” Wilford read Bhupdla instead of IsAna, but
I am unable to offer any conjecture as to the true reading, as
I know not where the original is now deposited. Major Kit-
toe’s fatjsimile of the inscription is, perhaps, amongst those
deposited by him in the Asiatic Society’s Museum.

My reasons for fixing on the largo round hole, 620 feet
to the west of the great tower, as the site of the stupa exca-
vated by Jagat Singh, are the following : In 1835, when
I was engaged in opening the great tower itself, I made re-
peated enquiries regarding the scones of Jagat Singh’s disco-
covery. Every one had heard of the finding of a stone box
which contained bones, and jewels, and gold, but every one
professed ignorance of the locality. At length, an old man
named Sangkar, an inhabitant of the neighbouring village
of Singhpur, came forward and informed me that, when he

* Attiatjic Rosearch^ IX., 204.

t Isdna meaiMj “ light, splendour,” and was probably the teehnksal name of a " lamp-
pillar” for illumination. Chitraghetnta means a variegated or “ ornamented bell.” I would,
therefore, translate the two words as “ lamp-pillars and ornamental brfls.” Oauda is the
name of the country to tha north of the Qhl^hra Biver. was al«o the name of the

old cjipital of Reugfd.

BANA-ltAS, SAB.NATH.

116

was a boy, be had been employed in the excavations made by
Jagat Singh, and that he knew all about the discovery of the
.jewels, &c. According to his account the discovery consisted
of two boxes, the outer one being a large round box of
common stone, and the inner one a cylindrical box of green
marble about 15 inches in height and 5 or 6 inches in diame-
ter. The contents of the inner box were 40 to 40 pearls, 14
rubies, 8 silver and 9 gold (karn phul), and three

pieces of human arm bone. The marble box >vas taken to
the Bar4 S4hib (Jonathun Duncan), but the stone box was
left undisturbed in its original position. As the last state-
ment evidently afforded a ready means of testing the man’s
veracity, I enquired if he could point out the spot where the
box was left. To this question he replied without any hesi-
tation in the affirmative, and I at once engaged him to dig
up the box. We proceeded together to the site of the pre-
sent circular hole, which was then a low uneven mound in
the centre of a hollow, and, after marking out a small space
about 4 feet in diameter, he began to work. Before sunset
he had reached the stone box at a depth of 12 feet, and at
less than 2 feet from the middle of the well which he had
sunk. The box was a large circular block of common Chunar
sand-stone, pierced with a rough cylindrical chamber in the
centre, and covered with a flat slab as a lid. I presented this
box, along with about 60 statues, to the Bengal Asiatic So-
ciety, and it is now in their Museum, where I lately recog-
nized it. In their catalogue, however, it is described as
“ 942B, a Sarcophagus found in the tope of Manikyala (!) ;
Donor, Lieutenant A. Cunningham.”

The discovery of the stone box was the most complete
and convincing proof that I could wish for of the man’s vora-
city, and I at once felt satisfied that the relics and the inscrib-
ed figure of Buddha found by Jagat Singh’s workmen had
been discovered on this spot, and consequently that they
could not possibly have any connexion with the great tower
’ of Dliamek. My next object was to ascertain the nature of
the building in which the box was deposited. As I had found
the box standing on solid brick-work, I began to clear away
the rubbish, expecting to find a square chamber similar to
those which had been discoverd in the topes of Afghanistan.
My excavations, however, very soon showed that, if any
chamber had onoe existed, it must have been demolished by

116

AllCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

Jagat Singh’s workmen. Sangkar then desoribed that the box
was foimd in a small square hole or chamber only just largo
enough to hold it. I cleared out the wliolo of the rubbish
until I reached the thick circular wall which still exists. 1
then found that the relic box* had been deposited inside a
solid brick hemispherical stupa, 49 feet in diameter at tbe
level of the deposit, and that this had been covered by a
casing wall of brick, lOA feet in thickness; tbe total diameter
at this level was, therefore, 82 feet. The solid brick-work of
the interior had only been partially excavated by .Jagat Singh’s
workmen, nearly one-half of the mass, to a height of 6 feet
above the stone box, being then untouchec^. I made some
excavations roun<l the outer wall to ascertain its thickness,
but I left the brick -Avork undisturbed.

About 18 years afterwards, the excavation of this stupa
was continued by Major Kittoe and Mr. Thomas until the
whole of the inner mass had been removed, and the foundation
of the outer casing exposed. The inner diameter is given by
Mr. Thomas as 49 feet 6 inches, tbe slight excess over my
measurement being due to the thickness of a base moulding
of the original stupa. I have again carefully examined the
remains of this monument, and I am quite satisfied that in
its original state it was an ancient hemispherical stupa, 49 feet
in diameter at base, and about 35 or 40 feet in height, includ-
ing the usual pinnacle. Afterwards, when, as I suppose, the
upper portion had become ruinous, it was repaired by the
addition of a casing wall 16A feet in thickness. The diame-
ter of the renewed edifice thus became 82 feet, while the
height, inclusive of a pinnacle, could not have been less than
50 feet.

On a review of all the facts connected with this ruin, I
incline to the opinion that the inner hemisphere AA^as an
ancient relic shqm, and that this having become ruinous, it
was repaired, and an outer casing added by the brothers
Sthh'a Tala and Vasanta Tala in A. D. 1026. In the Ma-
Mwanso we find the record of similar additions having been
made to some of the stupas in Ceylon, and I know from per-
sonal inspection that many of the great JDhagopas of Barmah
have been increased in size by subsequent additions.

Due south from the great tower of Dhamek, and at a
distance of 2,500 feet, there is a lofty ruined mound of solid

Jlixc av aiioxis

Mi^or M KITTOB

urngKaJiL (Iftl

Litho an t;hfj irvr lionl’s. Office. Cfcl Octone:

BANARAS, SARNATH.

117

brickwork, surmounted by an octagonal building. 11711011 I
first lived at Ban^ras, this mound was always known by the
•name of Chaiikandi, of which no one knew the meaning. But
during my late visit I found that the old name was nearly
forgotten, having been superseded by Lurl-ha-kodim or
“ Luri’s leap.” IaiH was an Ahir, who jumped from the toji
of the octagonal building some years ago, and was killed.
The mound itself is 74 feot in heiglit to the floor of the octa-
gonal' building which rises 23 feet 8 inches higlier, making a
total height of 97 feet and 8 inches. An inscription over one
of the door- ways of the building records that it was built in
the reign of Ilmuuyun, as a memorial of the emperor’s
ascent of the mound.

In 1835 I opened this mound by sinking a well from the
floor of the building right down to the plain earth beneath
the fdundation. I also drove a horizontal gallery to meet the
Avell about half way up the ascent. But as neither of these
excavations resulted in any discovery, I then thought it pos-
sible that my well might not have been sunk in the axis of
the building. I therefore began to widen the well from the
point of junction of the gallery until it was nearly 20 feet in
diameter. This work was stopped at a depth of 27 feet by
my departure from Banaras. I have again examined this ruin,
and 1 am now quite satisfied that my first well was sunk in
the very centre of the mound. The absence of any relic
chamber shows that this was not a relic tower, a conclusion
which is fully borne out by Hwen Thsang’s description of one
of the most remarkable of the sacred edifices near the Deer
Park at Baudras, which, I believe, may be identified with the
Chaukandi mound.

At 2 or 3 li (or rather less than half a mile) to the
south-west of the Deer Park Monastery, Hwen Thsang places
a stupa which was no less than 300 feet in height.* This
lofty monument sparkled with the rarest and most precious
materials. It was not ornamented with rows of niches,
neither had it the usual boll-shaped cupola, but its summit
was crowned with a sort of religious vase, turned upside dowm,
on the top of which was an arrow. This is the whole of
Hwen Thsang’s account of this remarkable building, which,
although too meagi’o to^ gratify curiosity, is still sufficient for

• Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 363.

118

ARCHJEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

the purpose of identification. In position it agrees almost
exactly with that of the great brick mound of Chaukandi,
which I have just described. The distance of this last from,
the ruined mound on which the village of Bar4hipur stands,
and which I have already identified with the position of
the Deer Park Monastery, is just half a mile, but the
direction is south south-west instead of south-west. With
regard to size, it is difficult to say what may have been
the height of the Chaukandi edifice. My excavations’ have
proved that the centre of the present mound is all solid
brick- work; but tlie subsequent explorations of Major
Kittoo have brought to light three immense straight walls
about mid-way up the eastern side, and two more on the
western side, which have all the appearance of gigantic but-
tresses. Now, as these walls could not possibly have been
required for the stability of the great solid mass below, it seems
not unreasonable to conclude that they must in some way
Lave been connected W'ith the support of the upper portion of
the building, which no longer exists. Hwon Thsang’s account
is somewhat vague, but I believe his intention was to describe
a dome or cupola narrowed at the base, like the neck of a
religious vase reversed. He distinctly states that it was not
a bell-shaped cupola, that is, the dome did not spread outwards
in the form familiar to us in the great Dhagopas of Rangoon
and Pegu. An excellent illustration of the reversed vase
form may be seen in a rock-cut temple at Ajanta, given by
Pergusson.*

I will conclude this notice of the remains at Sfirn&th
Ban4ras with a short account of the excavations which have
been made at different times during the last seventy years in
the vicinity of the great tower of Bhamek.

The earliest excavations of which we possess any record
were those made by Baba Jagat Singh in 1793-91, for the
purpose of obtaining materials, both stones and bricks, for
the erection of a market-place, in the city, which was named
after himself, Jagatganj. I have already noticed his dis-
covery, in January 1791, of the two stone boxes containing.a
few bones, with some decayed pearls and slips of gold. A
brief account of this discovery was published by Jonathan

* Hand-book of Architecture^ 1., p. 20,

BANARASj SABNATH.

119

Duncan,* and a more detaUed notice by Wilford in a later
volume of tbe same work. I can add little to their accounts,

, except that the original green stone vase, which Jonathan
Duncan presented to the Asiatic Society in 1791, had dis-
appeared before 1831, when I, wrote to James Prinsep about
it. I may mention also, on the authority of the v^ork-pcople,
that the dilapidated state of the lower part of the Dhamek
Tower is due entirely to the meanness of Jagat Singh, who,
to save a few rupees in the purchase of new stones, deliber-
ately destroyed the beautiful facing of this ancient tower. As
each stone was slowly detached from the monument by
cutting out all the iron cramps by which it was secured to
its neighbours, the actual saving to the J3abd could have been
but little ; but the defacement to the tower was very great, and,
as the stones were removed at once, the damage done to the
tower is quite irreparable.

Jagat Singh’s discovery would appear to have stimulated
the curiosity of the British officers, for Miss Emma Boberts,
writing in 1831, relates that “ some 10 or 60 years ago”
(that is, about 1791) “ the ruins near Sfirn^th attracted the
attention of several scientific gentlemen, and they commenced
an active research by digging in many places around. Their
labours were roAvarded by the discovery of several excava-
tions filled with an immense number of flat tiles, having
representations of Buddha modelled upon them in wax. It
is said that there were actually cart loads of these images
found in the excavations before mentioned. Many were
deposited in the Museums and collections of private indivi-
duals ; but whether they were ever made the subject of a
descriptive account seems doubtful, there being at least no
public document of the kind.”t I can add nothing to Miss
Iloberts’ account, as all my enquiries have failed to discover
any of the wax seals of Buddha above mentioned. I may ,
note, however, that in the temples of liad^k I have seen
small chambers quite full of similar little figures of deceased
Mmas. In Burmah also I have seen small figures of Buddha
in burnt clay accumulated in heaps equal to cart loads, both
in the caves and in the temples. The figured seals discovered
near S&mMh would appear to have been of a similar kind to
those which I extracted from the ruined building close to

* Asiatic Researches, V., p. l3l.

+ Views in India, &c., TI., P* 8.

120

AKCH^OLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

Jarasancllia’s Tower at Giryek, and also to those which I have
described as liaving been found in the ruins at ‘Bakror, oppo-
site to Buddha Gaya.

The next excavations, as far as I am aware, were those
undertaken by myself in 1835-36. These excavations, as
well as the drawings of the elaborate ornament of the great
tower, were made entirely at my own expense, the cost
during 18 months having been Bs. 1,200. I made several
desultory excavations wherever I saw traces of walls, hut they
all proved to belong to temporary habitations of a late
period. At last, after a heavy fall of rain, I observed a piece
of terraced floor wliich I ordered to be cleared for the pur-
pose of pitching my tent upon it. After a few hours’ labour,
however, the flooring terminated on what appeared to ho the
edge of a small tank, which was only 13 feet 9 inches
square. Continuing the work, I found the bases of pillars
in pairs surrounding the square. Amongst the rubbish
inside the square, I found an elaborately sculptured bas-
relief, in grey standstone, representing the J!^irvdna of
Buddha. The stone had been broken into four pieces, of
which one was missing, but the remaining tlirci^ pieces are
now in the Calcutta Museum. This s(,*ulpture, 1 consider,
particularly interesting, as the subject is treated in a novel
and striking manner. In the ordinary •epicsentations of
the death-bed scene, the spectators are eon lined to a few
attendants, who hold umbrellas over the body or reverentially
touch the feet. But in the present sculpture, lu'sides the
usual attendants, there are the Ndixujrahaov “ JS’ine I’lainds”
in one line, and in a loAver line, the Aslita Sahte or “ l ight
female energies,” a series of goddesses apparently belonging
to one of the later forms of Buddhism. This sculpture is
well worthy of being photographed.

Purther excavation showed that the small pillared tank,
or court-yard, was the centre of a large building, 68 feet
square, of which the outer walls were feet thick. My ex-
ploration w'as not completed to the eastward, as the walls of
the building in that direction had been entirely removed by
some previous excavation, with the exception of detached
portions of the foundation, sufficient to show that it corre-
sponded exactly with the western half of the building. The
central square was apparently surrounded by an open veran-
dah, which gave access to ranges of five small rooms or cells

LIEUT: A. CUNNINGHAM

Litho. at the Survr. Genl’s. Office, Cal. A-aguab 1371

banahas, sarnath.

121

cacli of the four sides of the building. In all the cells I
found pieces of charred Avood, with nails still sticking in
• some of them, and in the middle cell on the western side I
found a small store of unhusked rice only partially burnt.
In a few places I found wHat appeared to be pieces of ter-
raced roofing, and in one place a large heap of charcoal. On
the south side the central room was lost by previous excava-
tion, but on the north side I found a room entirely open
towards the verandah, as if it was a hall, or place of general
meeting for the resident monks. Inside this room there was
the base or pedestal of Avhat I believe to have been a small
votive stupa, the top of which probably reached to the roof
and took the place of a pillar. A small drain led under-
ground from the north-west corner of the central square to
the outside of the building on the north, for the purpose, as
I conclude, of carrying off the rain-water.*

The building which I have just described would appear
to have been a ythara, of “ Chapel IMonastcry,” that is, a
monastery Avith a chapel or temple forming an integral part
of the building. Prom the thickness of the outer Avail I
infer that this edifice AA'^as not less than three or four stories
in height, and that it may have accommodated about 50
monks. The entrance was probably ©u the south side, and I
think that there must have been a statue of Buddha in the
northern A'crandah. . The bas-relief which I found in the
central square almost certainly formed one of the middle
architraves of the court.

Continuing my excavations in the high ground to the
westAA^ard, I came upon the remains of a building of a totally
different description. The Avails of this edifice were 3 feet
thick throughout, and I found the plaster still adhering to
the inner walls of Avhat I will call the verandahs, with
borders of painted floAA^ers, quite fresh and vivid. The mass
of the building consisted of a square of 34 feet, with a small
.porch on each of the four side. The building w^as divided
into three parts from west to oast, and the central part w^as
again sub-divided into three small rooms. I think it pro-
liable that these three rooms aaci’c the shrines of the Buddhist
Triad Dharmma, JBuddha, and Sangha, and that the Avails of

* Seo Plate XXXTII. for tho plans of Hicsc liiiildiiigB, The position is marked by
the letter P. in the sketch of the ruins in Plate XXXIl.

122

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

the two long rooms or verandahs to the north and south
were covered with statues and bas-reliefs. The entrance
verandali of one of tire vihar caves at Kdnhari, in Salsettc,
is adoriied in a similar manner ; and even in the present day
the inner walls of the temples, 'both in Ladukand in Barmah,
are (iovered with figures of Buddha. This also, as we know
from Ilwcn Thsang’s account, was the style of the walls of
the great vihar in the Deer Park at this very place, and a
similar style of ornamentation prevailed both at Buddha Gaya
and at Ish'danda. Outside the walls also I found a great
number, about 50 or 60, of largo deeply carved stones, which
had once formed part of a magnificent frieze, with a bold
projecting cornice. The face of the frieze was ornamented
witli small figures of Buddha seated at intervals in peculiar
shaped niches, which I have traced from the rock hewn caves
of Dliamiiar, in Malwa, to the picturesque but fantastic
K]jOu.)>(js of Burmah. A few of these stones may now be
seen in the grounds of the Sanskrit College at Banilras. As
I found no traces of burnt wood, I am inclined to believe
that the roof of the building was pyramidal, and that the
general appearance of the edifice must have been strikingly
similar to that of the great temple of Brambanan, depicted
in the 2nd Volume of ilallles’ Java.

Whilst engaged in excavating the walls of this temple,
I was informed by Sanyhar, llajldiar of Singpur, tlio same
man who had pointed out to me tlie position of the ridie box
in Jagat Singh’s stwpd, that, whilst he was engaged in digging
materials for Jagatganj, the workmen had come upon a very
largo number of statues, all collected together in a small
building. The w'alls u^ere pulled down and the bricks were
carried away, but the statues were left untouched in their
original position. I at once commenced an excavation on
the spot pointed out by Sangkar, which was only a few feet
to the north of the temple just described. At a depth of 2
feet below the surface, I found about 60 statues and bas-
reliefs in an upright position, all packed closely together
within a small space of less than 10 feet square. The walls
of the building in which they had been thus deposited had
been removed as stated by Sangkar, but the remains of the
foundation showed a small place of only 11 feet square out-
side. I made a selection of the more perfect figures which,
together with tho bas-reliefs, I presented to the Asiatic

SARNATH-BANARAS.

Plate XXXIV.

1, Inscribed Stone extracted from Gi'eat Stupa.

i ^ A

j T<lV$ip^i^(a s^ZJf^A \ '

U' —

‘i. Letters ft*om Maaona marks on Stones of Great S'upa, Sam&th.

co**^ ij ‘ Y flHyin

• <J>E - b - qToTA KT'lii

3. On Pedes* al of Standing Pigiiro.

D i

4. Base of Bas-Relief.

xijxj If S'?;; t fti t: T 7^ ^

Tj^^-sr.fr *351^2 :P2

5. Back of Seated Figure of Budd’i a.

<l>i a4< w cf^ii efi-n^ eaa^(??(En<i^'^^riv

Cl/

6. Clay Seal from Sarnsth.

7 . Squatted Figure of Buddha.

■9^^f3iqt<rv

A Cunningliarn del.

Fli[nonsco/SeftX)ib«d at ^ Surrornr Oencral'a OffLc-n C «1 mi«»ji

BANARAS, SABNATII.

123

Society . A sketch of the principal bas-rclicf, which represents
the four great' events in the career of Sakya Muni, has been
.published by M. Poucaux.* A second bas-relief represents
the same four scenes, but on a smaller scale. A third bas-relief,
which gives only three scenes, omitting the Nirvdna, has a
short inscription below in two lines, which records tlie sculpture
to have been the gift of Hari Gupta. The characters of this
inscription, which are of the later Gupta typo, shows that
this piece of sculpture is certainly as old as the 3rd or 4th
century. A fourth bas-relief gives five scenes, the addi-
tional scene being the conception of Milyil Devi on the ap-
pcai’anco of the Chhadania Elephant. Some of the seated
figures were in excellent preservation, and more particularly
one of Buddha the Teaclier, which was in perfect condition,
and coloured of a warm red hue. The remaining statues,
upwards of 40 in nximber, together with most of the other
carved stones which I had collected, and which I left lying
on the ground, were afterwards carted away by the late Mr.
Davidson and throw’n into the Barna Biver under the bridge
to check the cutting away of the bed between the arches.

As the room in which I found all those sculptures was
only a small detached building, and as it was quite close to
the largo teifiplo wdiich I have just described, I conclude that
the whole of the sculptures must have belonged to the
temple, and that they were secreted in the place wdiorc I
discovered them, during a time of persecution, wdicn iho
monks were obliged to abandon their monasteries and take
refuge in NepA.1. Tliis conclusion is partly borne out by tbe
fact that I found no statues within the walls of the temple
itself.

To the north of the temple, at a distance of 2G feet, ray
excavations uncovered a large single block of stone, 0 foot
in length, by 3 feet in height, and the same in thickness.
The stone had been carefully squared, and was hollowed out
•underneath, forming a small chamber, 4 feet in length, by
2 feet in breadth, and the same in height.f This large stone
has also disappeared, which is the more to be regretted, as
I think 'it highly probable that it was the celebrated stone,

* TranBl.ition of the Tibetan History of Buddha, Plate I.

+ See sketch of the ruius in Plate XXXIL, letter Q. This stone has now disappCLirod.

124,

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62.

described by Hwen Thsang, on which Suddha had spread
out his kashdi/a to dry after washing it in the neighbouring
tank. Certain marks on the stone appeared to the Bud- .
dhists to represent the thread lines of the web of Buddha’s
cloth “ as distinctly as if they had been chiselled.” Devout
Buddhists offered their homage before the stone daily ; but
whenever heretics, or wicked men, crowded round the stone
in a contemptuous manner, then the dragon (Ndga) of thp
neighbouring tank let loose upon them a storm of wind and
rain.*

My excavations at Sarnath were brought to a close sud-
denly by my removal to Calcutta. Luckily I hatT prepared
plans of the buildings while the exhumation was going on,
for nothing whatever now remains of all my excavations,
every stone and every brick having been removed long ago.

The last excavations at Sarnath were made at the ex-
pense of Government under the personal superintendence of
Major Kittoe. On his departure for England in January
1863, in ill health, ho carried away all his measurements and
memoranda for the purpose of compiling an account of his
discoveries for publication. His continued ill health and
early death effectually prevented fulfilment of this intention,
and no one, as far as I can learn, knows what Infk become of
his papers. Ilis drawings, which were numerous and valu-
able, were sent to the India House Museum by Mr. Thomason.
One of them has since been published in 1855 by Mr. Eer-
gusson, and another in 1856 by Mrs. Spiers. t Major Kittoo’s
inscriptions wore entrusted to the charge of the Asiatic
Society in Calcutta, evidently in deposit for the sake of safety,
as he hoped to return again to India, and to prepare thena
for publication with his own hand.

My account of Major Kittoe’s discoveries must neces-
sarily be brief, as the only information which I possess is
contained in a long letter from himself, dated 19th May 1852,
and in Mr. Thomas’ “ Note on the excavations at Sarnath.” j
In writing to Major Kittoe previously, I had mentioned the

* Julion’a Ilwen Thsang, II., 360.

t Seo “Ilandhook of Architecture,’' Vol. I., p. 7, and “Life in Ancient India,” p. 267.

I have since seen these drawings in tho Library at the India Office. They number about
150, but their value is much impaired by the general w’ant of names and descriptive tiUea,

X Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, lS5i, p. 469.

BANAB.AS, SARNATH.

125

three stupas which I had myself opened, and which I have
already described. In reply he wrote — “ How do you make
.out three towers at Shmdth ? I make oxnifoii/r, to say nothing
of innumerable smaller affairs down to the size of a walnut,
which I have laid bare.” Attached to this he gave a rough
sketch of the ground, showing the position of the fourth
tower to be immediately to the north of Jagat Singh’s stupa,
where I have accordingly inserted it, on his authority, in my
survey of the ruins, further on he writes — “ I have laid
bare chaityas upon chaityas, four and five deep, built one over
the other.” In another place he describes the oblong court-
yard which was excavated by himself at a distance of 125
feet to the westward of the great towei*, as a “ large quad-
rangle, or hospital, for I have found pestles and mortars
{sills or flat stones for mashing), loongas, &c., &c.” This is
the quadrangle marked Z. in my plan of the ruins. It is 00
feet long from west to east, and 42 feet broad, and is suri’ound-
cd by a low wall 3 feet thick and 1 1 foot high above the level
of the terraced floor, parts of which still remain. Pixed in
this wall are the stumps of twelve stone pillars, which are
split in all directions as if destroyed by fire. I agree with
Major Kittoe in thinking that this quadrangle is probably
the ruin of a hospital.

In reply to a question about stone umbrellas, Major
Kittoe wrote to me as follows : “I have got hold of two, one
in fragments {burnt), of say G feet diameter, mushroom-
shaped, and another, also burnt, but not broken, elegantly
carved in scroll on the inside, but nearly defaced by the ac-
tion of saltpetre.”

Of the great tower itself. Major Kittoe’s opinion was,
that “ the arrangement was precisely the same as at llangoon,
rows and rows of small temples, umbrellas, pillars, &c., around
the great tope. They all run north and south, and cast and
west, large and small.” To this account he added a small
'rough sketch showing the arrangement of the smaller stupas
about the great tower. This sketch I have inserted in my
survey in dotted lines.* Judging from the arrangement of the
subsidiary buildings about the great stupas of Burmah and
Ladflik, with which I am personally acquainted, I have every

f ^00 sketcsli of tho ruins in ria-to XXXI 1 .

126

ARCniEOLOGICAL EEPORT, 1861-62.

reason to accept Major Kittoe’s sketch as a correct outline
of what he hkd himself ascertained hy excavation ; hut as
the sketch is not drawn to scale, the relative sizes and dis-
tances may not, perhaps, be quite accurate.

Of his other discoveries he wrote as follows : *' I have
got fine specimens of carved bricks and two heads of Buddha,
made of pounded brick and road-earth coated with fine shell
lime, in beautiful preservation. I have a fine head of a
female in white marble (partly calcined), and a portion df the
arm. It has been a nearly life-size figure of Pdrvati"

It will have been observed that every excavation made
near Sarntlth has revealed traces of fire. I myself found
charred timber and half burnt grain. The same things were
also found by Major Kittoe, besides the evident traces of fire
on the stone pillars, umbrellas, and statues. So vividly was
the impi’cssion of a great final catastrophe by fire fixed in
Major Kittoc’s mind, by the discoveries made during his ex-
cavations that ho thus summed up his conclusions to me in a
few words : “ all has been sacked and burnt, priests, temples,
idols, all together. In some places, bones, iron, timber, idols,
&c., are all fused into huge heaps ; and this has happened
more than once'* Major Kittoe repeated this opinion in
almost the same words when I saw him at Gwalior in Sep-
tember 1852. I will recur to this subject again before J,
conclude my account of the discoveries at Shmath. --

On Major Kittoc’s departure from BanUras, the excava-
tions were continued at first under Mr. E. Th6mas,j::and
afterwards under Professor EitzEdward Ilall, To the fraimer
gentleman we are indebted for a general account of the state
of the excavations at the time of his assuming charge, and
more especially for a very clear and interesting description of
:he ancient monastery which was then being exhumed, and of
he various articles which were discovered within its precincts.
I'his work was subsequently completed by Mr. Uall, and I
lave made a jdan of the building as it now appears.* Mr.
Dhomas calls it an “ old Buddhist monastery,” and with this
ientification I fully agree. According to Hwen Thsang,
here were no less than 30 monasteries about the Beer Park
t Ban^ras, which together contained 3,000 monks, or an
verage of 100 monks each. Now the building under review

* See Plate XXXIT., excavatious by Major Kittoe, which were afterwards completed by
r. Thomas and Dr. Halh

BANAHAS, SAENATH.

127

Contains no less than 28 separate apartments, and if one of
taiese be set aside as a shrine for a statue of Buddha, and a
•second as a hall for teaching, there will remain 26 celljg for
the accommodation of monks. Again, judging from the
thickness of the walls, I am of opinion' that the building
could not have been less than 3 or 4 storeys in height.
Assuming the latter to have been the actual height, tbo
building would have contained 104 cells, and, therefore, may
possibly have been one of the 30 monasteries noted by Ilwen
Thsang.

The ground plan of the monastery shews a central
court 60 feet square, surrounded by pillars which must have
supported an open verandah or cloister in front of the four
ranges of cells. In the north-east corner of the court-yard
thore.is an old well, 4 feet 10 inches in diameter, and 37 feet
deep. As this well is placed on one side, I infer that the
middle of the court was occupied by a stupa or a statue, or
more probably, perhaps, by a holy tree, as I could not find
any traces of the foundation of a building. On the outside, tbo
building is 107 feet square. In the centre room on the north
side, which is 18 feet in length, there arc two largo stones
placed against the walls as if intended for the reception of
statues. This also was Mr. Thomas’ opinion. This room,
I believe, to have been the shrine of the monastery. In the
centre room on the south side there is a " square, elaborately
corniced block,” which Mr. Thomas believed to have been
the throne for a seated figure of Buddha. I incline, however,
to the opinion that this was the seat of the teacher for the
daily reading and expounding of the Buddhist Scriptures.
The cells on each side of these two central rooms are some-
what larger than those on the eastern and western sides of the
court, and were, therefore, probably assigned to the senior
monks. The common cells are 8^ feet by 8 feet, and each
has a separate door.

The ground plan of this monastery is similar to that of
the large caves at B^gh and Ajanta, sketches of which havo
b&en given by Mr. T'ergusson.* The plan is in fact almost
identical with that of the Bftgh Cave, the only difference
being the want of cells' in the cave monastery on the side

• Handbook of Architecture, I., pp. 33, 34?.

128

ARCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-G2.

opposite to the sanctuaiy, whieh was necessarily left open for
the sake of affording light to the interior. The great cave
at Junir is also similar in plan, hut it is apparently of olden
date, as it wants the sanctuary opposite the entrance.

•

The destruetion of this large monastery would appear to
have been both sudden and unexpected, for Mr. Thomas
records that Major Kittoe found “the remains of ready-
made wheaten cakes in a small recess in the chamber to-
wards the north-east angle of the square.” Mr. Thomas him-
self also found portions of wheat and other grain spread out
in one of the cells. These discoveries would seem to show
that the conflagration had been so sudden and rapid as to force
the monks to abandon their very food. Such also is Mr.
Tliomas’ opinion, conveyed in the following vivid descrip-
tion : “ The chambers on the eastern side of the square were
“ found filled with a strange medley of uncooked food, hastily
“ abandoned on their floors, — pottery of every-day Hfe, nodes
“ of brass produced apparently by the melting down of the
“ cooking vessels in common use. Above these again were
“ the remnants of the charred timbers of the roof, with iron
“ nails still remaining in them, above which again appeared
“ broken bricks mixed with earth and rubbish to the height
“ of the extant walls, some 6 feet from the original flooring.
“ Every item here bore evidence of a complete conflagration,
“ and so intense seems to have been the heat that, in
“ portions of the wall still standing, the clay which formed
“ the substitute for lime in binding the brick-work is baked
“ to a similar consistency with the bricks themselves. In
“ short, all existing indications lead to a necessary inference
“ that the destruction of the building, by whomsoever eaused,
“ was eflccted by fire applied by the hand of an exterminating
“ adversary, rather than by any ordinary aceidontal con-
“ flagration.”*

This opinon was expressed by Mr. Thomas in 1854,
before the whole of the monastery had been exhumed. A
later account has since been published by Dr. Butter in 1856,
who stated his opinion that “the burnt grain and masses
of half fused iron discovered by Mr. Ilall corroborate the

Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1854, p. 472.

BANAEAS SAENATH.

129

conclusions drawn by previous explorers, that the monastery
had been dcstt’oyed by fire.”*

' During my stay at Band,ras, I examined the colleetion
of articles found by Professor Hall in the various excavations
which he conducted at Siirnatfi, and which are now deposited
in the Museum of the College. The only article rcf[uiring
special notice is No. 18, an impression in burnt clay, of a seal
1^ inqji in diameter with two lines of Sanskrit, surmounted
by a lozenge-shaped device, with two recumbent deer as sup-
porters. The device of the two deer is significant, as it no
doubt shows that the seal must have belonged to some
person or establishment attached to the monastery of
the Deer Park. The end of the upper line and the whole
of the lower line of the inscription arc too much injured to
be made out satisfactorily. The inscription begins with the
Avord 'Sri Saddhanmna, “ the auspicious true JJ/iarmma” and
the letters at the end of the first line look very like Rakshita
the “ Preserver.” This would bo a man’s name Sri Sad-
dliarmma llakshita, “ the Chcrisher of the true Dharrama,”
a title not uncommon amongst the Buddhists. Of the lower
line I am unable to suggest any probable rendering.

In the absence of any general plan of the ruins, showing
the extent of the explorations carried on by Major Kittoe
and his successors, I do not think it would be advisable to
undertake any further excavations at Stlrndth, Bandras; I
have already suggested that the ground immediately aroimd
the great tower should be levelled for the purpose of affording
easy access to visitors, t In carrying out tliis operation, evciy
fragment of sculpture should be carefully preserved, as I
think it very probable that some portions of the statues,
which once adorned the eight niches of the great tower, may
bo discovered in the masses of rubbish now lying in heaps at
its foot. It might, perhaps, be worth while to make a few
tentative excavations in the mass of ruins to the north and
•north-west of the great tower, by digging long narrow
trenches from west to cast, and from north to south. Should
these trenches uncover the remains of any large buildings.

* Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1850, p. 390.

Tliis cloaranco of the ruins around the great stupa has siuce been made by
Mr. Homo, to a breadth of 25 feet.

130

AECH^OLOGICAL BEPOUT, 18G1-62.

the work might then he continued. But should nothing
promising be discovered, I would recommend the immediate
stoppage of the work.

Since this report was written, the Bevercnd Mr. Sherring
has published a very full and interesting account of Banams,
in which a whole chapter is dedicated to the Buddhist ruins
at Si\rn5.th.* In Aijpcndix B. he has also given a transla-
tion of Hwen Thsang’s description of the holy places at
Ban^ras, which is a most valuable addition, as M. Julien’s
Brcnch translation is not easily procurable.

* See Cli:i}»ter XVIIT., 230 of “ The Sacred (^ity of tlie an account of

KanA,rafi in ancient and hukIchi lime.s, — Ijy tlic KcvcicjkI M. A. Sherring, with an iutroduc-
tiori by Fitz Edwaid Hall, Es(|.

Beport of Operations of the Archoeological Surveyor to the Government of
India during peason 1862-63-

NOTE.

In a. D. G31<, when the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang
erossed the Satlaj from the westward, the first place that he
visited was Po-li-yc-to-lo, or JPariyalra, which has been iden-
tified by M. St. Martin with Vairdt, to the northward of
J.aypur. This place I have not yet visited, as my explora-
tions during the cold season of 1802-G3 wore confined to
Delhi; Mathura, and Khalsi, on the line of the Jumna and
to the ancient cities lying north of that river in the Gangetic
Doah, Oudh, and llohilkhand. In these provinces, I have
followed nwen Thsang’s route from Mathura to Srdvasti;
and, with his aid, I have been successful in discovering the
once famous cities of AM-chhalra, Kosdmhi, Shdchi, and
SrdmsU. The sites of other celebrated places have likewise
been determined with almost equal certainty, as Srughna,
Madlpur, Govisam, Filosana., Kusapura, and Dhopdpapura,
I begin the account of my explorations at Delhi, which is
the only place of note not visited by the Chinese pilgrim,
whose route I take up at Mathura, and follow throughout
llohilkhand, the Doah, and Oudh. The places visited during
this tour arc accordingly described in the following order :

I. Delhi.

II. Mathura.

III. Khalsi.

IV. Madawar, or Madipur.

V. Kdshipur, or Govisana.

VI. llfimnagar, or Ahi-chhatra.

VII. Soron, or Suhrakshelra.

VIII. Atranjikhera, or JPilosana.

IX. Sankisa, or Sangkasya.

X, Kanoj, or Kanyakuhja.

XI. Kdkupur, or Ayulo.

XII. Daundiakhera, or HayamuJtJia,

XIII. Allahabad, or Traydga.

132

ARCHyTJOLOGICAX RErOUT, 18G2-C3-

XIV.

Kosam, or Kosdmhi.

XV.

Sulthnpur, or Kiisapurcu

XVI.

Dhopdpaptim.

XVII.

Ajudhya, or Sdketa.

XVIII,

niltila, or Asolqmr.

XIX.

Sahet-Mahet, or Srdvas/i

XX.

Tanda,

XXI.

Nimsar.

XXII.

Bari-khar,

XXIII.

Dcwal.

XXIV.

Parasua Kot.

XXV.

Bilai-khera.

XXVI.

Kabar.

I. DELHI.

Tlio remains of Delhi are graphically clescrihcd hy Bishop
Hehcr* as “a very awful scene of desolation, ruins aft('r
“ ruins, tombs after tombs, fragments of brick-work, free-
“ stone, granite, and marble, scattered everywhere over a soil
“ naturally rocky and barren, without cultivation, except in
“ one or two small spots, and without a single tBco.” This
waste of ruins extends from the south end of the present
city of Shahjahunabad to the deserted forts of llai Pithora
and Tughlakabad, a distance of 10 miles. The breadth at
the northern end, opposite Piruz Shah’s ICotila, is about 3
miles, and at the southern end, from the Kutb Minar to
Tughlakabad, it is ratlier more than G miles ; the whole area
covered with ruins being not less than 45 square miles. It
is most probable, however, that not more than a third of this
extent was ever occupied at any one period, as tho present
ruins arc the remains of seven cities, which were built at
dilferent times by seven of the old Kings of Delhi, f

Other forts arc recorded to have boon built by the
Emperors Balban, Kai-Kubikl, and Mubtlrak; but there are
no remains of them now existing, and the very sites of them
are doubtful. It seems even probable that there were no
remains 4)f those three cities so far back as A. D. IGll, in
tlio reign of Jahhngir, when the English merchant, William
Einch, travelling from Agra to Delhi, entered tho Mogul

* Jonnuil II„ 200.

t See Plate No. XXX V". for a map of lljo riiiiia at Dellii.

DELHI.

1G3

Capital from tlio south, for ho states that on his left hand ho
saw the ruin’s of “old Delhi, called the 7 ensiles and 52
{fates," a name hy which these ruins arc still known in the
present day. With regard to the work of the Emperor
Ohtds-tiddin-Balban, who reigned from A. D. 12GG to 1288,
I think that too great importance has been attached to its
name of Kila or fort. The Kila Marzghan, which Syad
Ahmed places at Ghms'ptir, near the tomb of Nkdm-nddin
Aulia) was built as an asylum, marja, or place of refuge for
debtors. Now, this asylum for debtors was still existing in
A. D. 1335 to 1310, when Ibn Batuta was one of the Ma-
gistrates of Delhi. He describes it as the Ddr-nl-aman, or
“ House of Safety,” and states that he visited the tomb of
Balban, which was inside this house. From this, as well as
from its name of Ddr-ul-aman, I infer that the building was
a walled enclosure of moderate size, perhaps not much larger
than that which now surrounds the tomb of Tughlak Shah.
This inference is rendered almost certain by Ibn Batuta’s
description of Delhi,* which, he says, “ now consists of fou,r
cities, which becoming contiguous, have formed one" Now
three of the four cities hero alluded to are certainly those of
llai Dithora, Jahdn-pand.h, and Siri (of which the continuous
walls can bo easily traced even at the present day), and the
fourth city must have been Tughlakabad. No particular date
can be assigned to Jah5,n-panah which was an open suburb
until the time of Muhammad Tughlak, who first enclosed it
with walls ; but as Ibn Batuta was one of the Magistrates of
Delhi under this Emperor, it is certain that Jahhn-panhh must
have been one of the four cities described by him, I feci
quite satisfied, thei’cforo, that the Kila- Marzghan, called also
Ddr-ul-aman, or “ House of Befuge,” was not a fortress, or
largo fortified city, but only a small walled enclosure sur-
rounding his own tomb, and forming, at the same time,
a place sufliciently largo as an asylum for debtors and
criminals.

The city of Kai-Kubhd, called Kiln-ghari, was certainly
situated on the bank of the Jumna, t where the name is still

* Travels, lra.nslat(*<l by Dr. Leo, p. 111.

tUlaJwiu’a Ain Akbari, II., pj 80 ; and Fcrislita, I, p. 27i.

131 ARCn^OLOGICAL EERORT, 18G2-G3.

found attached to a small village on the south-east of Ilumjl-
yun’s tomh. The new city of Mubarak, named Mubiirakiiblkl,
was also situated on the bank of the Jumna.*

The “ seven forts” of old Delhi, of which remains still
exist, arc, according to my view, the following :

1. — Ldlleot, built by Anang Pal about A, D. 1052.

2. — Kilci Mai Mithora, built by Rai Pithora about A. D.

1180.

3. — Siri, or Kila-Alai, built by Ala-uddin in A. D. 1304.

4. — Tiiglilahahad, built by Tughlak Shah in A. D. 1321.

5. — Citadel of Tughlakabad, ditto ditto.

G. — Adilahady built by Muhammad Tughlak about A. D.

1325.

7. — JaMn-Mandh, enclosed by ditto.

In this list there is no mention of Indrai^rasiha, because this
celebrated capital of the PAndus is always described as being
situated on the bank of the Jumna, which would have been
on the right hand of the Dnglish traveller, and because the
present fort of Indrapat, no doubt, represents some portion of
the actual site, as well as the name of the famous city of
Yudhishthira. Indnifraslha oxA Midlii were, therefore, two
different cities, situated about 5 miles apart, — the former
on the bank of the Jumna above Humayun’s tomb,
and the latter on a rocky hill to the south-west, sur-
rounding the well known Iron Pillar. At the time of the
Muhammadan conquest, the Hindu city of Dilli was confined
to the two forts of Ldlkot and llai Pithora ; but after Piruz
Shah had moved the seat of Government to Piruzabad on the
very site of the ancient Indraprastha, the name of Dilli was
some times applied to the whole of the old city, including the
Musalm&.n fort of Siri and the fortified suburbs of Jahdn-
pandh. Sharf-uddin, the historian of Timm*, restricts the
name of old Delhi to the two Hindu forts, and describes the
cities of Siri and Jahdn-pandh separately. Perishta also
does the same in his account of the latter kings of tho
Tughlak dynasty. But after Humayun had re-built Indrapat,

* Briggs's Ferishta, I,, p. 5 829 ; see also the conteniporajy statement of the author of
Ihe T;\rikh-i-Mubilrak Sh^ihi; <luoted by Mr. Thomas — “ (jhrouicles of tho Pathau Kings,
p. noU,

DELHI.

135

under the name of Din-pandh, and after Shir Shah had
founded his fort of Kila-Shir-Shah on the site of Eiruzahad
{ind Indraprastha, the common people began to use the names
of old Delhi and new Delhi — the former being confined to
the cluster of cities about tlip Hindu BilU, while the latter
was applied to tlioso situated on the Jumna, on the site
of the ancient Indraprastha.

•' Indraprastha or Indrapat. — At the time of the Mahd-
hhdraia, or “ Great War” between the PAndus and Kurus,
tliis was one of the well known ^wapats or prastliaa which
Avere demanded from Duryodhan by Yudhisthira as the price
of peace. These five pjats which still exist, were Idnlpat
^onpat, Indrpat, Hlpat, and Bdghpat, of which all but
the last were situated on the right or western bank of the
Jumna. The term prastha, according to II. II. Wilson,
means anything “spread out or extended,” and is commonly
applied to any level piece of ground, including also table-
land on the top of a hill. But its more literal and restricted
meaning would appear to be that particular extent of land
Avhich would require a prastha of seed, that is, 48 double
liandfulls, or about 48 imperial pints, or two-thirds of a
bushel. This was, no doubt, its original meaning, but in tho
lapse of time it must gradually have acquired the meaning,
Avhich it still has, of any good sized piece of open plain.
Indraprastha would, therefore, mean tho plain of Indra, which
was, I presume, the name of the person who first settled
there. Popular tradition assigns the five to the five
Pdndu brothers.

The date of tho occupation of Indraprastha as a capi-
tal by Judhisthira, may, as I believe, be attributed, with
some confidence, to the latter half of tho 15th century before
Christ. The grounds on which I base this belief arc as
follows : 1st, that certain positions of the planets, as record-
ed in the Mahdhhdrata, are shown by Bentley to have taken
place in 1824-25 B. C., Avho adds that “ there is no other
year, either before that period or since, in which they were
so situated;” 2nd, in thif Vishnu Purfina it is stated that at
thb birth of Bdrikshita, tho son of Arjuna Pdndava, the
seven Bishis were in Maghd, and that when they are in
Burva Ashdrha Nanda will begin to reign. Noav, as tho
seven Bisliis, or stars of tho Great Bear, are supposed to
pass from one lunar astcrism to another in 100 years, tho

130

AncniEOLOGicAL kepout, 1802-03.

interval between Pilriksliita and Nanda will bo 1 ,000 years.
But in the Bh%avata Pur&na this interval is said to be 1,015
years, which added to 100 years, the duration of the reigns
of the nine Nandas, will place the birth of PArikshita 1,115
years before the accession of .Chandra Gupta in 316 B. C.,
that is, in 1430 B. C. By this account the birth of Tdrik-
shita, the son of Arjuna, took place just six years before the
Great War in B. C. 1424. These dates, which arc derived from
two independent sources, mutually support each other, and
therefore seem to me to be more worthy of credit than any
other Hindu dates of so remote a period.

Indraprastha, the city of Yudhisthira, was built along
the bank of the lliver Jumna between the Kotila of Piruz
Shah and the tomb of Ilumilyxm. At that time the river
flowed upwards of one mile to the westward of its present
course, and the old bed is’ still easily ti'aceablc from Piruz
Shah’s Kotila, past Indrpat and Ilurahyun’s tomb to Kilu
Ghari. The last place was on the immediate bank of the
river, so late as the reign of Kaikubdd in A. D. 1290, as his
assassins are reported to have thrown his body out of the
palace window into the Jumna. The name of Indraprastha
is still preserved in that of Indrpat, a small fort, which is
also known by the name of Purdna Kila or the “ old fort.”
This place was repaired by the Emperor llumiiyun, who
changed its name to Din-pdnah ; but none, save educated
Musalmiins ever make use of this name, as the common
people invariably call it cither Indrpat or Purana Kila. In
its present form, this place is altogether a Muhammadan
structure ; and I do not believe that there now exists even
a single carved stone of the original city of Yudhisthira.
The only spot that has any claim to have belonged to the
ancient city is a place of pilgrimage on the Jumna called
Nigamhbod Ghat, which is immediately outside the northern
wall of the city of Shahjahdndbdd. This gh4t is celebrated
as the place where Yudhisthira, after his performance of the
Asioamedha, or “ horse sacrifice,” celebrated the Horn. A fair
is held at Nigambod whenever the new moon falls on a
Monday. It is said to be held in honor of the River Jumna.

According to the Bhiigavata Purdna, Yudhisthira was
the first King of Indraprastha, and the throne was occupied
by the descendants of his brother Arjuna for 30 generations
down to Elshemj^. This last prince was deposed, according

DELHI.

137

to all the copies of the Eajiivali, by his Minister Visarwa, of
whose family 14 persons are said to have held the throne for
t300 years. They were succeeded by a.^ynasty of 15 Gaiita-
mas, or Gotama-vemsas, w'ho were foUbu^cd by a family of
nine Mayuras. Baja-pala, the last o|S)e Mayuras, is stated'
to have been attacked and killed by "he’ Eaja of 'Kumaon,
named Sakdditya, or “ Lord of the Sakas.” But this was
only the title, and not the name, of the conqueror; for
Vikram4ditya is said to have obtained his title of Sakdri by
defeating him.

At this point of the traditional histories, the name of
Lilli makes its first appearance;* but nothing is recorded
regarding the change of name, and we are loft to conjecture
whether the city of DUU had already been founded, or whether
this uame has been used instead of that of Indraprastha
through simple inadvertence. According to one tradition,
which is but little known, the city of Lilli was founded by
Kaja DiMpa, who was the ancestor in tlie fifth generation of
the five BAndu brothers. But this story may bo dismissed at
once as an ignorant invention, as Lilli is universally
acknowledged to be of much later date than Indraprastha, the
city of Yudhisthira himself.

According to a popular and well known tradition, Dilli
or Dhili, was built by Baja Diln, or Dhilu, whoso date is quits
uncertain. This tradition was adopted by Berishtay who
adds that Baja Diln, after a reign of either 4 or 40 years,
was attacked and killed by Baja Dhitr, or Porus, of Kumaon,
who was the antagonist of Alexander the Great. If this
statement could be depended upon, it might perhaps bo
entitled to some consideration, as giving the probable period
of the foundation of Lilli. But unfortunately Perishta’s
ancient chronology is a mere jumble of errors; thus, for
instance, Phur’s nephew, Juna, who should have been a con-
temporary of Seleukos Nikator, is said to be a contemporary
*of Ardashir Babekan, the founder of the Sassanian dynasty
in A. L. 226. But Ardasj^ himself is afterwards made a
contempop,ry of VikramAdK^ of Ujain in 57 B. 0. The
most probable explanation of these diferent dates would seem

* In Chand’g Prithi-Rftj-Raisa. the name is invariably written D'M, with the first vowel
short, and the other long. In one place I have found the city called Dlllipur, which might
as prubvibly be derived from Dillip as from Diln,

138

ARCniEOLOGICAL EEPOET, 18G2-G3.

to be some confusion regarding tbc name of Ardasbir, arid
perhaps the safest plan will be to accept the author’s last
statement, that Raja JDilu was a contemporary of Vikram^-
ditya. ^

Now the story , and of his defeat by Phur, Raja

of Kumaon, is exactly the same as that of Maja Pal,
King of Dilli, and of his defeat by Sukwanti (or Sukdai
or Sukd 4 .lUya), Raja of Kumaon, as related in Several
different coj)ics of the Rajavali. As in all of these the in-
vader is said to have been defeated and slain by Vikramd-
ditya Sakdri, the date of this event must be assigned either
to 57 B. C. or to A. D. 79. The latter date is the true one,
according to Abu RiliAn ; and as Sakaditya is said to have
reigned 14 ycai's in Dilli, his conquest must have taken place
in A. D. G5. I confess, however, that I have but little faith
in the dates of any Hindu traditionary stories, unless they
can be supported by other testimony. That the city of Dilli
was founded by a Raja of similar name, is probable enough,
for it is the common custom of India, even at the present
day, to name places after tlieir founders. But there is un-
fortunately so much uncertainty about the dates in all the
stories connected with the foundation of Dilli, that it is
difficult to form any satisfactory conclusion as to the
i;ruth.

According to Kharg Rai, the Gwalior Bhat, who wrote
in the reign of Shahjahan, the last Pandu Prince, named
Nildghpati, was Kirig of Dilli when 3000 years of the Killi-
yuga had expired, that is, in 101 B. C. In that year he was
attacked by a Raghuvansi Raja, named Sankhdhwaj, with
whom he fought 17 battles, but was eventually defeated and
killed after a reign of 44 years, which brings us to 67 B. C.
Sankhdhwaj himself is said to have been defeated and killed by
the famous Vikram^ditya of Ujain, who thus became King
of Dilli ( J>illi-pal-kahdyo) . His descendants are recorded
to have reigned in Ujain for 792 years, during the whole of
which time Dilli was desorted!#|^’arA raid). At the end of
these 792 years, or in 792 — 66f = 735|^ years cSinplete, “or
A. D. 736, Dilli was re-peopled by Bilan De Toniar, whose
descendants occupied the throne until displaced by the Cho-
h4ns under Bisal J)e, who is no doubt the Visala Beva of the
two inscriptions on Piruz Shah’s Pillar.

DELHI.

139

'» In this account of Kharg Rai, I recognize another ver-
sion of the former story of the Raja of Billi being overcome
by the King of the Sakas, who was himself afterwards de-
feated by Vikram&ditya. The name of Sanlhdlmaj would
appear to be only a misreading either of Sakwunt, or of Sak-
dat or SakMitya ; but Nildgh-pati is quite unlike Raja P^l,
although it might be a mistake for Tilak pati, and would
thus, perhaps, have some connection with the name of Raia
Dilu.

I think also that I can recognize another version of
the same legend in the story of Basal, King of Hind, and
his sons Rawal and Rarkamjirj's, as preserved in the Mojmal-
ut-taw4rikh of Rashiduddin.* In this version King Rfisal,
whom I would conjecturally idei^tify with Raja PAl of the
Rajavali, is driven from his throne by a rebel, u ho is after-
wards conquered by Barkamdi'ys, a name in which, though
slightly altered, I still recognize the famous Bikmmddit or
Vikramaditya.

The overthrow of the Sakas is universally attributed to
the Vikramilditya who assumed the title of Salmri, and
established the era which still bears his name, beginning in
67 B. C. But if the prince who founded this era was a con-
temporary of Pravarasena, Raja of Kashmir, and of the
poet Kalidasa, as well as of the Astronomer Varaha Mjhira,
as there seems good reason to believe, it is quite certain that
he cannot be dated earlier than the beginning of the sixth
century of the Christian era. This conclusion is supported
by the strong testimony of Abu Rihiin, who states that the
great victory over the Sakas was gained at a place called
Koror, between Multan and Loni, by a prince named Vik-
ramMitya, just 135 years after the prince of the same name
who founded the Vikrama Samvat. As the date of this
event corresponds exactly with the initial point of the
.Sake-QXQ, which was established by Sdlivdhdna, it results that
the Vikramdditya of Abu Rih^n is identical with the Sali-
vdhana of the popular Indian traditions. This conclusion
is further strengthened by the fact that in Colonel James
Abbott’s list of the Rajas of Sydlkot, a reign of 90 years
is assigned to Siliv&hana, which is exactly the same as is

lieinauJ, “Fnigineutti Aral»cs,” &u., p. 47.

140 AUCnJEOLOGICAL RErOET, 18G2-G3.

allotted to Vikramaditya, the conqueror of the Sakas, in all
the seven copies of the Rajavali that I have seen. On these
grounds, I venture, with some confidence, to fix the date of
the defeat of the Saka conqueror of Dilli in A. D. 78, which
is the initial point of the Sake-era of St\liv^hana.

Accepting this date as tolerably well established for an
event in ancient Indian history, the foundation of Dilli must
be placed at some earlier period, and perhaps the dato of 57
B. C., or contemporary with Vikramdditya, as recorded by
Ferishta, may not be far from the truth. Regarding the
widely spread tradition that Billi was deserted for 792 years,
from the conquest of Vikramaditya to the time of the first
Tomara Raja Anang Pal, I think that it may be fully ex-
plained by supposing that during that period Billi was not the
residence of the King. It is almost certain that it was not the
capital of the powerful family of the Guptas, who most probab-
ly reigned from A. B. 78 to 319 ; and it is quite certain that
it was not the capital of the great King llarsha Vardhhana and
his immediate predecessors, whose metropolis was Kanoj du-
ring the latter half of the sixth, and the first half of the seventh
century. That Billi was most probably occupied during
this period, we may infer from the ei'ection of the Iron
Pillar by Raja Dhdca, the date of which is assigned to the
third or fourth century by James Prinsep.* Mr. Thomas
“ considers that Prinsep has assigned too high an antiquity
to the style of writing employed on this monument but
on this point I venture to differ, as I find, after a careful
examination of the inscription, that the whole of the letters
are the same as those of the records of the Gupta dynasty,
whose downfall is assigned to A. B. 319 by Abu Rihfin.
I think it probable that Raja Bhava may have been one of
the princes who assisted in the overthrow of the once power-
ful Guptas, and I would, therefore, fix on A. B. 319 as an
easily remembered and useful approximation to his true
date.

A still earlier mention of Billi may possibly be found in
Ptolemy’s Daidala, which is placed close to Indabara (perhaps
Indrpat,) and midway between Modura or Mathura, and Baton
Kaisara, or Sthdneswara. For the last name I propose to
read Satanaisara as its position between Mathura and

Bengal Aeiablc Soeiety’b Journal, 1838, p. 829.

DELHI.

141

Zulindrine or -the Jdlandhar Doab renders it almost certain
that it must be Sth^neswara or Th&nesar. The close proxi-
fnity of Baidala to Indabara, joined to the curious resem-
blance of their names to Dilli and Indrpat, seems to mo to
offer very fair grounds for a^uming their probable identity
with these two famous Indian cities.

; The ancient city of Dilli may, with tolerable certainty,
be considered to have occupied almost the same site as the
fort of Rai Pithora, as it is to be presumed that the Iron
Pillar must have been erected in some conspicuous position,
either within the old city, or close to it. With the solitary
exception of the Iron Pillar, I am not aware that there are
any existing remains that can be assigned with certainty to
the old Hindu city of Dilli. A single pillar, amongst the
many . hundreds that now form the colonnades of tho Kutb
Minar, may perhaps belong to the old city, as it bears a
figure either of Buddha the Ascetic seated in contemplation,
or of one of the Jain hierarchs. No doubt some, and per-
haps even many, of the pillars of these colonnades may have
belonged to temples of tho old Hindu city; but after a
minute examination on three successive days, of the sciilptures
on the pillars, and of all the letters and mason’s marks on
the pillars and w'alls, I came to the unwilling conclusion that
(with the two exceptions just noted) there is nothing now
existing that is older than the tentli or eleventh century.

According to the tradition wdiich is universally accepted
by all Hindus, tho city of Dilli was re-built by Anang Pal,
the first King of the Tomar dynasty. The manuscript of
Kharg Rai, which I obtained at GAvalior, names him Bilan
Be, and a second manuscript, received from Bikaner, calls
him Bilan Beo or Anang Bdl ; but Abul Pazl, Colonel Tod,
and Syad Ahmad call him simply Anang Pal ; and he is so
named in two inscriptions which are found on the Iron Pillar.
The date of Anang P41, the fouij.der of the Tomar dynasty,
is variously given by the different authorities ; but even tho
most discrepant of these dates, when carefully examined,
W'ill be found to agree within a few years of the others. The
different dates given are as follows :

1st. — The Gwalior manuscript of Kharg Rai. — This date
has already been referred to. Kharg Rai states

. that Dilli was deserted for 792 years after'

142

AUCUJEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

VikramMitya, when it was ro-founded by
Bilan De Tomar. This gives the year A. D.
736 as before noted. Colonel Tod refers to the' '
same tradition when he states that Delhi lay
waste for eight centuries.* But I am satisfie<l
that ho had the well known number of 792
recorded in his notes, for, in the very saxne
page in which he makes the above statement,
he gives the date of the re-building of Dilli
by Anang PAl as Samvat 848, which, by using
his erroneous difference of 5G years, instead of
57, is equivalent to A. D. 792. But in an-
other part of his work. Colonel Tod states
that he possessed the original Hindu manuscript
which Abul Fazl had used, and that the
date of the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal
was Samvat 829 instead of S. 429. I strongly
suspect that Colonel Tod has made a mistake
in this last statement, for I found, on examining
the bard Mdk-ji's manuscript, then in the
possession of his sons, that S. 821 is the date
assigned to the overlhroto of the Tomaras, and
not to their rise. From these different state-
ments I feel assured that ho must have found
the number 792 recorded in his notes without
any explanation, and that he erroneously
adopted it as the date of the re-founding of
Dilli.

2ncl . — In the Ain Akbari of Abul Fazl, the date of
Anang PM is placed in Samvat 429, and the
end of the Tomar dynasty in S. 848 ;t thus
limiting the rule of the Tomaras to 419 years,
while his detailed account of the lengths of
reigns amounts to 437 years. The former
period has be#n adopted by Syad Ahmad, as I*
think, judiciously, because of the increased
chances of error in the detail of twenty reigns.
On the Iron Pillar this date is given as S. 419,
and the fall of tho dynasty is assigned to S. 648,

* RujiLstlian, I., p. 87.
t CliiAlwhi’is Traiitiktioii, I,, pp. 90 and 97.

DELHI.

143

.which is most probably an error of the en-
graver for S. 846. The difference between
• these dates is 427 years.

Zrd , — In two manuscripts from Kumaon and GarhwA.1,
the date' of the first Tomara Raja is given as
Bhudon S. 846, which is eipxivalent to
A. I). 789.* But as both of these manuscripts
omit the first three names, which are found in
all the other manuscripts, I conclude that the
date therein given is that of the fourth prince
of the other lists. Deducting, therefore, from
the above date the sum of the three omitted
reigns, which amount to 58 years, we obtaiu
A. D. 731 as another period for the re-building
of Dilli by Anang Pal.

It will be observed that the throe manuscripts from
Gwalior, Kumaon, and GarhwA,!, place the date of the rc-
founding of Dilli in the eighth century A. D., whereas Abul
Pazl and the inscription on the Iron Pillar refer this event
to the fourth century A. D. ; and so also does the author of
the Araish-i-MahfU, w'ho gives S. 440. Now, although Abul
Pazl specially notes that his date of 429 is of the era of
Vikramilditya, yet he is most undoubtedly wrong, as I will
now show from other statements of his own. According to
this account, the Tomar dynasty, which lasted 419 ‘years,
was succeeded by the Chohan dynasty, which ruled for 83
years, and was then overcome by Sultan Mudz-uddin Same.
The period of this event is stated to be A. II. 588, or A. D.
1192. Now, deducting 419 -f 83, or 502 years, from A. D.
1192, we obtain A. D. 690 as the true date of Anang Pdl
accordixjg to Abul Nazi’s own figui-es, instead of S. 429 — 57,
or A. D. 372, as stated in his text. But as the rule of tho
Chohans is limited to 41f years in my two manuscripts from
Kumaon and GarhwM, and to 40 years in my Gwalior
♦manuscript, I think that the authority of these three records
may be taken as at least of equal weight with that of the
Ain Akbari. The true periods of the taD dynasties will,
therefore, bo 419 -t- 41 — 460 years, which deducted from
A. D. 1191, the corrected date of Muaz-uddin’s conquest, will

* A third .AtS. from Ked^iruAtU agrees generally with the two previously obtained
from Bhimtal and Srinagar.

144

auch^ological tiepokt, 18G2-G3.

give A. D. 731 for Anang Pul’s re-building of Dilli, wbicli
is within live years of the traditional date of A. P. 736,
already noticed.

The only explanation which I can propose of the great
discrepancy between the true date and that which is stated
in the Ain Akbari is, that Abul Pazl simply mistook the era
in which he found the date recorded. Now, if we suppose
that the era of his dates was that of Balabhi, which'began
A. D. 319, we shall have S. 420 + 318 -= 747 A. D. as the
corrected date for tJio re-building of Dilli by Anang P41
according to Abul Pazl. But by using the date of S. 419,
jvhich is recorded on the Iron Pillar, we shall obtain A. D.
737, which is within one year of the date already fixed by
the traditional story of Dilli having lain waste for 792 years,
and which agrees also with the date derived from tlie lengths
of reigns by working backwards from A. D. 1193, the pciaod
of Muiiz-uddin’s conquest. I therefore look upon the date
of A. D. 73G for the re-building of Dilli under Anang PiU
as being established on grounds that are moi*e than usually
firm for early Indian History. The famous poet Mir Khusru,
of Delhi, who Avrote both before and after A. D. 1300, gives
an amusing anecdote of Anang Pal, “ a great Ptai, who lived
five or six hundred years ago.” “ At the entrance of his
palace he had placed two lions, sculptured in stone. He fixed
a bell by the side of tlie tAvo lions, in order that those who
sought justice might strike it, upon Avhich the Rai would
ofder them to be summoned, would listen to their complaints,
and render justice. One day a croAV came and sat on the
bell, and struck it, when the Rai asked \\dio the complainant
Avas, It is a fact, not unknown, that bold crows will pick
meat from betAveen the teeth of lions. As stone lions cannot
hunt for their prey, Avhere could the crow obtain its usual
sustenauce ? As the Rai Avas satisfied that the crow justly
complained of hunger, having come to sit by his stone lions,
he gave orders that some goats and sheep should be killed,
on Avhich the crow might feed himself for some days.”*

* Sir H. M. Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians of India, edited by Dowson, HI., 505.
From this story we leani that so early as A. D. 1300 Anang Ptll was believed to have reigned
in Dellii between 700 and 800 A. D., which agrees exactly with the statements of the
cdironiolers.

DELHI.

145

' Accepting this date of A. D. 736, wo have to account
for the period of 792 years during which Dilli is said to have
lain waste, when it is almost certain that the city must have
been occupied at the time when llaja Dhdva erected the Iron
Pillar. Perhaps the simplest* explanation is that which I
have already given, viz., that during this period Dilli was
not the metropolis of the Kings of Upper India. The silence
of the Chinese pilgrims Pa Hian and 11 wen Thsang regarding
Uilli may, perhaps, bo considered as a strong proof of the small-
ness of the city from A. D. 400 to 640. Pa Hian, however,
does not mention any place between Taxila and Mathura,
and II wen Thsang could only have passed through Dilli once,
viz., when he returned from Mathura to Thanesar. It is
even possible that he may have travelled by Mirat, which
then possessed one of Asoka’s Pillars, for, if Dilli was not
a famous place amongst the Buddhists, as I believe it was
not, it is improbable that he would have visited it.

Dilli must, however, have been the Capital of Anang
Pill, and most probably also of several of his successors ; but
I have a strong suspicion that the later Ilajas of the Toinar
dynasty resided at Kanoj. M. Ileinaud remarks that Otbi,
the historian of Mahmud, makes no mention of the city of
Dilli, and that only a single allusion to it is made by Abu
Bihan in his Kutmn-cd-masudi. It is, indeed, a fact worthy
of special notice that Dilli is not once mentioned in Abu
llih&n’s geographical chapter, which gives the routes between
all the principal places in Northern India. Ho notices
Thanesar, and Mathura, and Kanoj, but Dilli is never men-
tioned, an omission which could hardly have happened had
Dilli been the capital of the famous Tomar Ilajas at that
time. I conclude, therefore, that Dilli was not their resi-
dence in the beginning of the eleventh century, and I think
that I can show with much probability that Kanoj was the
metropolis of the Tomar Ilajas for several generations prior
j;o the invasion of Mahmud of Ghazni.

In A. H. 303, or A. D. 915, India was visited by the
wull known Geographer Masudi, who records that “ the King
of Kanoj, who is one of the Kings of es-Sind, is Budali ; this
is a title general to all Kings of el- Kanoj.”* The name

* Sir H. M. Elliot— Historians of India, L, 07.

140

ARCniEOLOGICAL KEPORT, 1862-63.

which in the above extract is read as Btidah by Sir Henry
Elliot is said by Gildemeister,* to be written B'ovarah in the
original, for which he proposes to read Boravah, for the well
known Bmirava. Prom the King of pudh’s Dictionary two
different spellings are quoted, ns Bor an, and For an ; while
in Ferishta the name is either Korrah, as written by Dow,
or Kuwar, as written by Briggs. In Abnlfeda the name is
Nodah. Now, as the name, of which so many readings have
just been given, was that of the King’s family or tribe, I
believe that we may almost certainly adopt Tovarah
as the true reading according to one spelling, and Torah,
according to the other. In the Sanskrit inscriptions of the
Gwalior dynasty of this name, the word is invariably spelt
Toniara. Kharg Bai writes Todr, which is much the same
as Colonel Tod’s Tiidr, and the Tuvdr, of the Kumaon and
GarhwAl manuscripts. Lastly, in Gladwin’s Ain Akbari
I find Tenore and Toonoor, for which I presume that the
original has simply. Tunwar. Prom a comparison of all
these various readings, I conclude that the family name of the
Eaja of Kanoj in A. D. 915, when Masudi visited India,
and again in A. D. 1017 and 1021, when Mahmud of
Ghazni invaded India, was in all probability Tovar or Tomar.
In favour of this conclusion there is the further testimony
of Masudi that in A. D. 915 the four great Kings of India
known to the Musalmttns were, 1st, the Balhard, who lived
in MdnMr ; 2nd, the King of Kanoj ; 3rd, the King of
Kashmir ; and 4th, the King of Sind. As no King of Dilli
is mentioned, it seems not unreasonable to infer that at that
time, in A. D. 915, the powerful Tomars most probably held
their Court at Kanoj.

If I am correct in the above identification, then the
name of the King at the time of Mahmud’s invasion should
3orrespond with that of the Tomar Baja, who, according to
;he genealogical lists, was reigning at that particular period.
According to Otbi\ the name of this Baja of Kanoj
vas B,aj Vdl, or Rdjaij^dl, which I take to be equivalent
o Eaja Jaypdl. Now the 14th prince in Abul Pazl’s listj

• Scriptorum Arab de rebuB Indicis, p. 160.

t lleinaud Fragments, Arabes, p. 263.

$ Ain Akbari, II — 94,

DELHI.

147

is Jaypdl, whose death, according to the lengths of reigns
given in the Ain Akbari, occurred 287 years and 6 months
after the re-building of Dilli by Anang P41. Adding this
number to A. D. 736|^, we obtain the year 1023f as that
of the death of JaypM. By comparing the lists of Abul
Pazl and Syad Ahmad with those of my Gwalior, Kumaon,
and Garhw^l manuscripts, and taking the lengths of reigns
according to the majority of these five authorities, the period
elapsed from the accession of Anang P41 to the death of
JaypS,!, amounts to 286 years and G months. Adding this
number to A. D. 736^, wo get I021f as the date of JaypM’s
death, which is, I believe, within a few months of the true
date. According to Ferishta,* Mahmud first heard of the
alliance of the Hindu princes against his tributary the King
of Kanqj, some time in the Hijra year 412, which began on
17th April 1021. As several other events are previously
recorded, and as Mahmud is said to have marched to his aid
at once, I conclude that he may have left Giiazni about
October 1021, and as Kanoj is three months’ march distant
from Ghazni, t he must have reached that city in January
1022. On his arrival, Mahmud found that the King of Kanoj
had already been attacked and killed. The death of Jaypa.1
must, therefore, have occurred about December 1021, wliich
agrees almost exactly with the date of his death, which I have
already deduced from the genealogical lists. Precisely the
same date also is obtained by w^orking backwards by lengths
of reigns from the date of Muazuddin’s conquest of Dilli in
A. D. 1191.

Since this account was written, the 2nd volume of Pro-
fessor Dowson’s edition of Sir H. M, Elliot’s Muhammadan
Historians of India has appeared, which contains J a transla-
tion of the Mirdt-i-Asrdr, being a fabulous relation of the
acts of SMtlr S^hu and his son SMar Masilud. The latter is
said to have captured Delhi, and to have killed the King
jiamed Mahip41. But as Masaud was born in A. D. 1014,
and was 18 years of age when he reached Oudh, after passing
Delhi and Kanoj, the capture of Delhi cannot have taken
place earlier than A. D. 1030, when he was 17 years of age.

• Briggs, I -63.

+ Briggs’.s Ferishta, I — 57.

+ Appendix, pp.-515 — 549.

148

ARCniEOlOGICAL KEPOET, 1862-03.

But as the King of Kanoj is called Jaypill, whom we know
to have been killed in A. D. 1021, I have no faith in the
truth of the narrative, which was compiled by a credulous
author in the reign of Jahangir. .There are two MahipAls in
the lists, one of whom formed the lake and gave his name to
the village of MahipS,lpur, hut neither of their dates
fits with that of Saltlr Masilud. The silence of the contem-
porary historian Otbi regarding Delhi, and its immunity from
attack during the long reign of Mahmud, when the neigh-
bouring cities of Thilnesar, Mirat, Mathura, and Kanoj, were
all captured, seem to me quite incredible on any other suppo-
sition than that which I have endeavoured to prove, namely,
that Delhi was then a comparatively unimportant town,
without any means of defence, as Lalkot had not then been
built, and without the wealth of a capital, to attract the
cupidity of an invader. The occurrence of the two names of
JaypM and Kuwar Pal in the list of Tomar Princes of Delhi
at the very time that the same names are given by the Muham-
madan historians as those of two Kings of Kanoj, seems to me
to admit of only one explanation — that they were identical.

The following lists of the Tomar dynasty of Dilli contain
all the information which, up to this time, I have been able
to collect. The list of Abul Pazl is given in the Ain Akbari ;
and Syad Ahmad’s list is printed in his Asdr-tis-Smnddid.
The Bikaner manuscript, which I obtained in 1846, agrees
exactly in the order of the names, and very closely also in the
spelling of them, with those of the printed lists just noticed ;
but it unfortunately wants the lengths of reigns. The
Gwalior manuscript, which I procured in 1849, agrees very
closely with the -others as to the lengths of reigns, but it
differs slightly in the order of the names. As this list is
appended to Kharg Bai^s History of Gwalior, which was
composed in the reign of Shahjahan, it is valuable as an inde-
pendent authority. The Kumaon and GarhwM manuscripts,
which were obtained in 1859 and 1862, respectively, are
imperfect in the same places, which shows that they must
have been derived from a common source.* They are valu-
able, however, for their agreement in omitting the last king
of the other lists, named Prithvi Rai or Prithivi Pdla who

* A third MS. , binco obtained from KedUmilth, agrees very closely with these MSS. from
Bhim Tal and Srinagar. A list published by Mangal Sen, in hia History of Bulandahahr,
agrees with that of Syad Ahmad, except in No. 8, which he gives as Bhim Uaj.

DELHI.

149

would nppcar to be the same as the Chohan Prithivi Raja,
commonly caGed Rai Pithora. In proof of this, I may adduce
the fact that the promised number of nineteen Tomam Rajas
is complete without this name.

THE TOMARA, OR TOAlt, DYNASTY OF DILT.I.

•

Abul FheI, Syad Ahmad,
Bikaner MS.

Gwalior MSS.

Kumaon, Garhwal
MSS.

Reign .s.

Y. M. 1).

Acccs.'iion.

A. 1).

Allan ga Ptlla . .

Bilan Do

(caret)

IS 0 0

730 3 0

Vasu Deva

(caret)

19 1 IS

754 3 0

Gaiigyji

Gaiiggcva

(caret)

21 3 2S

773 4 IS

Prithivi Malla**

Pralhania

MahiP.

19 t; 19

• 794 8 16

Jay.a Deva

Saha Deva

Jadu P.

20 7 2S

814 3 5

Nim, or Ilira P.

Indrajitji

NaiP.

14 4 9

834 11 3

IJdirgij, or Adcreh

Nanv P.

.Ta 5 ^a Deva P

20 7 11

849 3 12

Vijay.i, or Vacha

Indrajita

Ohanira P

21 2 13

875 10 23

Bikbhu, or Aiiek

V^acha Raja

Bihasa P.

22 3 10

897 1 a

Rik.sha P.

Vira P.

Sukla P.

21 0 5

919 4 23

Sukh, or Nek P.

Gopala

Tcja P.

20 4 4

940 10 27

Gopala

Tillaii De

Mahi P

18 3 15

901 3 1

Salhikshaiia P. . .

Suvari

Sarsoii

25 10 10

979 6 10

JayaP.

Osa ]*.

JaikP.

10 4 3

1005 4 20

Kuiiwar P.

Kuinara P.

i (caret)

29 9 18

1021 8 29

Ananoa, or Anek

Anan(;a P.

1 Aiick P

29 G 18

1051 0 17

Vijay.'i Sah, or Pal

Teja P.

|TcjaP.

24 1 6

AOSl 1 5

Mahatsiil, Mahi P.

Mahi P.

JyOn P.

25 2 23

1105 2 11

Akr Pal, Akhsal

Mukuiul P.

AiieP.

21 2 15

IR’.O 6 4

Capture of
DiUi.

1151 7 10

Prithivi ROja ..

Prithivi P.

••

(caret)

22 2 16

^ Or r&la.

In the above list I have adopted as a starting point the
exact amount of 792 years complete from the time of Vikra-
maditya; or 792 — 66f — 736:|- years complete, or April A. D.
736. But it is obvious that the period elapsed is more likely
to have been 792 years and some months over than the exact
number of 792 years. For instance, 792|^ years would place
the death of Jaya Pdla in A. D. 1021-11-29, that is, on the
29th December A. D. 1021 ; but as the exact date of this
event is not recorded by the Muhammadan Historians, I have

150

AECH^OLOGICAL UEPOET, 18G2-63.

thought it best to adhere to the date obtained from the com-
plete period of 792 years.

I will now consider the claim which I have put forward
on the part of the Tomara dynasty as Eajas of Kanoj. We
know that, after the conquest of Kanoj by Mahmud early
in A. D. 1022, the reigning family changed its residence to
Bdri, which was three days’ journey distant, on the east side
of the Ganges. Mirkhond states that it was situated -at the
confluence of three rivers, namely, the Saro, the Kubin, and
the Mahab.* According to Kashiduddin, the three rivers are
the Rahet, the Gomati, and the Sarju.i The second of these
rivers is undoubtedly the Oumti, which in Sanskrit is the
Gomati. The first is cither the Behta, or else the Bahria,
which joins the Behta, and the third is the Sarain, a good
sized stream which passes by Sitapur. Both the Behta and
Sarain join the Gumti near Bari, which still exists as a good
sized village. As Abu BihAn, who records this change of
capital, was actually resident in India at the time when it
took place, and as his work was written in A. D. 1031, we
have the most complete authentication of Mirkhond’s date of
this event. I presume that the change w'as made on account
of the exposed situation of Kanoj, wliich had so lately been
twice captured, first, in A. D. 1017 by Mahmud, and again in
A. D. 1021 by the Baja of Kalanjor and his allies. I con-
clude, therefore, Kumoar B(U, or Knmdra Bdl, who was the
successor of Jaypal, reigned at Bdri from A. B. 1021
to 1051.

About this very time also, as we learn from several
inscriptions, the kingdom of Kanoj was conquered by
Ghandra Beva, the founder of the Bah tor dynasty of Kanoj.
We possess no inscriptions of Chandra Deva himself, but
there is one of his son, Madana PAla, which is dated in
S. 1154 or A. D. 1097 ; and two of his grandson, Govinda
Chamira, dated in S. 1177 and S. 1219 or A. D. 1120 and
1162. We know also from other inscriptions that Govinda’s
grandson ascended the throne between A. I). 1172 and 1177,
or say in A. D. 1175. With these dates before us, we may
safely fix Govinda’s accession in A. D. 1110 or 1115, and

• Reinaud, “ Fragments Arabes,” &c., — See pp. 99 — 100, note,
t Sir H. M, Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians of India, p. 32.

DELHI.

161

that of his 'grandfather, Cliandra Dcva, the founder of the
dynasty, in Ar D. 1060. Now this is the very date, as wo
learn from other sources, at which Anang Pill II,, the
successor of Kumdra P41a, established himself at Dilli, and
built the fort of Ldlkoi. On the non pillar there is a short
inscription in three lines, which appears to be a contemporary
record of Anang P41 himself, as the characters are similar to
those of the mason’s marks on the pillars of the colonnade
of the .Great Mosque, but arc quite different from those of
the two modern Nagari inscriptions, which are close beside
it. The following are the words of this short record:
“ Samvat Dihali 1109 Ang Fdl hahi,'’ which may be trans-
lated thus — “ In Samvat 1109, or A. D. 1062, Ang (or
Anang') Pal peopled PilUP This statement is borne out
by the testimony of the Kumaon and GArliwal manuscripts,
in which, opposite the name of Anek Pal, I find recorded
that in Samvat 1117, or A. D. 1060, on the 10th of Mdrga-
siras Sudi “ he built the Port of Dilli and called it “ Pdlkoi”
(Pilli ka kot kardya, Ldlkot kahdya''). This name, was still
in use during the reign of the first MusalmA.n King, Kut-
buddin Aibeg, as 1 find in the manuscripts of M4k-ji, the
bard of the Khiclii Chohans, that Kutbuddin, soon after his
accession, issued seven orders to tlie Hindu Chiefs, of which
the fifth is “ Ldlkot tai nagdro hdjto or “ kettle-drums
are not to bo beaten in Ldlkot.” This is a rule which is still
observed, as none but the royal drums are beaten where the
sovereign is present. Kutbuddin must, therefore, have 'taken
up his residence in Ldlkot, or the fortified city of Anang
Pdl.*

Now this date, recorded on the Iron Pillar, agrees so
exactly with the period of the Kahtor conquest of Kanoj,
tjiat I think we may infer, with considerable probability,
that the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pdl was owing to the
loss of the territory of Kanoj along with its new Capital of
Bdri in Oudh.t The accession of Anang Pdl II., according

* This is confirmed by the Muhammadan Historians, who state that the first two Kings,
Kutb-ud-din Aibeg and Shamsuddin Altamsh resided in the Foi-t of Kal Fithora. See Ain
Akbari by Gladwin, II., p. 86.

+ The I 0 .SS of power by the Tomar Princes of Delhi at this very time would seem to
be confirmed by the asserted supremacy of Chandra Deva, the lldthor Raja of Kanoj, who
is called the “protector of the sacred places at KA,si, Kusika, Korthern Kosala, and Indras-
thdua^' of which the last is only another name for Indraprastha, or Delhi.— See * Dr. Hall’s
translation of Madana PdWs inscription in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1858,
p. 224.

152 ARCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63.

to the genealogical lists, took place in A. D, 1051, and in
1052 we find a record of him on the Iron Pillar at Dilli.
If, then, we suppose that he commenced re-building at onccj
there is every probability in favour of the accuracy of the
statement that he finished the Ldllcot, or “ Ped Port," of
Dilli in A. D. 1060. If the site of the lied Port may bo
fixed by the position of the Anang Tal, as well as by that
of the Iron Pillar which records the work, then the grand
old fort which now surrounds the Kutb Minar is in all pro-
bability the very L£l,lkot that was built by Anang PAL But
there arc also three other points in favour of this identifi-
cation, viz.t 1st, that all the 27 temples destroyed by the
Musalmans would appear to have stood inside the walls of
Lalkot ; 2nd, that one of these 27 temples was almost cer-
tainly built in the reign of Anang Pal ; and 3rd, that the
Port of E.ai Pithora is only an extension of the older fort,
which now surrounds the Kutb Minar. Por these rea-
sons I believe that this massive old fort, which is still in
very good order in many places, is the idenl ical Dalkot of
Anang Pal. The circuit of its walls, according to my sur-
vey, is 2|- miles.

To this xVnang Pal I attribute the construction of a very
deep tank situated one-quarter of a mile to the north-west
of the Kutb Minar, and which is still called Anang Tal. This
tank is 169 feet long from north to south, and 152 feet broad
from east to west, with a depth of 40 feet. It is now quite
diy, but Syad Ahmad quotes a statement that, in the time of
SultAn Ala-uddin Khilji (A. D. 1296 — 1310), the water used
for the mortar of the great unfinished Minar was brought
from this tank. I refer also to this Anang Pal the founding
of a village in the Balamgarh District, which is still called
Anelcpur. According to Syad Ahmad, the popular date of
this work is S. 733, or A. D. 676 ; and he attributes it to
Anang PAl 1st, the founder of the dynasty. But I think it
more probable that the date refers to the Balabhi era of
A. D. 319, which will place the building of the village in
733 -f- 318 = A. D. 1051, in which year Anang Pal 2nd, the
true founder of Dilli, succeeded to the throne. Another
work of the same time is the Suraj Kund, a fine deep tank
near Anekpur, the building of which is attributed to Suraj
PAl, one of Anang PAl’s sons, in S. 743, which, referred to
the Balabhi era, is pqivalent to A. D. 1061, a date which

LALKOT

OLO DELHI.

DELTII.

153

corrcspon^^ost exactly with those which we have already
obtained.

. To Anang Pdl I attribute also the erection of at least
one of the 27 temples which once stood around the Iron
Pillar. Many of the pillars*and beams of this temple have
been made use of by the Musulmdns in the construction of
the south-east corner of the colonnade of the Great Mosque.
Most of them arc inscribed with mason’s marks, as wiU bo
noticed at length Avhen I come to speak of the ruins in de-
tail ; and one of them bears the date of 1 1 24, which, re-
ferred to the era of Vikramaditya, is equivalent to A. D.
1067, in the very middle of the reign of Anang Pal II.

According to the traditions of the people, which I
managed to pick up, the following were some of the numer-
ous sons of Anang Pal :

Is ^. — Tej Fdl, or Tejran, who founded Tejora, be-
tween Gurgaon and Alwar. In the Bikaner
MS. this prince is called Vijaya Sill, or Pal.

2wc7 . — Indra Raj, wlwfoundcd Indragarh.

Srd. — Rang Raj, who founded two places named
, Tdrdgarh, of which one is said to be near
Ajmer.

4^7 *. — Aclial Raj, who founded Acheva, or Aclmer,
between Bharatpur and Agra.

577i. — Rraupada, who is said to have lived at Asi, or
Hansi.

Qth. — S'mt Rdl, who founded Sirsa and Slswal, said
to be same as Sirsi Ratan.

If these traditions are of any value, they will enable
us to judge of the extent of Anang PM’s dominions by the
names of the places which were founded or held by his sons.
According to this test his dominions extended from Hdnsi
on the north to Agra on the south, and on the western side
they reached nearly as far as Alwar and Ajmer. To the
eastward they were most probably bounded by the Ganges,
beyond which the whole country was then held by the
Katehria Kajputs. I see nothing improbable in these tradi-
tions of the Tomar possessions, and I am, therefore, willing
to accept them as valuable additions to our present scanty
knowledge of Hindu history.

154 AnCHiEOLOGICAL REPOUT, 18G2-63.

There arc traditions of a similar kind regardMg the sons
of another Tomar Raja, called Kama IMl : but his name is
not to be found in any of the lists. As, however, one of his
sons was called Kach Deo, a name which is given in three of
the lists as Vacha Raja, in a fourth list as Vijaija Raja, and
in two others as Bihasa Bala, I think that w^e have some
grounds for identifying Kama Bdl with the father of Vacha
Deva of the lists, more especially as the lists differ so much
amongst themselves regarding the name of the father who is
called both Nar Pul and liar PM, either of which may be de-
rived from Karn. lie is variously called Adereh, TJdi-Ray,
IndrajU, and Chamra Pal, of which the first throe names are
evidently only various readings of one original name. The
sons of ICarna Pdl, according to the popular tradition, were
the following :

Isl. — Bach Deo, wdio founded Baghor, near Narnol,
and Bacliem or Baghcra near Tboda Ajmer.

2nd. — Kdg Deo, w ho founded Ndgor and Ndgda near
Ajmer. . *

Srd. — Krishn Rag, who founded Kiahengarh, 10 miles
to north north-cast of Alwar, and RHids GanJ
between Soron and Etah.

4ilh. — Nihdl Rag, who founded Nuruganpur, 10 miles
to W'cst of Alwar.

5/A. — Somasi, who founded Ajahgarh, between Alwar
and Jaypur.

Glh. — Kur Bdl, who founded Ilarsora, 16 miles to
north north-w'cst of Alwar, and Darsoli, 23
miles to north of Alw^ar.

To this list I may add Bahddurgarh, 7 miles to north-
east of Alwar, which is said to have been founded by Kama
Bdl liimself. '

The only other work of the Tomaras which has come to
my knowledge is the village of Mahijpdlpur, situated two miles
to the east north-east of the Kutb Minar, with its great em-
banked lake, three-quarters of a mile long and one-quarter
broad. Mahi Pal, the grand-father of Jay P41, is the 12th

DELHI.

165

in tlio list, and reigned from A. D. 9G1 to 979,* The em-
bankment was the work of Piruz Tughlak.f A second Mnlii
PM reigned from A. D. 1105 to 1130.

If these traditions are true, the dominion of the Toraaras
must at one time have extended to the westward as far as
Sirsa and Nagor. To the south-west there is the district of
Todrvati, or Tomaramti, between Alwar and Shekhavati ;
and to the south-east there is the district of Tourghar, or
Toniarghdr, between Dholpur and Gwalior, both of which
still preserve the name of this once powerful clan. The
Tomara dynasty of Gwalior, which held that strong fort for
nearly a century and a half, traced its descent from Anang
PM of Dilli, and the present Chief of Toiirvati, as well as the
Tomar Zemindars of Toarghur, still proudly lay claim to the
same origin.

Anang PM II. was succeeded by three other Pajas
of the Tomar family, of whom the last was a prince of
the same name, Anang PM III. During the reign of this
last King, Dilli was captured hy the Chohilns under Vtsala
Deva, but the date of this event has not yet been satis-
factorily ^ascertained. According to Abul Pazl it occurred
in S. 818, which, referred to the Balabhi era, gives A. D.
IIGG ; but as the date of Visala's inscription on Piruz
Shah’s Pillar is S. 1220 of Vihrama, or A. D. 11G3, it is cer-
tain that the capture of Dilli must have preceded the con-
queror’s advance to the foot of the hills near Khizrabad,
where this pillar wus then standing. This position at the
foot of the Himalaya Mountains is specially referred to in
the record where Visala speaks of having made tributary all
the regions between Himdvat and Vindhya.J Muk-ji, the
bard of the Khichi Ohohdns, gives the date as S. 821, which,
compared with Abul Pazl’s date, is probably too early. The
author of the Araisli-i-vtiahjil says that it was rather more
than 1200 Sammt, that is, somewhat later than A. D. 1143,

* The Hindu pillars of white marble and red Handritono which are found in the gateway
and colonnade of Sultftn Ghdri’n tomb, wei-e most jirubably tho spoils of a temple to
Siya, built by Mahi Pdl on the bank of the Mahipdlpur Lako, which is only half a mile dis-
tant from the tomb. I found a marble arylio,, or receptacle of the Unyam of Mahadeva
in tho pavement of the colonnade of the tomb between two marble pillars.

t Journal of Arcliseological Si)ciety of Delhi ; September 1850, p. 32.
t The actual ** Capture of Dellii” by the GhohAns is mentioned in Tod’sj Bijoli in-
scription dated inS. 1226, or A. D. 116U, — “ Bajaathau,” II., p. 743. It must, therefore,
have occurred some time earlier.

156

ATlCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63.

The Kumaon and GarhwM manuscripts place it in S. 1191,
or A. D. 1134 ; but as they also place the final conquest of
the Muhammadans in 8. 1231, or A. D. 1174, or just 17
years too early, it seems probable that the capture of Dilli
by the Choh6,ns may also bo ante-dated by about the same
number of years. Admitting this view as probably correct,
the capture of Dilli by the Chob^us will be referred to
A. D. 1151. Lastly, by the list which I have already givdn
of the Tomar dynasty, the close of Anang Pal’s reign is
placed in the latter half of A. D. 1151, or early in 1162, by
accepting the longer reign of 21 years 9 months and 16
days, which is found in the Gwalior manuscript.*

By a comparison of all these dates with the period
assigned to the Ohohdn dynasty, it seems most probable that
the true date of the capture of Dilli by the Chohiins. must
have been about A. D. 1151. The period assigned to the
Choh^ns varies from 40]- years to 41|-. By deducting the
former number from A. D. 1191, the date of Muazuddin
S6,m’s conquest, we obtain A. D. 1154 as the probable period
of the capture of Dilli by Visala Deva, when, according to
the Kumaon and GarhwM manuscripts, Chuwdn takht haitha,
Dilli Ddj kiya , — “ the Choh4n sat on the throne Ad estab-
lished his kingdom in Dilli.” But although Visala thus
became the actual lord of Dilli, it is almost certain that
Anang PM was left in possession of his ancient kingdom as
a tributary of the ChohAn, while Somoswara, the son of
Visala, received Anang PM’s daughter in marriage. The
issue of this union, the famous Prithvi Baj, or Bai Bithora,
became the adopted son of the Tomar King, and was for-
mally acknowledged as heir to the throne of Dilli. Accords
ing to the Prithm-Bai- Charitra, this adoption took place in
A. D. 1169, at which date Prithvi K5.j must have been about
16 years of age.t Now, as the bard Chand records that the
adoption took place during the life-time of Anang PM, this
last of the Tomar Kings was still reigning in A. D. 1169,
We may, therefore, safely fix the close of his reign, and of
the Tomar dynasty, to the close of the same year, or the

* This leaves 40 years for the reigii of the ChoMn dynasty in Delhi, Tvhich agrees with
the period assigned to this race in the details of the Gwalior, Kumaon, and Garhwal MSS. *

t See Wilford in Asiatic Researches, TX., p. 171, quoting the PrUhvi-Rai-Charitm,
say.s 1170 ; but as Wilford used tho wrong equation for the Vikramaditya era, the true date
must be A. D. 1169.

DELHI.

157

beginning of 1170. Tliis will give a reign of 22 years to
Pritlivi Baja, which is the very term assigned to him in all
the manuscripts, at the end of the Tomar dynasty. It will
also add about 18 years to the length of Anang Pid’s reign,
during which time I suppose Jiim to have been tributary to
Visala Dova.

The subject of the Chohan dynasty has been so much
confused by the conflicting accounts given by Colonel Tod,*
that I have found it impossible to make any satisfactory ar-
rangement, either of the names of the Princes, or of the
lengths of their reigns. So far as our information goes, the
only Chohiin Princes of Ajmer, w’ho Avere at the same time
actual Kings of Dilli, were Vtsala Deva and Prithvi Baja.
During the latter half of Anang Pal’s reign, I consider him to
have been only the titular King of Dilli, and tributary to the
paramount sovereign of Ajmer. On his death in A. D. 1170,
the throne of Dilli would of course have fallen to Prithvi
Baja by his adoption as the successor of the Tomar Prince.
On Visala’s death, which could not have occurred earlier than
A. D. 1163, I infer that Someswai’a succeeded to the throne
of Ajmer. When he was killed in battle seven years after-
wards, or in A. D. 1170, the throne of Ajmer would have
fallen to Prithvi Baja. Butin the genealogical lists between
Someswara and his son Prithvi Baja wo And the names of
Chdhara Deva and Ndga Deva (or Jaga Deva), and I can
only account for their insertion by supposing that they'wero
the tributary Bajas of Dilli under Prithvi Baja as lord
paramount. This seems highly probable if we may place
any dependence on the latter part of Colonel Tod’s genealo-
gical list of the ChohAns, in which Chdhara Deva is made
the younger brother of Prithvi Baja. That Chdhara, or
Chdhada Deva, was a person of some consequence, we knoAV
from his coins, which arc less uncommon than those of
Prithvi Baja himself. Perhaps Ndgd Deva may have been
another brother or a near relative, t

Colonel Tod gives the substance of an inscription discover-
ed at Bijoli, which is dated in S. 1226, or A. D. 1169,

* Compare Tod^a Rajasthan, II., 451, with II., 743, and Royal Asiatic Society’s Transac-
tions, I., p. 145.

t In a fine MS. of Chand’s Prithi RAj Raisa in my possession T find Prithvi Raja
rocordod as the son of Someswara, and the grandson of Visala Deva, and the 7 th in descent
from Vira-Visala. This clears up most of our difficulties, as we now have a Visala Deva
contemporary with tho record of the Delhi Pillar, a name which is wanting in all the
other lists.

158

ARCHiROLOGICAL REPOET, 1802-63.

during the life-time of Someswara.* In this iiiscription it is
stated that Someswara was originally called Prithvi Raja,
hut “ having obtained the regal dignity through Someswara,
he was thence called Somoswar.” Now, if the date of this
inscription has been rightly read, it seems most probable that
the Hansi insci'iption, Avhich mentions a Prithvi Raja in
S. 1224i, or A. 1). 1167, or just two years earlier, must refer to
the father, who afterwards obtained the name of Someswafa,
and not to the son, who is popularly known as llai Fithora.^
This assignment of the Ilansi inscription to the father is ren-
dered certain by another fact recorded in it, which has
escaped the notice of Colcbrooko, Pell, and Tod, namely,
that Kirana, or Kilhana of tho Guhila or Grahilot race,
was the maternal uncle of Prithvi Raja. Now, if tliere is
one point undisputed in the history of Rai Pithora, it is that
las mother was tho daughter of the Tomar Raja Anang Pal.
I conclude, therefore, that tho Pritlivi Raja, whose mother
Avas a Grahilot, must have been SomesAvara, whose original
name, before his accession to tlie throne, Avas also Prithvi Raja.

With tho above explanations, I now give all the lists of
tho Ohohiln dynasty Avhich I have been able to collect,
excepting those of Tod and Muh-j'i, tho Khichi bard, which
disagree Avith the others in so many names that they would
be of no use for comparison :

THE GUOirXN PVNVHTY OF DIIJJ.

Abnl Fazl, Syad
Ahmed.

Gwalior, Kimiaon,
Giii'liwal

MS.

Length ol’
JJeigu.

Pritlii-Kai

1 EAsa

1 MS.

Inscriptions.

Y. M. D.

BIl Deo

Visala Deva

G 1 4

Visala Deva ...

Visala Deva,

S. 1220 or

Amara Gaiigu ...

Gangeva, or Amara

A.D. 1163.

Deva ...

6 2 3

lAchiir Pal

Pahadi, or Pada

Deva

8 15

Sumer ...

Samas, or Saveras

7 4 2

Someswara . . .

Someswara,

S. A. D.

Jahir

Vehaii De, or Bala

1224---=11G7.

Deva

4 4 1

1226=1103.

Nag Deo

Jag Deo, or Ja-

garmangur ...

3 16

Pithora, or Prith-

vi Kaja

Prithvi Baja ...

6 11

Prithvi Baja.

40 2 21

* Rajasthan, IJ., 743.

t f^cc Capt'iin Fell in Asiatic Rcscarclics, XV., 443 ; and Tod iu Eoyal Asiatic Society’s
Transactions, 1., 154 and 4U1.

DELHI.

159

On comparing these lists, I think that BU Deo of Abul Tazl
may be identified with Vtsala Deva of the inscription on
llruz Shah’s Pillar, and that Sumer or Smiias arc only cor-
ruptions of Someswara. The other names rcc[uiro no re-
marks.

The reign of Prithvi Eaj has been rendered memorable
by three events which form separate parts of tlic rather
voluminous work of the hard Chand, named Prithvi BdJ-
Rdsa. • The lyork is divided into several Khands, or hooks,
which are geberally known by the names of the subjects of
which th^ treat ; thus, tlie Kanoj Khand gives the story of
the forcible abduction of the not umvilling daughter of Jaya
Chandra, the Halitor llaja of Kanoj ; while the Mahoba
Khand relates the various fortunes of the successful war
with Parmdlik or Paramdrdi Deva, the Cluindcl Paja of
Mahoba, and the last books arc devoted to the great struggle
between the Hindus and Musulmans, Avhioh ended in the
final overthrow of Prithvi llaj, and the establishment of
Kutb-ud-din Aibcg on the throne of Dilli as a dependant of
the paramount Sovereign Muaz-ud-din Ghori.

The date of the abduction of the Kanoj Princess may
be assigned with great probability to the year A. D. 1175,
as wc know from inscriptions that Vijaya Chandra, the father
of Jaya Chandra, was still living in 1172, and that Jaya
Chandra had succeeded to the throne before 1177. This
event cannot, therefore, be placed earlier than 1175 ; and as
Prince llainsi, the issue of this union, was able to bear arms
in the last fatal battle with tlic Musulmans in 1193, in which
he was killed, it is not possible to place the date of the ab-
duction later than 1175.

The date of the great war with the Ch.andcl Prince of
Mahoba is given in the of Cband’s poem as.

Samvat 1211, or A. D. 1181. My copy of this portion of
the poem was obtained in Mahoba itself, and I have every
I'oason to believe in the correctness of the year named, as it
is borne out by two existing inscriptions of Paramdrddi Deva,
tlic Chhndel llaja, which are dated, respectively, in Samvat
1221 or A. D. 1167, and S. 1211 or A. H. 1181. The date
of the final conquest of Dilli by the Musulmans is variously
given by the different authorities. Thus Ibn Batufa has
A. H. 581, or A. D. 1188 ; Abul Pazl has A. H. 588,

160

AUCIIiEOLOGTCAL REPORT, 1862-63.

or A. D. 1192 ; and Ferislita lias A. H. 689, while Syad
Ahmad has adopted A. II. 587, founded oh his reading
of the written date on the Eastern Gateway of the Kutb
Masjid. He reads the unit of this date as Saba, or 7, where-
as I make it tisa, or 9. The difference arises from the va-
rious reading of two easily mistakeable words sabd and tied.
My attention was partieularly drawn to this date by Mr.
Thomas’s, note on Syad Ahmad’s date, which, as he says,
“ anticipates the epoch ordinarily assigned to the Muhamma-
dan conquest of India by two years.” I examined this por-
tion of the inscription minutely with a telescope, and I found
two dots of points, which arc omitted in Syad Ahmad’s litho-
graphed copy of the inscription, quite distinct, one over the
other, between the words Sank and loa, and immediately over
the unit of the date, which is placed below those words. If
these dots belong to the unit of the date, we must accept the
reading of tisa and adopt 589 A. H. or A. D. 1193 for the
capture of Delhi.*

The only work which is attributed to Frith vi Raja is
the extensive fort to the north and cast of xinang Fftl’s
lAlkot, which is still called Kilah Itai Fiihora, or “ Pitho-
ra’s Fort.” From the north-west angle of Lalkot the lines of
llai Pithora’s walls can still be distinctly traced, running
towards the north for about half a mile. From this point
they turn to the south of cast for one and a half miles, then
to the south for one mile, and lastly, to the west and north-
west for three-quarters of a mile, where they join the south-
west angle of Lalkot, which being situated on higher ground
forms a lofty citadel that completely commands the Fort of
Rai Pathora. The entire circuit of the walls of the two
forts is 4 miles and 3 furlongs, or rather more than half the
size of the modern city of Shahjahdnhbad.t

Tip to this point I have endeavoured to trace the outline
of the history of Hindu Dilli, partly from existing monu-
ments, partly from inscriptions, and partly from other records,

• This important date had so attracted the attention of Mr. Thomas, that he erected a
scaffolding for the purpose of more carefully studying the original, and he has since had the
doubtful passage examined by a im^st conix>etent authority. As both agree that the true
reading is saba and not tisa^ T adopt the rejiding of A. H. 587, or A. D. as the true date of
the first capture of Dellii by the Muhammadans. — See Mr. Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathan
Kings of Delhi, p. 23, note, for full notice of this date, which he supports by the authority
of Hasan Nizd.mi and Nimhdj-us-Sirfij.

t See Plates XXY. and XXXVI. for the relative positions and plans of Mllcot and Rai
l^ithora’s Fort.

DEtni.

161

both printed and manuscript. The history of Muhammadan
J>ihli, or Delhi, according to our corrupt spelling, will be
found in ample detail in Eerishta and other Mosleni authors.
I will now, therefore, confine my remarks to a description of
the many noble remains of by-gone days, which, either by
their -grand size, their solid strength, or their majestic beauty,
still proudly testify that this vast w'aste of ruins was once
Imperial Pelhi, the Capital of all India.

HINDU REMAINS.

The most ancient monuments of Delhi are the two Stone
Pillars bearing the edicts of Asoka, both of which were
brought to the Capital by Eiruz Shah Tughlak, about
A. H. 757, or A. D. 1356. The account of the removal of
these pillars from their original sites is given in detail by
ShaMs-i-Siruj, who was most likely an eye-witness of the re-
erection in Eiruzabad, as he records that ho was 12 years of
age at the time when they were set up.* This circumstantial
account of a contemporary writer at once disposes of Colonel
Tod’s storyt that Eiruz Shah’s Pillar was originally standing
dii Nigambod, 0 , place of pilgrimage on the Jumna, a few
miles below Delhi,, whence it must have been removed to its
present singular position.” Nigombod still exists as a place
of pilgrimage, being a ghat immediately outside the northern
wall of the city of Shahjahantibad. It is, therefore, above the
city of Delhi, instead of being a few miles below it, as de-
scribed by Colonel Tod.

"Firuz Shah’s Pillar, according to Shams-i-SirAj, was
brought from a place which is variously called 2'optir, Topera,
Toparsuk, ToJiera, Tawera, and Nahera.X The place is de-
scribed as being “on the bank of the Jumna, in the district
of Salora, not far from Khizrabad, which is at the foot of the
mountains, 90 koss from Delhi.” The distance from Delhi
and the position at the foot of the mountains point out the
.present Khizrabad on the Jumna, just below the spot where
the river issues from the lower range of Hills, as the place
indicated by Shams-i-SirAj. Salora is, perhaps, Sidhora, a

* Journal of Arohaiological Society of Delin’, I., 74 ►
t Rajasthan, 11., 452.

!}: Journal of the Archieological Society of Delhi, I., pp. 29 and 75. See also Sir H. M.
Elliot’s Muhammadan Hiatoiians, by Dowsou, 111., p. 350, where the name of the village
is given as Tobra.

1G2

AKCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-C3.

large place only a few miles to the west of Khizrabad. From
tbe village where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed
by land on a truck to Khizrabad, from whence it was floated
down the Jumna to Firuzabad, or new Delhi. From the
above description of the original site of this pillar, I conclude '
that the village from whence it was brought was, perhaps, the
present Paota, on the western bank of the Jumna, and 12
miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizrabad. Now,
in this immediate neighbourhood on the western* bank
of the Jumna, and at a distance of GO miles from Thanesar,
IIw*en Thsang places the ancient Capital of Si'ughna, which
was even then (A. D. G30 — 640) in ruins, although the
foundations were still solid. The Chinese pilgrim describes
St'uglma as possessing a large Vihdr, and a grand stupa of
Asoka’s time containing relics of Buddha, besides many
other stupas of Sdriputm ITandgalyayana, and other holy
Buddhists. The village of Topar, which was the original site
of Firuz Shah’s Pillar, was certainly within the limits of the
ancient kingdom of Srugbna, and I think it probable that
in the work Suk, which is appended to one of the various
readings of the name of the village of Topar, we still have
a fair approximation to Sughau, the popular form of the
Sanskrit Srughna.

When the pillar was removed from its original site, a
largo square stone was found beneath it, which was also
transported to Delhi.* This stone was again placed beneath
the pillar in its new situation on the top of the three-storied
building called Firuz Shah’s Kotila, where it may now be
seen, as a gallery has been pierced through the solid masonry
immediately beneath the base of the pillar. According to
Shams-i-Sirilj, the whole length of the shaft was 32 gaz, of
which 8 gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at
present st»ndS, 'I found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches,
of which the sunken portion is only 4 feet 1 inch. But the
lower portion of the exposed shaft to a height of 6 feet is
still rough, and I have little deubt, therefore, that the whole
of the rough portion, 9 feet in length, must have been sunk
in tbe ground on its- toiginal site. ,put according to Shams-
i-Sir4j, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length,
that is, 10 feet 8 inches, 'was sunk in the masonry of Firuz

* AsiraOar large eqiiare stone wae found under the Pahl^dpur Pillar, when it was
Removed to the grounds of Queen’s College at BanAras.

DELHI.

163

Shah’s Kotila. Tliis I believe was actually the case, for on
the west side of the column there still remain in situ the
stumps of two short octagonal granite pillars that would ap-
pear to have formed part of a cloister or open gallery around
a fourth story ,«wrhich cannot have been less than 0^- or 7 feet
in height. I conchidc, therefore, that ' the statement of.
Shams-i-Sir&j is quite correct.

TVilcn the pillar was at last fixed, the “ top was orna-
mented with black and white stone-work surmounted by a
gilt pinnacle, from which no doubt it ’ received its name of
Mindr Zarm, or ‘ Golden Pillar.’ This gilt pinnacle was still
in its place in A. D. 1611, when William Pinch entered
Delhi, as ho describes the Stone Pillar of Bimsa, which, after
passing through three several stories, rising 24 feet above
them all, having on the top a globe surmounted bg a crescent B
The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the
24 gaz of the other, the being only a fraction less than
Ifi inches.

The great inscription of Asoka, which is engraved on
this pillar, attracted the notice and stimulated the curiosity
of Piruz Shah, who assembled a number of learned Brahmans
to decypher it, but without success. “ Some, however, inter-
preted the writing to signify that no one would ever succeed
in removing the pillar from the spot on which it originally
stood, until a King should be born, by name Piruz Shah.”
This sort of unblushing mendacity is still but too common
in India. Almost everywhere I have found Brahmans ready
to tell mo the subject of long inscriptions, of which they could
not possibly read a single letter. Equally untrue, although
not so shameless, are the accounts of this inscription given
by Tom Coryat. In a letter to L. Whittaker,* he says — “ I
haye been in a city of this country called Delec, where
Alexander the Great joined battle with Porus, King of India,
and defeated him, and where, in memory of his victory, he
caused to be erected a brazen pillar, which remains there to
this day.” The same story, with additions, was repeated to
the unsuspecting Chaplain Ed ward Terry, t who says— “I was
told by Tom Coryat (who took special note of this place)
that he, being in the city of Delee, observed a very great

* K«rr’» Voyagen and Travels, IX., ^3.
+ Journal, p. 81.^

164 auchjeological ueport, 1862-63.

pillar of marble, with a Greek inscription npop. it, which
time hath almost quite worn out, erected (as he supposed)
there and then by Great Alexander to preserve the memory
of that famous victory.’* This erroneous opinion of Coryat
was adopted by most of the ‘‘early English# travellers, as
noticed by Purchas,* who states tliat these inscriptions are in
Greek and Hebrew, and that some affirm the pillar was
erected by Alexander the Great. Coryat’s mistake about the
Greek most probably arose from an actual inspection of the
inscription, in which ho would naturally have recognized the
Old Pali th, ckh, t, k, g, r, b,j, and e, as Greek letters. The
similarity struck James IPrinsep also. A noteable exception
to tho other English travellers is William Pinch, who simply
states that “ it has inscriptions.”

The mistakes that have been made about this column are,
however, not confined to its inscriptions, as we have seen
above, were Coryat calls it a “ brazen pillar.” Strange to
say a similar mistake has been made by the generally ac-
curate Bishop Ilober, who calls it “a high black pillar of
cast-metal;'^ and, again, in describing the iron pillar, he
calls it a metal pillar like that in Eiruz Shah’s Costle.t
Again Colonel Tod has identified this pillar with the
K igambod column alluded to by the bard Chand “ as telling the
fame of tho Chohan.” It is quite possfiale that some other
pillar may once have stood at N igambod ; out as the golden
column of Piruz really does “ tell the fame of the Chohan,”
and as its inscriptions were recorded only thirty years prior
to Chand’s death, it seems most probable that his allusion
must be to this particular pillar. The name of Nigambod
may, perhaps, bo a corruption of the real name of the place
■where the column then stood, or an ignorant interpolation in
the text of a date later than Piruz Shah.

The “ Golden Pillar” is a single shaft of pale pinkish
sand-stone, 42 feet 7 inches in length, of which the upper
portion, 35 feet in length, has received a very high polish,-
while the remainder is left quite rough. Its upper diameter
is 25‘3 inches, and its lower diameter 38’8 inches, the diminu-
tion being *39 inch per foot. Its weight is rather more than
27 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the Allahabad

* Kerr, VIII., 293, note 6.
t Journal, IL, pp. 291—307.

DELni.

165

pillar than any other, hut it tapers much more rapidly
towards the top, and is, therefore, less graceful in its outline.

•

There are two principal inscriptions on Piruz Shah’s
pillar, besides several minor records of pilgrims and travellers
from the first centuries of the Christian era down to the
present time. The oldest inscriptions for which tho pillar
■was originally erected comprise the ’well known edicts of
Asoka^ which were promulgated in the middle of the third
century B. C. in the ancient Tally or spoken language of
the day. The alphabetical characters, which arc of the oldest
form that has yet been found in India, are most clearly and
beautifully cut, and there arc only a few letters of the whole
record lost by the peeling off of the surface of tho stone.
The inscription ends with a short sentence, in which King
Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths in different
parts of India as follows :* “ Lot this religious edict he

engraved on stone pillars (sila, thamhho) and stone tablets
fsila phalnka) that it may endure for ever.” In this
amended passage wo have a distinct allusion to the rock
inscriptions, as -w^ell as to tho pillar inscriptions. As this
is the longest and most important of all the pillar inscrip-
tions of Asoka, I made a careful impression of the whole
for comparison with James Prinsep’s published text. The
record consists of* four distinct inscriptions on tho four
sides of tho column facing the cardinal points, and of one
long inscription immediately below, Avhich goes completely
round the pillar. I may mention that the Avord Ajukmdniy
at the end of the 7th line south face, was not omitted
“accidentally,” as James Prinsep supposed, by the original
engraver, hut has been lost by the peeling away of the
stone for about 4 inches. The vowel i attached to tho
fhinl letter is still quite distinct. The penultimate word
on the eastern face is not agniwy as doubtfully read by
Prinsep, but abhytmi, and, as he rightly conjectured, it is
the same word that begins the 19th line. The last^ word in
11th line, which puzzled Prinsep, is not alikata, hut
atikantani, the same as occurs near the beginning of the 15th
line. The few corrections which I have noticed here show
the accuracy of Bournouf’s opinion, that a new collation of

• See James Prinsep in Bengal Asiatic Mety’s Journal, 1837. p. 609. He reads »Ua-
dhaldkanif instead of j^halakdni, which is (^uite distinct on the pillar.

1G6

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

the pillar inscriptions would be of the greatest value. I am
happy to say that I have now made new copies of the in-
scriptions on the pillars at Delhi, Arardj, and Navandgarh, for
collation by competent scholars.

The last 10 lines of the eastern face, as well as the whole
of the continuous inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to
the Delhi pillar. There is a marked difference also in the
appearance of this part of the inscription. The characters are
all thinner and less boldly cut ; the vowel marks are general-
ly sloping instead of being horizontal or perpendicular, and
the letters/, t, s and h are differently formed from those of
the preceding part of the inscription. These new forms are
exactly the same as those of the rock inscription near Kh^lsi,
on the Jumma, which is only a few miles above Daota, the
probable site from whence the pillar was brought by .Eirua
Shah.

The second inscription is that which records the vic-
tories of the Chob^n Prince Visala Deva, whose power
extended “ from Itimfidri to Vindbya.” This record of the
fame of the Chohdn consists of two separate portions, the
shorter one being placed immediately above Asoka’s edicts,
and the longer one immediately below them. But as both
are dated in the same year, viz., S, 1220, ^or A. D. 1163, and
refer to the same Prince, they mtiy be considered as forming
only one inscription. The upper portion, which is placed
very high, is engraved in much larger characters than the
lower one. A translation of this inscription was published
by Colebrookc, and his rendering of the text has been verified
by H. H. Wilson from a copy made by Mr. Thomas.* The
reading of Sri Sallakshana proposed by Mr. Thomas is un-
doubtedly correct, instead of Sri Mad Lakshama, as formerly
read. I would suggest also that the rendering of Chdhvmdna
tilaka, as “most eminent of the tribe which sprang from
the arms” (of Brahma), seems to me much less forcible than
the simple translation of “ Chief of the ChdJmmdns” or
Choh^n tribe. I believe also that there is an error in referring
the orgin of the Choh^ns to Brahma, as Muk-ji, ^he Bard ,
of the Khichi Chohdns, distinctly derives them &om tho
Anal kund, or fount of fire on Mount Abu, an origin which

, ^ Colebrooke m A^tic Reuear^li^fl, 111., 130; and Tbomas’e Prinsep’s Esaays, L, 3*25*

DELHI.

1G7

corresponds with that assigned to them by Colonel Tod. It
is Chdluk Bao, the founder of the Chuluhya, or SoldtikU
tribe, that is fabled to have sprung from Brahma.

The minor inscriptions on Eiruz Shah’s Billar are of
little interest or importance. They are, hoAvever, of different
ages, and the more ancient records must have been inscribed
while the pillar yet stood on its original site, under the hills
to the jiorth of Khizrahad. One of the oldest is the name
of Sri Bhadra Milra, or Suhhddramitra^ in characters of the
Gupta era. This is written in very small letters, as are also
two others of the same age. In larger letters of a somewhat
later date, there are scvei'al short inscriptions, of which the
most legible is Surya Vishnu Suharnahahann. A second
begins with Mara Singha Siibarnakaliana, the remainder
being illegible, with exception of the word Kimidra. A third
reads Charnia Stihana, the second letter being somewhat
doubtful. This record is extended in another place to Charma
Snbnnakshdra. Of a much later date is the name of the
Saiva mendicant Siddh Bhayankarnath Jogi, followed by a
trmd. The name of this w'andering mendicant is also re-
corded in the very same characters, bxit simply as “ Bhayan-
kar Nath,'' in one of the Bardbar caves in Bih^r.* On the
northern face there are two still later inscriptions in modern
Ndgari, both of which bear the same date of Wednesday,
13th, waning moon of Chaitra, in Samvat 1581, or A. 1).
152'4. The longer inscription contains the name of Suritan
Ibi'dhim, or Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, who reigned from A. D.
1517 to 1525.

The second of Asoha’s Delhi Pillars is now lying in five
pieces near Hindu Eao’s house on the top of the hill to
the north-west of Shahjahdndbad. The w^holc length of these
pieces was 32 J feet, but the upper end of the middle piece, •
which was inscribed with Asoka’s edicts, was sawn off some-,
years ago, and sent to Calcutta, where it may now be seen
in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. t The portion of the shaft
that was below the inscription still measures 18 feet, and that
which was above it, 12 feet. As the end of the shaft is still
rough, it seems probable that the polished portion could not

• See p. 22, and Plato XX.

+ This has now been returned to Delhi, and the pillar has been restored ; but I think
that it ought rather to have been set up at Mkat, from whence it was originally brought
by Firuz Shah.

1G8

AIlCnJ20L0GICAL REPORT, 1862-G3.

have been more than 32 feet in height, which is somewhat
less than that of the other known pillars of Asoka. Indeed,
this pillar is described by Shams-i-Sii4j as being smaller than
the other, a description which can apply only to its height,
as its diameter is somewhat greater, From its broken state
it is not easy to obtain correct measurements of its thickness.
At the point where the inscribed piece was sawn off, tlie
diameter is 33‘44 inches ; and my measurements make the
upper diameter 29^ inches, and lower diameter 'of the
smoothed portion 35'82 inches. The rough thick end is
about 38 inches in diameter. These measurements make
the di m inution of the pillar just one-fifth of an inch per
foot.

According to Shams-i-Siraj this column was brought
from Mirat by Firuz Shah, and erected near its present posi-
tion in the Kushak Shikar, or “hunting palace.” The posi-
tion of the palace has already been determined by the re-
searches of Messrs. Cope and Lewis ;* but the following
statements of William Finch will place this identification of
site beyond all dispute. In A. I). 1611 he describes the city
(that is, of Shir Shah) as being 2 koss, or 2^ miles, in
length from ' gate io gate, and about 2 koss from thence he
places “ the ruins of a hunting scat or mole {Ilahal) built
by Snltan Bemsa, a great Indian Sovercign.”+ This descrip-
tion agrees exactly with the position of the broken pillar,
which is about 2| miles to the north-west of the Lai Dur-
tedza, or north gate of the old city of Shir Shah, which is
itself about 2^ miles distant from tlic south gate, to the west-
ward of jDinpandh, or Burana Kilah.

According to the popular belief, this pillar was thrown
down by an accidental explosion of a powder magazine in
the time of Farokhsir, wdio reigned from A. D. 1713 to 1719.
This tradition is rendered almost certain by the statements
of Padre Tieffenthaler, who resided in India between A. L.
1743 and 1786. He saw the pillar lying just as it is now in
five pieces ; but he was informed that it was standing erect not
long before, and that it was thrown down by an explosion ‘of
gunpowder.

* Journal of Archaeological Society of Delhi,
f Kerr’s Voyages and Travels, VII I>, 292.

DELIIT.

101)

The inscriptions on this pillar are very imperfect, owinsj
to the mutilated and worn surface of the stone. Such por-
tions as remain have been carefully examined by James
Prinsep, who found them to be “ so precisely the duplicates”
of the other inscription that he did not think “ it worth while
to make them the subject of a separate note.”* The remaining
portions, which correspond with parts of the inscriptions
on the north, south, and west faces of the other pillar, have
been lithographed by Prinsep in Plate XLII., Vol. VI. of
his Journal.

The Iron Pillar of Delhi, which is the next work in
point of antiquity, is one of the most curious monuments in
India. Many large works in metal were no doubt made in
ancient times, such, for instance, as the celebrated Colussus
of Rhodes, and the gigantic statues of the Buddhists, which
are described by II wen Thsang. But all of these were of
brass or copper, all of them were hollow, and they were all
built up of pieces rivetted together, whereas the Delhi Pillar
is a solid shaft of wrought iron upwards of 16 inches in dia-
meter, and upwards of 40 feet in length. It is true that there
arc flaws in many parts, which shew that the welding is imper-
fect ; but when wo consider the extreme difficulty of manu-
facturing a pillar of such vast dimensions, our wonder will
not bo diminished by knowing that the welding of the bar is
defective. The total height of the pillar above ground is 22
feet, but the smooth shaft is only 16 feet, the capital being 3-j|
feet, and the rough part of the shaft below also 3 a- feet.
But its depth under ground is asserted to be considerably
greater than its height above ground, as a recent excavation
is said to have been carried down to 20 feet without reaching
the foundation on which the pillar rests.! The whole length
of the Iron Pillar is, therefore, upwards of 48 feet, but how
much more is not known, although it must be considerable,
as the pillar is said not to have been loosened by the excava-
tion. I think, therefore, it is highly probable that the whole
length is not less than 60 feet. The lower diameter of the
shaft is 16’4 inches, and the upper diameter is 12’06 inches',
the diminution being *29 of an inch per foot. The pillar
contains ateut 80 cubic feet of metal, and weighs upwards
of Vj tons.

* Journal of Asiatic Society, Bengal, VI., 794.

t Cooper told me 26 feet, but the man in charge assured me that the actual depth
reached was 35 feet.

170

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

When I wrote this report in 1863 I described the ' pillar
as formed of “ mixed metal.” This I did on the authority of
the late Mr. Fred. Cooper, Deputy Commissioner of Delhi.
He was then preparing a hand-book for Delhi, in which I
find the pillar is thus described-r-“ The celebrated Loha-ka-ldt
or iron pillar, which is, however, a misnomer, for it is a
compound metal resembling bronze.” On thinking over
this (question some months afterwards it struck me that
a bronze pillar would never have escaped the rapacity .of the
Muhammadan conquerors. I, therefore, obtained- a small
bit from the rough lower part of the pillar, which I sub-
mitted to Dr. Murray Thomson for analysis, who informed
me that the metal was “ pure malleable iron of 7'66 specific
gravity.” I have since referred to various books to see what
account was given of this pillar by different tourists ; and I
find that the opinion that the pillar was made of mixed
metal or bronze has certainly prevailed since the beginning
of the century.* But it is most probably of even older date,
as the notorious Tom Coryat speaks of the brazen pillar
which he had seen at “ Delee.” There can be little doubt
that this was also the Native belief in former times, as it
certainly is at present ; for I presume that the early English
residents at Delhi adopted what they were told by the people
without either question or examination, although the one con-
tinued to call it the LoM-ki-ldt, and the other the “ Iron
Pillar.” The belief, perhaps, arose from the curious yellow
appearance of the upper part of the shaft, which I myself
observed, and which induced me to accept Mr. Cooper’s
statement.

The Iron Pillar records its own history in a deeply cut
Sanskrit inscription of six lines on its western face. The
inscription has been translated by James Prinsep, who
remarks that “ the pillar is called the arm of fame” (Kirtti
bhuja) “ of Raja Dhdva, and the letters cut upon it are called
the typical cuts inflicted on his enemies by his sword, writing
his immortal fame.”t It is stated that he subdued a people

. 165 .
, 807 ,"

calls it a “ metal pillar’* or a ** black pillar of cast metal.” In 1834 Miss Emma Roberts,
“ Views in India, I., 40,” speaks of it as “ a pillar of mixed metal and in 1844 Colonel
Sleeman, ** Rambles, II., 266,” writes that the small pillar is of bronze, or a metal which
resembles bronze, and is softer than brass.

+ Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, VII., p. 630.

DELHI.

171

on the Sindhu, named Vahlikas, and “obtained with his own
arm an undivided sovereignty on the earth for a long period.”
The above is the whole of the meagre information that can
he gathered from this inscription, save the bare fact that the
Raja was a worshipper of Vislinu. The date of the inscrip-
tion is referred by James Prinsep to the third or fourth
century after Christ ; but Mr. Thomas considers that this is
“"too high an antiquity for the style of writing employed on
the monument.” I agree, however, with Prinsep, as the
characters appear to me to be exactly the same as those of
the Gupta inscriptions. I ' have already suggested the year
A. D. 319, which is the initial point of the Balabhi or Gupta
era, as an approximate date, as I think it not improbable
that the Raja may have assisted in the downfall of the
powerful Gupta dynasty. I read his name preferably as
JBhdva, the letter bh having got closed by the accidental slip
of the punching chisel. The letter is different from every
other dh in the inscription.

According to universal tradition, the Iron Pillar was
erected by HUan Deo, or Anang P41, the founder of the
Tomara dynasty, who was assured by a learned Brahman
that, as the foot of the pillar had been driven so deep
into the ground that it rested on the head of Vasiiki,
King of the Serpents, who supports the earth ; it was now
immoveable, and that dominion would remain in his family
as long as the pillar stood. But the Raja, doubting the
truth of the Brahman’s statement, ordered the pillar to
be dug up, when the foot of it was found wot with
the blood of the serpent king, whose head it had pierced.
Regretting his unbelief, the Iron Pillar was again raised ;
but, owing to the king’s former incredulity, every plan now
failed in fixing it firmly, and, in spite of all bis efforts, it still
remained loose (dhUa) in the ground, and this is said to have
been the origin of the name of the ancient city of Dhili.

This tradition has been variously reported by different
authorities, but the main points are the same in all. Colonel
Tod states that the Iron Pillar is said to be resting on the head
of the Sahes Nag, who is the same as Vasuki, the Serpent King.
A lady traveller, who visited Delhi between 1804 and 1814,
heard the tradition in a somewhat different way.* A Brahman
told the king that if he could place the seat of his govern-
ment- on the head of the snake that supports the world.

“Tour in the Upper Trovinces,” by A. D., p. 166.

172

ARCHiEOLOGHCAIi EEPOKT, 1862-63.

his kingdom would last for ever. The Iron Pillar was-
accordingly driven into the ground on its present site, under
the superintendence of the Brahman, who announced
that the lucky spot had been found. On hearing this, a
courtier, jealous of the Brahman’s influence, declared that
the pillar was not placed over the serpent’s head, but that he
could point out the true place, which he had seen in a dream.
The pillar was accordingly taken up by the Baja’s order,
and, agreeably to the Brahman’s prediction, the foot of it
was found wot with the blood of the serpent’s head. This tra-
dition is also imperfectly related in Purchas’s Pilgrims, on the
authority of English travellers who visited India during the
reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan. Purchas states that the
Rase (Baja) who founded Delhi, “ by advice of his magicians,
tried the ground by driving an iron stake, which came up
bloody, having wounded a snake. This the Ronde (P&nde or
Pandit), or magician, said was a fortunate sign.”* In all
these different versions of the erection of the Iron Pillar, the
main points of the story are the same, and the popular belief
in this tradition is confirmed by the well known verse —

“ KilU to dMlU hhai,

“ Tomar hhayamat hinJ”

“ The pillar has become loose,

“ The Tomar’s wish will not be fulfilled.”t

This tradition is related in a more poetical form by
Kharg Bai, who wrote in the reign of Shahjahan. Accord-
ing to him, the Tomar Prince was provided by the sage Vyds
with a golden nail, or spike, 25 fingers in length, which he
was told to drive into the ground. At a lucky moment, on
the 13th day of the waning moon of Vaisdkh, in the Samvat
year 792, or A. D. 736, when the moon was in the mansion
of Ahldjit, the spike*Was driven into the ground by the Baja.
Then said Vyfis to the King —

“ Turn se raj kadi juega nahi,

“ Yih khunti Vasug ki mdthe gadhi haV*

“ Ne’er will thy kingdom bo besped,

“ The spike hath pierced Vasuki’s head.”

* Kevr’ri Voyages and Travels, VIII., 292, note.

t My assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, has pointed out to me that tomar is a common con-
traction for “your.’* I believe, therefore, that a pun is intended^ tand that the

second line may be translated—** Your wish will not be fuUilled.”

DELHI.

ITS

VySs had no sooner departed, than the incredulous Kaja
boldly declared his disbelief in the sage’s announcement,
when immediately

“ BUan De hhunti tijchdrh del:M,

“ Tab lohu se chuchMi nikalL"

“ He saw the spike thrown on the ground,

“ Blood-dropping from the serpent’s wound.”

•

The sage was recalled by the horrified king, who was directed
to drive the stake into the ground a second time. Again he
struck, but the spike penetrated only nineteen fingers, and
remained loose in the ground. Once more then the sago
addressed the Raja prophetically, — “ Like the spike (killi)
which you have driven, your dynasty will bo unstable (dilU),
and after ‘ nineteen’ generations it will be supplanted by the
Choh^ns, and they by the Turk^ns.” Bilan l3e then became
King of Dim, and with his descendants held the throne for
nineteen generations, according to the number of fingers’
lengths which the spike had been driven into the ground.

What was the origin of this tradition, and at what time
it first obtained currency, may never, perhaps, be known ; but
I think we are justified in hazarding a guess that the long
reign of the Tomar dynasty must first have led to an opinion
of its durability which w^ould then have been naturally
compared with the evident stability with which the Iron
Pillar was fixed in the ground. We have an’ exactly paral-
lel case in the well known saying about Rome and the
Coliseum-r-“ Quamdid, stabit Cohjseus, stabit et Doma quando-
cadit Colyseus cadit Itoma,” which the verse of Byron has
rendered famous. —

“ While stands the Coliseum, Rome shall stand,

“ When falls the Coliseum, Rome shall fall.”

This, indeed, is the oldest form of the Indian tradition that
I have been able to trace. When the Muhammadan con-
queror first took possession of Delhi, ho was informed that
^e inscription on the Iron Pillar declared that the Hindu
rule would last as long as the pillar remained standing ;
on hearing which, to show his contempt of the prophecy, the
pround victor allowed the pillar to stand. This same story
must have been told to Bishop Hebcr, but he has jumbled it

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

p witli liis account of Firuz Shah’s Pillar.* That the story
hich he hoard must have belonged to the Iron Pillar is
jndered certain by his referring it to the period of “the
mquest of the country by the Musulm^ns.” About the
ime time also a similar story Tfas heard by Major Archer, t
ho records that, “ as long as the pillar stood, so long would
[industan flourish.” At a later date, a similar story was
jpeated to Mrs. Colin Mackenzie, $ who says that the Iron
illar bears a Sanskrit inscription, “the purport of' which
i that, as long as this pillar stands, the ^dj or kingdom has
ot finally departed from the Hindus.” Lastly, Syad Ahmad
dates that the pillar was driven into the head of Vamkif
Zing of the Snakes, to make his empire lasting.

If I am right in ascribing the origin of this tradition to
late period in the history of the Tomars, when the long
iiration of their rule had induced people to compafe its
ability with that of the Iron Pillar, I think that the saying
.ay be referred with considerable probability to the pros-
jrous reign of Anang P^l II., whose name is inscribed on
le shaft with the date of Sammt 1109 or A. D. 1052.

The account given above was W'ritten in 1863, shortly
'ter which I found the original version of the story in the
*d book of my copy of Chand’s Prithi R&j Rhisa, which
appropriately named KilU-dhilU-hathd, or “ story of the
oose Pillar.” Chand, however, refers the event to the time
* the last* Anang PM, who wished to ascertain the fortu-
ite hour for holding a great festival in honour of the birth
his grandson, Pi’ithi R£lj. He enquired from Vy^s, a
igjoti Brahman, who . after a short consideration replied —
Now is the lucky time, your dynasty will become immove-
»le, and its root will strike into the head of Seshnflg.§
at the Raja was incredulous, when Vyfis taking an iron
ike drove it down 60 fingers deep until it reached the
rpent’s head,^ and drawing it out he showed it to the
aja covered with blood. Then addressing Anang PM, he
id — “ Your kingdom like the spike has became unstable.”

• Jeumal II., 291.

+ Tour in Upper India, I., 121.

X 2nd edition, p. 47

Seshnftg or VAsuki is the King of the Serpents, on whoso thousand heads the earth
ilf is said to be supported.

H Sattiiu fmgida lohah SuJcar Sesndgh sir miWya,

DELHI.

175

Thus saith the Seer Vy&s,

Things that must come to pass :

Now the Tomars, next Chohdm^

And shortly after the Turkdns.*

The Kaja in a rage expelled VyAs, who retired to Ajmer,
where he was hospitably received by the Ohohllns on account
of his prophecy in favour Df their race.

The remaining inscriptions on the Iron Pillar are
numerous but unimportant. There are two records of the
Choh^n Paja Chatra Sinha, both dated in Samvat 1883, or
A. D. 1826. They state that the Paja was descended from
Frithivi Faja in 29 generations, which is quite possible,
although the period allowed for each generation is under 23
years. The date of Prithivi Raja is given as Samvat 1851, or
A. D.' 1094, which is just 99 years too early, an amount of
error which agrees with the Mse dates which have been in-
serted in the text of the Frithi ltdj Fdsa of the Bard Chand.
There is also another modern Nagari inscription of six lines,
dated in Samvat 1707, or A. D. 1710, of the Bundela Rajas of
Chdnderi. Below this there are two Persian inscriptions,
dated in A. H. 1060 and 1061, or A. D. 1651-52, which merely
record the names of visitors.

The only other rerpains of Hindu Delhi arc the nu-
merous pillars which form the colonnades of the Court •of tho
Great Masjid close to the Kutb Minar. The Arabic inscrip-
tion over the eastern entrance of this Court-yard states that,
the materials were obtained from the demolition of 27 idola-
trous temples, each of which had cost the sum of 20 lakhs of
IHlidls. I agree with Mr. Thomasf that the Filial must
have corresponded with the original billon currency of
Prithivi Raja. Now the value of the Dilial was as nearly as
possible the same as that of the Jital or Chital of Ala-uddih
Khilji, 60 of which, as we learn from Perish ta,J were equal
to one flupee. The cost of each of these temples would not,
therefore, have been more than Rs. 40,000, and that of tho
whole number, only Rs. 10,80,000, or £108,000. The cost
of these temples seems excessive when expressed in such

* Kahc Vyds Jagjoti agamu dgamu hojihio,
Tomar, tai Chahuwdn hoi, puni pmi Turkdno^
t Prinaep’s Essayp, I., 326.
t Briggs, I., 360.

170

ARCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1802-03.

small money as Diliah, each coin being worth only a little
more than a half-penny ; but the sum is moderate enough
when it is named in rupees.

Mr. Fergusson* has expressed an opinion that “ it is not
easy to determine whether the pillars now stand as ori-
*' ginally arranged by the Hindus, or whether they have been
“ taken down and re-arranged by the conquerors.” In this
instance he thinks it “ most probable that the former was
“ the case, and that they were open colonnades surrounding
“ the palace of Prithivi llaja hut he presently adds that,

“ if this is so, it is the only instance known of Hindu pillars
“being left undisturbed.” When Mr. Fergusson formed this
opinion, ho was not aware of the fact recorded over the
eastern gateway by the Musulmilu conqueror, that the Great
Masjid had been built of the materials of no less than
twenty -seven Hindu temples. He knew only the common
tradition that on this site once stood th.e palace and temple
attributed to Prithivi Eaja. On this account he may have
supposed that most of these pillars must have belonged to
those buildings, and, therefore, that some of them might pos-
sibly still be in their original positions. • But evidently he
had strong doubts on the subject ; for he repeats his opinion
that, “ if the pillars at Kutb are in situ, it is the only instance
“known of such being the case.” In February 1863 I
examined very minutely the pillared cloisters of the Great
Mosque, and I then came to the conclusion, as recorded in
my note-book at the time, that “ the square about the Iron
“ Pillar is all made up ; the outer- walls are not Hindu ; the
“ pillars are all made up of pieces of various kinds ; the
“ shaft of one kind being placed above that of another for
“ the purpose of obtaining height. The general effect is good ;

“ but a closer inspection reveals the incongruities of pillars,

“ half plain and half decorated, and of others that are thicker
“above than below.” Just ten years later, in January
1863, with Mr. Fergusson’s book in my hand I re-examined
the whole of these pillars with exactly the same result.
Every single pillar is made up of two separate Hindu shafts,
placed one above the other ; and as these shafts are of many
various sizes, the required height is obtained by the insertion
of other pieces between the shorter shafts.! In one instance -

• Hand-book of Architecture, 1418.

t 1 hajire a suspicion that some of the pillars in the Masjid itself may be in tlieir
>rieginal positions. They arc siagle pillars of a large temple* I will examine them minutely
luring the ensuing cold season, 187 1-72.

DELUI.

177

in the north cloister there is a pillar made up of no less than
three shafts of exactly the same pattern, piled one over the
other. This may he seen in Beato’s photograph of this clois-
ter (see the 4th pillar on the left hand). The general effect
of these large rows of made-up columns is certainly rich and
pleasing ; hut this effect is due to the kindly hand of time,
which has almost entirely removed the coating of plaster
with which the whole of these beautifully sculptured pillars
were once barbarously covered by the idol-liating Musalmdns.

The same doubling up of the old Hindu pillars has been
followed in the cloisters of the outer court of the Kutb Minar,
the shaft of one plain pillar being placed over another to obtain
height. A similar re-arrangement may be observed in the
Court of the Jdmai or Dina Masjid of Kanoj, commonly called
Sita-ka-Rasiii, or “ Sita*s kitchen.”

The number of decorated pillars now remaining in the
court-yard of the Great Mosque around the Iron Pillar is,
as nearly as I could reckon them, 310 ; but as the cloisters
are incomplete, the original number must have been much
greater. My reckoning makes them 450. In the interior
of the Great Mosque itself there arc 36 pillars now remain-
ing, of a much larger size and of a somewliat different stylo
of decoration. When the Mosque was complete there must
have been not less than 76 of these pillars. Of the plainer
pillars in the court-yard of the Kutb Minar I counted' 376,
but the total number required to complete the cloisters would
be about 1,200.

I have given these figures in detail for the purpose of
corroborating the statement of the MusalmAn conqueror,
with regard to the number of temples that were standing in
Dilli at the close of the Hindu power. The usual number of
columns in a Hindu temple is from 20 to 30, although a few:
of the Ihrger temples may have from 50 to 60. But those
are exceptional cases, and they are more than balanced by
tbe greater number of smaller temples, which have not more
than 12 or 16 pillars. The great temple of Vishnupad at
Gaya has 50 pillars, and Mr. Fergusson mentions tliat a
temple of 66 pillars was the most extended arrangement that
he had met with under a single dome.* The magnificent

^ llludiratious of Indian Arohitwturo, Inirod., p. 18,

178

ARCn^OLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63.

temple at Ghandrdvaii, near Jhdlra Pdtan, and the pillared
temple of Ganihai, at KajrdhOy liavc only 28 columns each.
The Betroli temple has 24 columns, the great temple at
Bindrdban has only 16, and the Chaori, in the Mokandra
Pass, has not more than 12. ' Hut there are many temples
that have even fewer pillars than these ; as, for instance, that
of 31dta Devi, in Gwalior, which lias only G pillars, and that
of Chatur Blivja, also in Gwalior, which has not more than
4 pillars. Taking these temples as fair specimens of many
various styles and ages, the average number of pillars in a
Hindu fane is between 24 and 25, or, if the extremes bo
omitted, the average number is 21. Accepting these num-
bers as a fair guide, we may set down the 76 pillars of the
Great Masjid as the spoils of at least 2, but more probably
of 3 temples, each equal in size to the magnificent fane at
Chandrilvati. Similarly the 453 pillars of the court of the
Masjid will represent the spoils of not less than from 18 to
22 temples, of 20 and 25 columns each. These numbers
added together give a total of from 20 to 25 temples, which
agrees so nearly with the number recorded in the Muham-
madan inscription, as to leave no doubt whatever of the tnxth
of the conqueror’s boast that the Masjid was built of the
spoils of 27 temples.

A curious confirmation of the average size of those
temples has been afforded by a discovery which I first made
in 1853, and which I completed during the present year 18G3.
In the south-east corner of the cloisters of the Great Mosque,
the pillars, with bases and capitals complete, are nearly all of
one style and size, and quite different from the other columns.
Now, the bases, shafts, and capitals of these pillars are mim~
hered, the highest number discovered being 19. I found 15
numbered shafts, of which No. 13 is in the north cloister, far
away from its fellows. I found also 13 numbered bases, and
7 numbered capitals ; but only in one instance, that of No. 10,
do the numbers of base, shaft, and capital, as they now stand,
agree. Hero, then, we have a direct and convincing proof that
these particular pillars have all been re-arranged. The total
number of shafts discovered was only 15, but they were all
numbered. Of the bases I discovered 19, of which 4 were
square, and 15 had the angles recessed like all the shafts.
Of the capitals, all of one uniform pattern, I found 20, of
which one was. inscribed with the No. 19. Trom all these

O.G

DELHI.

Hate rjDCm

Ariastatisecl al the Surveyor Cioncr-ir^i OlTico, Calcutt-a.

171 )

facts I conclude, with a probability amounting almost to cer-
tainty, that the temple from which thesd pillars were obtained
•consisted of 20 columns only. On No. 1 2 shaft there is the
word Kachal in Nagari letters on ono face, with the date of
1124 on another face, whieli, referred to the Vikramuclitya
Sammt^ is equivalent to A. D. 1067, at which time
Anang P^l II., the founder of Lalkot, was reigning in

Dim.

But the mason’s marks on the stones of this temple
were not confined to the pillars, as I discovered them on no
less than 13 different portions of its entablature. These
marks are more than usually detailed ; but, unfortunately, in
spite of their length and apparent clearness, I am still unable
to make them out completely.^

The marks are the following :

A . — Chapa Vida 3 ...

11 . — Chapa Vida 4i

C. — Fur/utJci 4

11 . — Pdehufei 5 pachhini ...

E. — Vi Chaothe

E. — Vi panohama

G . — Frathama Ddshen

IT . — Fachchhlm Raid Ddshea

K. — Fur ah Fraihama

L. — Furab 3 ... ...*

M. — Fachchhhn Ra 3 A-(ge ?)

N. — Fachchhlm Raki pachchhe

O. — Fachckhim Raid 6 pachchhe

Upper Vida (?) No. 3

Ditto (?) No. 4

Rear (?) No. 4

Rear (?) No. 5 west,

Vida (?) fourth.

Vida (?) fifth.

Eirst Architrave.

West side Architrave.

East first.
l^Last No. 3.

West side No. 3., front?

W ost side back.

West side No. 6, back.

There is a peculiarity about the numbers of the pillars
which is worthy of note. Each cypher is preceded by the
initial letter of the word for that number. Thus, 3 is preceded
by ti for tln^ 10 by da for das^ and 16 by so for solah. Tlie
same style of marking would appear to have been used for
a second temple, as I found a pillar of another pattern with
the number dti 2, and a pilaster of the same kind with

* Seo Plate XXXVTI. for copies of these niasou’s marks, anil a drawing of one of the
pillars. During a visit of a few hours in the present year, 1S71, 1. found two numhered pillars
of a different kind, with the Nos. 2 and 19, showng that a second temple, destroyed the
Muhamniadaijs, must have been sLip]>oi ted on not less than 20 pillars. 1 found ,\lso a masoira
record of live lines on a third variety of pillar, hut the letters arc faint and difficult to read.
3 can make out a notice of 7 + 6 + 0 + 8, or 20 pillars altogether, of which 1 discovoied 6
in the cloisters.

180

ARCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

i 19.* Sixteen bases of the first pillar have recessed
angles, and four are plain squares. In this case the temple
would have had 4i pillars (probably an outer row) of one
pattern, and 16 of another kind^ hut all of the same height.

The dimensions of these inscribed pillars arp as follows :

Ft.

In.

Ft.

In.

Capital j

\ ITpper
[ Lower

member^ with brackets...
ditto

Shaft

. ,

ll-i

Base j

f Upjicr

portion J ornamented

1 ’

[ Lower

ditto plain

Total height ... 8 3

The only other Hindu remains are the two forts of
Lnllcot and Mai Pithora, which together formed the old
Hilli of the Musalinfins, after ' the building of a new fort
of Siri by Ala-ud-din Khilji. Of these two, the older fort
of LAlkot has hitherto remained unknown, being always
described by Musalmiins as a part of the fort of Eai Pithora.
It is called Siri by Lieutenant Burgess, who made a survey
of the ruins of Dilli in 1849-50, and the same name is given
to it by Messrs. Cope and Lewis in their interesting account
of Mruzabad, published in the Journal of the Archmological
Society of Delhi for 1860. The reasons which induce me
to identify this fort with the Ldlkot of Anang PM have
already been given when speaking of the re-founding of Dilli,
and the xeasons which compel me to reject its identification
with Siri will be detailed when I come to speak, of that
place.

The Port of Ldlkot, which was built by Anang P41 in
A. D. 1060, is of an irregular rounded oblong form, miles
in circumference. Its walls are as lofty and as massive as
those of TughlakdJ)dd, although the blocks of stone are not

♦ These two pillars are 4 feet lOj inches high, and lit} inches square. I found 13 pillars
of almost tlie same pattern, but of somewhat largo dimensions, being 5 feet 3} inches high,
and 134 inches square. The commonest i)illar is of a similar pattern, but with the addition
of human figures on the lower faces of the shaft, and a deep recessed ornament at the top
of 'the shaft. Of this kind I counted 78 pillars during my last visit in the present year

DELHI.

181

SO colossal. By different measurements I found the ram-
parts to bo from 28 to 30 feet in thickness, of which the
parapet is just one-half. The same thickness of parapet is also
derived from the measurement given by Ibn Batuta in A. D.
1340, who says that the walls were eleven cubits tliick.
Accepting this measure as the same that was in use in Biruz
Shah’s time, namely, of 16 inches, as derived from the length
of Biruz Shah’s pillar, the thickness of the walls of old
Dilli was 14f feet. These massive ramparts have a general
height of 60 feet above the bottom of the ditch, which still
exists in very fair order all round the fort, except on the south
side, whore there is a deep and extensive hollow that was
most probably once filled with water. About one-half of
the main walls are still standing as firm and as solid as when
they were first built. At all the salient points there are
large’ bastions from 60 to 100 feet in diameter. Two of the
largest of these, which arc on the north side, are called the
Fateh Burj and the Sohan Burj. The long lines of wall
between those bastions are broken by numbers of smaller
towers well splayed out at the base, and 45 feet in diameter
at top, with curtains of 80 feet between them. Along the
base of these towers, which are still 30 feet in height, there
is an outer lino of wall forming a raoni or faussebraie, which
is also 30 feet in height. The parapet of this wall has en-
tirely disappeared, and the wall itself is so much broken, as
to afford an easy descent into the ditch in many places. The
upper portion of the counterscrap walls has all nearly fallen
down, excepting on the north-west side, whore there is a
double lino of works strengthened by detached bastions.

The positions of three of the gateways in the west half
of the fort arc easily recognized, but the walls of the
eastern half are so much broken that it is now only possible
to guess at the probable position of one other gate. The
north gate is judiciously placed in the re-entering angle
close to the Bateh Bfiij, where it still forms a deep gap in
the lofty mass of rampart, by which the cowherds enter
with their cattle. The west gate is the only one of which
any portion of the walls now remains. It is said to have
been called the Banjit gate. This gate- way was 17 feet wide,
and there is still standing on the left hand side a large up-
right stone, with a grove for guiding the assent and descent
of a' portcullis. This stone is 7 feet in height above the

182

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

rubbish, but it is probably not less than 12 or 15 I’ceti
It is 2 feet 1 inch broad and 1 foot 3 inches thick. The
approach to this gate is guarded by no less than tlireo small
out-works. The south gate is in the southmost angle near
Adliam Khan’s tomb. It is now a mere gap in the mass of
rampart. Ou the south-east side there must, I think, have
been a gate near Sir Thomas Metcalfe’s house, leading
towards Tughlakabad and Mathura.*

Syad Ahmad states, on the authority of Zia Bami, that
the west gate of Kai Pithora’s Port was called the Ghazni
Gate after the Musalmtln conquest, because the Ghazni troops
had gained the fortress by that entrance. I feel satisfied that
this must bo the Ranjit Gate of lAlkot for the following
reasons :

Is^. — The Musalmdns never make any mention of Lal-
kot, but always include it as a part of llai Pithora’s Port.

2nd . — The possession of the larger and weaker fortress
of Rai Pithora could not be called the conquest of Delhi,
while the stronger citadel of Liilkot still held out.

Zrd . — ^The evident care with whidh the approach to the
Ranjit Gate has been strengthened by a double line of works,
and by three separate out-works immediately in front of the
gateway itself, shows that this must have been considered as
the weakest point of the fortress, and therefore that it was
the most likely to have been attacked. Por this reason I
conclude that the Ranjit gate was the one by which the
Musalmans entered Mlkot, the citadel of Dilli, and that,
having proved its weakness by their own success, they at
once proceeded to strengthen the works at this point for their
own seematy. A case exactly similar occurred less than
forty years afterwards, when the Emperor Altamsh, having
gained an entrance into the fortress of Gwalior by the deep
ravine on the west side called Urwdhi, immediately closed it

a massive wall, to prevent his enemies from taking advan-
tage of the same weak point. I believe that the western

* See Plate Ko. XXXVI. for an enlarged plan of Lfilkt^t, showing the positions of tho
different gates. It seems probable that tho western half of L/llkot was once cut off from
the eastern half, as there are traces of walls and ramparts running from the Sohan Bilrj on
the north direct south towards Adham Khan's tomb. I traced these walls as far as ilui
ruined building to the west of Anang P^l’s tank. The western j)ortion would have been
the cituAlel of L&l^ot under Anang Pill, before the accession of liai Pithora. My Assistant,
Mr. J. D. Beglar, has discovered a gateway hi the southern half of this wall, between
Adham Khan's Tomb and the Jog Maya temple.

DELHI.

183

|gate was called the Ghazni Gate for the simple reason only
Ithat Ghazni lies to the west of Delhi.

• The Fort of Eai Pithora, which surrounds the citadel
of Lalkot on three sides, would appear to have been built
to protect the Hindu city oVDilli from the attacks of tlm
Musalmans. As early as A. D. 1100, the descendants of
Mahmud, retiring from Ghazni before the rising power of the
Saljukis, had fixed their new capital at Labor, although
Ghazni still belonged to their kingdom, and was occasionally
the seat of Government. But a new and more formidable
enemy soon appeared, when the celebrated Muaz-uddin Sam,
commonly called Muhammad Ghori, after capturing the cities
of Multan and Parshawar, appeared before Labor in A. D,
1180, and put an end to the Ghaznavide dynasty by the
capture of their capital in A. D. 1186. The danger w^as
now imminent, and only a few years later we find the
Ghori King in full march on Ajmer. But the Raja of
Dilli was well prepared for this invasion, and, with tlie aid
of his allies, he defeated the Musalmans with great slaughter
at Tilaori, midway between Karntll and Thanesar. As the
first appearance of the formidable Ghoris before Labor
corresponds so nearly with the accession of Prithivi Raja,
I think it very probable that the fortification of the city of
Hilli was forced upon the Raja by a well-grounded apprehension
that Dilli itself might soon be attacked ; and so it happened,
for within two years after the battle of Tilaori the Raja was
a prisoner, and Dilli was in the possession of the Musalmans.

The circuit of Rai' Pithora’s Port is 4 miles and 3
furlongs, or just three times as much as that of Lalkot. But
the defences of the city are in every way infeiaor to those
of the citadel. The walls arc only half the height, and the
towers are placed at much longer intervals. The wall of the
city is carried from the north bastion of LAlkot, called Fateh
Burj,Aib the north-cast for three-quarters of a mile, where
it turns to the south-east for l^- mile to the Damdama Burj,
Prom this bastion the direction of the w'all for about one mile
is south-west, and then north-west for a short distance to the
s'outh end of the hill on which Azim Khan’s tomb is situated.
Beyond this point the wall can be .traced for some distance
to the north along the ridge which was most probably
connected with the south-east corner of Lalkot, somewhere
in the neighbourhood of Sir T. MetcaKe’s house.

184

AUCHyEOLOGICAL REPOET, 18G2-63.

The Fort of Rai Pithora or T)clhi Proper is said to liavo
had nine gates besides the Ghazni Gate,* most of which can
still be traced. Tliree arc on the west side, of which two
belong to the citadel of Lalkot, and the third has a small out-
work. There were five on the north side, towards Jahanpanah,
and one on the east side, towards Tughlakabad, which must
have been the Badaon Gate, tliat is so often mentioned in early
Muhammadan history. There must also have been one gate
on the south side, which would have been close to . Sir T.
Metcalfe’s house. Such was the Hindu City of Dilli when it
W'as captured by the Musahnans in January 1191. The circuit
of its walls was nearly 4| miles, and it covered a space of
ground equal to one-half of the modern Shahjahanftbad, the
Capital of the Mogul Sovereigns of India. It possessed 27
Hindu temples, of which several hundreds of richly carved
pillars still remain to attest both the taste and the wealth of
the last Hindu Rulers of Dilli.

MUHAMMADAN REMAINS.

The first Musalmiln Sovereigns of Delhi are said to have
remained content with the fortress of Rai Pithora, although
it seems highly probable that they must have added to the
defences of the west gate, by which they had entered Mlkot,
the citadel of the Hindu Kings. But though the first
Musalman Kings did not build huge forts or extensive cities
to perpetuate their names, yet in the Great Mosque and
magnificent column of Kutb-uddin Aibcg, as well as in the
richly carved tomb of Altamsh, they have left behind them
a few noble works, which are in every way more worthy of
our admiration.

The Great Mosque of Kutb-uddin was called the J&ma
Masjid, according to the inscription over the inner archway
of the east entrance. But it is now more commonly known
as the Masjid-i-Kutb-ul Islam, or the “ Mosque of the Polo
Star of Islamism,” a name which appears to preserve that of
its founder. It seems probable, however, that the Kutb
Mosque, as well as the Minar, may have been named after
the contemporary Saint Kutb-uddin Vshij whose tomb is
close by. Syad Ahmad adds that the Mosque was also called

* MalfuzAt-i-Timuri, or Autobiography of Timur, in DowBon’s edition of Sir H. M. Elliot’b
Hiatory — 111., "448. — So alao Sharafuddin in the Zafar inDowson’s Elliot, 111., 504.

DELHI.

185

llie Adina Masjicl. This Great Mosque, which even in ruin
is one of the most tnagnilicent works in the world, was seen
vky Ibn Batuta* about 150 years after its erection, when ho
describes it as having no equal, either fo» beauty or extent.
In the time of Timur, the people of old Delhi prepared to
defend the Great Mosque, but they were all, according to the
Muhammadan Historian Sharaf-uddin, despatched by the
sword “fo the deepest hell.” The Mosque is not mentioned
by Baber, although he notices the Minar and the tomb of
Khwajq Kutb-uddin, wliich he perambulated. t It is not
mentioned either by Abul Fazl ; but no inference can bo
drawn from his silence, a/ he does not even allude to the
Kutb Mini\r. The Minar itself was repaired during the
reign of Sikandar Lodi ; but we hear nothing of the Great
Mosque,*from which, perhaps, it may bo inferred either that
it was still in good order, or that it was too much ruined to
be easily repaired. I conclude that the latter was the case,
as it seems probable that the permanent removal of the
court from Delhi to Binlzabad must have led to the gradual
abandonment of the old city. We have a parallel case in the
removal of the Hindu court from Kanoj to the Bilri in the
time of Mahmud of Ghazni. This removal took place in
A. D. 1022 and in A. D. 1031, or within ten years, Abu
Ilihan records that Kanoj having been deserted by its' ruler,
“ fell to ruin.*’

The Great Mosque of Kutb-uddin was begun imme-
diately after the capture of Delhi in A. H. 587, or A. D.
1191, as recorded by the King himself in the long inscrip-
tion over the inner archway of the east entrance. This is
the reading of the date given by Syad Ahmad, and Mr. Thomas
has shown good grounds for its being the true date. My own
reading was 589, taking tisa or nine, where Syad Ahmad
reads saha or seven, but the two words arc so much alike that
tlujy ^.y be read differently by different people. Mr. Thomas
has pointed out that Ibn Batuta read the unit as arha or four.
In this inscription, as well as in the shorter one over the
outer archway of the same gate, Kutb-uddin refrains from
calling himself by the title of Sulttln, which he bestows on
his Suzerain Mufiz-uddin in the inscription over the north

♦ Travels, p. 111.
t Memoirs, p. 308.

180

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1802-63.

gateway. This last inscription, is dated in A. H. 692. And
here I have to notice the omission of two points in the Syad’s
copy of the second number of the date. In my copy, which
was taken in 1830, I find the word tisam, or “ ninety,” quite
complete. This inscription records that the foundation of
the Masjid was laid in the reign of the Sultan Mu'dz-uddm
Muhammad, bin Sam (in the time of the Khalif) Noser,
Chief of the Paithful. The date of A. H. 592, or A. D. 1196,
must, therefore, I think, be referred to the completion of the
building. It is true that five years may seem but# a short
time for the erection of this Jarge mosque, yet, when we
remember that the whole of the .stones were obtained ready
squared from the Hindu temples on the spot, our wonder will
cease, and any doubts that might have arisen in our minds
will be dissipated at once.

The Jama is not so large as many buildings of

the same kind that have been raised in later years, such as
the great Mosques of Jonpur and others; but it is still
unrivalled for its grand line of gigantic arches, and for the
graceful beauty of the flowered tracery which covers its walls.
The front of the Masjid is a wall 8 feet thick, pierced by a line
of five noble arChes. The centre arch is 22 feet wide and
nearly 63 feet in height, and the side arches arc 10 feet wide and
24 feet high. Through these gigantic arches the first Musal-
mdns of Delhi entered a magnificent room, 135 feet long
and 31 feet broad, the roof of which was supported on five rows
of the tallest and finest of the Hindu pillars. The Mosque is
approached through a cloistered court, 145 feet in length
from east to west, and 96 feet in width. In the midst of the
west half of this court, stands tho celebrated Iron Pillar, sur-
rounded by cloisters formed of several rows of Hindu columns
of infinite variety of design, and of most delicate execution.
There are three entrances to the court of the Masjid, each 10 feet
in width, of which the eastern entrance was the princip.al cue.
The southern entrance has disappeared long ago, but the
other two are still in good order, with tWr interesting
inscriptions in large Arabic letters.

I have already noticed that the whole of the beautiful
Hindu pillars in these cloisters were originally covered with
plaster by the idol-hating Musalm(tns as the readiest way of
removing the infidel images from the view of true believers.
A distinct proof of this may be seen on two stones in the north

xxxF//r

MASJID

KUre UL ISLAM

ALAI' MINAR

i'f

I ^

NORTH SIDE

Ll i ! ALTAMSH A D. 1820

/'I

KUTB'UL ISLAM I

O IKON PILLAR

KUTB-UD DIN-A 0 1191

SOUTH SIDE

C A ST SIDE

I added

ALA’UO'DIN A.D 1800

ALTAMSH - A-D- 1220 KUTB-MINAR

ri u u-tr * ir ■« i» n o vw tr w Ti w o'u n u v u u’lr'on -[■-'•

10 noDocjaanciu

Liiuo. at the Survr. Genl’a. Office. Cal October 1871

DSLIIT.

187

side of the court, one fixed in the inner wall in the north-east
angle just above the pillars, and the other in the outer wall
vjjetween the north gate and the north-east corner. The inner
sculpture represents several well known Hindu gods, — 1st,
Vishnu, lying on a couch .with a lotus rising from his
navel, and covered by a canopy, with two attendants, one
standing at his head and one sitting at his feet ; 2nd, a seated
figure not recognized; 3rd, Indra^ on his elephant; 4th,
Brahma, with three heads seated on his goose ; 6th, Siva, with
his trident seated on his bull Nandi i Ctli,- a figure with lotus
seated on some animal not recognized. The outer sculpture is
of a different description. The scene shows two rooms with a
half-opened door between them. In each room there is a female
lying on a couch with a child by her side, a canopy over her
head, and an attendant at her feet. In the left-hand room two
females are seen carrying children towards the door, and in
the right-hand room two others are doing the same. The
whole four of these females appear to be hastening towards
the principal figure in the right-hand room. I am unable
to offer any explanation of this very curious scene, but as it
is very unlikely that these figures would have been exposed
to the sight of the early Musalmflns, I conclude that these
stones must also have been capfully plastered over.

During the reign of Altamsh, the son-in-law of Kutb-
uddin, the Great Mosque was much enlarged by the addition
of two wings to the north and south, and by the erection of
a new cloistered court on the north, east, and south sides,
so as to include the Kutb Minar in the south-east corner
of the enclosure. The fronts of the two wing buildings are
pierced by three arches each, the middle arches being 24 feet
span, and the side arches 13 feet. Tlie walls are of the same
thickness, and their ornamental scrolls are of the same
deli(;ate.and elaborate tracery as those of the original Mosque.*
ilj hc w hole front of the Jama Masjid, with its new additions,
is 384 feet in length, ’which is also the length of its cloistered
court, the breadth being 220 feet. The wall on the south side
of the court, as well as the south end of the cast wall, are
fortunately in good preservation, and, as about three-fourths
of the columns are still standing, we are able to measure the
size of the enclosure with precision, and to reckon the number

Sco plate No. XXXVII. for a plan of the original Masjid and its additions.

188

ARCHEOLOGICAL RBRORT, 1862-G3.

of columns with tolerable certainty. The number of columns
in the new cloisters must have been as nearly as possible
300, and as each of them consists of two Hindu shafts, the
Avhole number of Hindu pillars thus brought into use could
not have been less than 600. • By ray measurements the
new court is 362 feet long and 220 feet broad, inside the
the walls, of which the Avest Avail, which is the front of the
Masjid, is only 8 feet thick, the other Avails being 11 feet
thick. In the south-east corner of this great quadrangle
stands the majestic column called Kulh Minar, Avithin 11 feet
of the line of cloister pillars on the south, and extending into
the middle of the cloister on the cast side.

At a later date the court of the Great Mosque was still
further enlarged by Alauddin Khilji, by the addition of a
largo ohoistered enclosure on the cast side, equal in size to.
more than one-half of the court of Altamsh. Tliis Avork is
described by the contemporary poet Amir Khusru,* Avho says
that the “ Sultan determined ui)on adding to and completing
the Masjid-i-Jami of Shams-uddiu by building beyond the
three old gates and courts a fourth with lofty pillars, and
■upon the surface of the stones he engraved verses of the
Kuran in such a manner as could not be done even on wax ;
ascending so high that you Avould think the Kuran Aras going
to heaven, and again descending in another line so low that
you would think it Avas coming doAvn from heaven. * * *

lie also repaired the old Masjids, of AA’hich the Avails Avere
broken or inclining, or of Avhich the roof and domes had
fallen.” I have given this important passage at some length,
as its purport does not seem to be quite clear. Mr. Thomas
understands it to affirm that the long lino of noble arches of
the great Masjid itself Avere built by Alauddin,! and certainly
the description of the engraved lines of the Kuran mcendUuj
and descending is more applicable to these arches than to any
other portion of the Great Kutb buildings. I think, hewoAXiv,
that Amir Khusru must refer to the engraved lines of Tughm
on the Alai Darwdza, which ascend and descend in the same
way as those on the great arches of the Mosque. It may bo
argued that the inscriptions may have been added by Alaud-
din to the arches built by his predecessors Aibcg and Altamsh.

* Sir II. M. Elliot’s Muliainmaclan Historians, by Dowsoii, III., 69.

t Chroniclos of the Pathaii Kings of Delhi, p. 156.

DELni,

189

I confess, however, that my own opinion is strongly in favour
of the contemporaneous engraving of the inscriptions, and of
M,lie erection of the long line of noble arches hy the earlier
Kings Aibcg and Altamsh. I rest my opinion not only on
the positive statement of Hasan Niz^bmi, a contemporary of
Aibeg, who records that Kutb-uddin “ built the Jilmi Masjid
at Delhi,” and covered it with “ inscriptions in Tughra con-
taining the divine commands,”* but also on the shape and
construction of the arches, and the form of the letters,
both of which correspond with those of the Altamsh Masjid
at Ajmer, while they differ entirely from those of the Alai
Darwaza and Khizri Masjid of the time of Alauddin. I note
first that the four remaining arches of Kutb-uddin’s Mosque
are ogee in shape like those of the Groat Mosque at Ajmer,
aud quite different from the pointed and horse-shoe arches
of Alauddin. I note next that the upright letters of the
Kutb Masjid are very nearly of uniform thickness, thus
agreeing with those of the dated inscriptions on the gateways,
Avhile those of Afauddin’s time arc invai'iably much broader
at top thau at bottom. Lastly, I note that the undulated
^lov^'er stem, which forms the ornament of the main line of
inscription on the central arch of the Mosque, is exactly the
same as that of the inscription on the north gate which is
dated ill A. H. 594.t

•

During the present century, much speculation has been
wasted as to the origin of the Kutb Minar, whether it is a
purely Muhammadan building, or a Hindu building altered
aud completed by the conquerors. The latter is undoutedly
the common belief of the people, who say that the pillar was
built by llai Pithora for the purpose of giving his daughter
a view of the Diver Jumna. Some people even say that the
intention was to obtain a view of the Ganges, and that the Kutb
Minar having failed to secure this a second pillar of double
xTli^-BiKc was commenced, but the work was interrupted by the
conquest of the Musalmans. The first part of this tradition
was warmly adopted by Sir T. Metclafe, and it has since found
a strong advocate in Syad Ahmad, whose remarks arc quoted
^^ith approval by Mr. Cooper in his recent hand-book for

* Sir H. M. Elliot’s Historian^ by Dowsou, II., p. 222.

t Compare this dated insciiption No. 7, plate XIII. of the Astir us Sunn^ldid, with
any Urge photograph of the Kutb arches.

190

AKCII^OLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63.

Delhi. Syad Ahmad, however, refers only the basement
storey to Rai Pithora ; hut this admission involves the whole
design of the column, which preserves the same marked cha- .
racter throughout all the different storeys. The Hindu
theory has found a stout opponent in Colonel Slecman, who
argues that the great slope of the building “ is the peculiar
characteristic of all architecture of the Pathans,” and that
the arches of the Great Mosque close by it V all correspond
in design, proportion, and execution to the tower.”*

Mr. Cooper t recapitulates Syad Ahmad’s arguments,
and finally states as his opinion that it “ remains an open
question whether this magnificent pillar was commenced hy
the Hindus or Muhammadans.” 1 must confess, however,
that I am myself quite satisfied that the building is entirely a
Muhammadan one, both as to origin and to design; although,
no doubt, many, pcrliaj)s all, of tlie beautiful details of
t he richly decorated balconies may be Hindu. To me these
decorations seem to he purely Hindu, and just such as may
be seen in the honey-comb enrichments of the domes of most
of the old Hindu temples. I^he arguments brought forward
in support of the Hindu origin of the column arc the
following :

Is/. — “ That there is only one Mhiar, which is contrary
to the prhctice of the Muhammadans, who always give two
Minars to their Masjids.” I allow that this has been the
practice of the Muhammadans for the last three hundred
years at least, and I will even admit that the little corner
turrets or pinnacles of the Kdla, or KaUn, Monjid of Piruz
Shah, may be looked upon as Minars. This would extend
the period of the use of two Minars to the middle of the
14th century ; but it must bo remembered that these little
turrets of Piruz Shah’s Masjid arc not what the Musalmans
call Mdzinahs, or lofty towers, from the top of which t he
Muazzin calls the faithful to prayer. But the Kutb Mirfar
is a Mdzinah ; and that it was the practice of the early
Muhammadans to build a single tower, we have the most
distinct and satisfactory proofs in the tw^o Minars of Ghazni,
which could not have belonged to one Masjid, as they are
half a mile apart, and of different sizes. These Minars were

* Rambles of an Indian Official, II., 254.

t Hand-book for Delhi, p. 73.

DELHI.

191

' built by Mabmud in the early part of the 11th century, or
about 180 years prior to the erection of the Kutb Minar.
•Another equally decisive proof of this practice is the solitary
Minar at Koel, which was built in A. H. 652, or A. D. 1254,
by Kutlugh Khan, during the reign of Nasir-uddin Mahmud,
the youngest son of Altamsh, in whose time the Kutb Minar
itself was completed. These still existing Minars of Ghazni
and Koel show that it was the practice of the early Muham-
madang to have only one Minar even down to so late a date
as the middle of the 13th century.

2nd . — It is objected that the slope of the Kutb Minar
is much greater thau that of any other known Minars. This
objection has already been satisfactorily answered by Colonel
Sleeman, who says truely that “ the slope is the peculiar cha-
racteristic of the architecture of the Pathans.”

SrcZ. — Syad Ahmad argues that, if the Minar had been
intended as a Mdzinah to tlio Great Mosque, it would have
been erected at one cud of it, instead of being at some distance
from it. In reply to this objection I can point again to the
Koel Minar, whicdi ocoiipic's exactly the same detached posi-
tion with regard to the Jania Masjid of Koel as the Kutb
Minar docs with respect to the Great Mosque of Delhi. • Both
of them arc placed outside the south-east corner of their res-
j)cctive Masjids. This coincidence of position seems to me
suflicient to settle the question in favor of the Kutb Minar
having been intended as a Mfizimih of the Great Mosqud.

Uh . — Syad Ahmad further argues “ that the entrance
door faces the north, as the Hindus always have it,” whereas
the Muhammadans invariably place it to the eastward, as may
bo seen in the unfinished “ Minar of Alauddin to the north
of the Kutb Minar.” Once more I appeal to the Koel
Minar, which, be it remembered, was erected by the son of
tfic •Emperor who completed the building of the Kutb Minar,
and w^hich may, therefore, be looked upon. as an almost con-
temporary work. In the Koel Minar the entrance door is to
tlie north, exactly as in the Kutb Minar. In both instances,
I' believe that it was so placed chiefly for the convenience of
the Muazzin when going to call the faithful to prayer. It
think, also, that Syad Ahmad has overlooked the fact that the
Minars of modern days are “ engaged” towers, that is, they
form the ends of the front wall of the Mosque, and, as the

192 AUCHJEOIiOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3.

back wall of every Mosque is to the westward, the entrances
to the “ engaged” Minars must necessarily be to the eastward.
But the case is entirely different with a solitary disengaged
Minar, of which the entrance would naturally be on the side
nearest to its Masjid. But waiving this part of the discus-
sion, I return to the fact that the entrance of the Koel Minar
is to the northward, exactly the same as in the Kutb Minar,
and that the entrances to the two great tombs of Bahdvxil
Sak, and Buhi'-tiddm in Multan are not to the eastward but
to the southward, as are also tlioso of the Ti\j Mahal, and of
most other modern tombs. The only exception that I know is
the tomb of Altamsh, of which the entrance is to the east-
ward. The argument of Syad Ahmad includes also the posi-
tion of the entrance doors of Hindu buildings, Avhicli, as ho
says, are always placed to the northward. But this is an
undoubted mistake, as a very great majority of Ilindu
temples have their entrances to the eastward. On referring
to my Note books, I tind that, out of 50 tcmplesj of which
I have a record, no loss than 38 have their entrances to the
east, 10 to the west, and only 2 to the north, both of which
last are in the Fort of Gwalior.

— Syad Ahmad further objects that “ it is customary
for the Hindus to commence such buildings without any
platform (or plinth), whereas the Muhammadans always erect
their buildings upon a raised terrace or platform, as may bo
seen in the unfinished Minar of Alauddin Khilji.” In this
statement about the Hindu buildings, Syad Ahmad is again
mistaken, as it is most undoubtedly tlie usual custom of the
Hindus to raise their temples on plinths. I can point to the
gigantic Buddhist temple at Buddha Gaya as springing from
a plinth nearly 20 feet in height. The two largest temples
in the Fort of Gwalior, one Brahmanical and the other Jain,

' are both raised on plinths, so also are the elaborately sculp-
tured temples of Kajrdha, and so are most of the temples iti
in Kashmir. Lastly, the Great Pillar at Chitor has a plinth
not less than 8 or 10 feet in height, as may be seen in
Fergusson’s and Tod’s Drawings, and which Tod* describes
as “an ample terrace 42 feet square.” The smaller pillar *at
Chitor must also have a good plinth, as Fergusson describes
the entrance as at some height above the base. That the

Kjijiisthaii, IL, 761.

BELni.

193

Muhammadans in India also erect their buildings on plinths
or raised terraces, I readily admit ; for, on the same principle
that a Cuckoo may he said to build a nest, the Musalmans
usually placed their buddings on the sites of Hindu temples
which they had previously destroyed. The Mosques at Ma-
thura, Kanqj, and Jonpur, are signal examples of this practice.
The raised terrace is, therefore, only an accidental adjunct of
the Muhammadan building, whereas it is a fundamental part
of the Jlindu structure. But the early Musalmiins did not
place their buildings on raised terraces or platforms, as may
be seen by a reference to the Drawings of Mosques in Syria
and Persia, which are given in Fergusson’s Hand-book.* The
Ghaznivides also, who were the more immediate predecessors
of the Indian Musalmilns, built their Minars at Ghazni with-
out plinths. The contemporary tomb of Altamsh is likewise
without a plinth. From all these facts I infer that the early
Musalman structures in India were usually built without
plintlis, and therefore that the Kutb Miuar is undoubtedly a
Muhammadan building.

5W..~Thc last argument brought forward by Syad
Ahmad is, that bells, which arc used in Hindu worship, are
found sculptured on the lower part of the basement storey of
the Kutb Minar. It is true that bells arc used in the daily
worship of the Hindus, and also that they arc a common
ornament of Hindu columns, as may be seen on most of the
pillars in the cloisters of the Great Mosque. But bells are
no more idolatrous than flowers, which are used in such pro-
fusion in the daily service of the Hindu temples. The fact
is that, where Muhammadan mosques have been built of the
materials stolen from Hindu temples, such portions of archi-
tectural ornament as were free from figures either of men or
of animals, were invariably made use of by the conquerors.
For this reason most of the ornamentation of the early
Muealmdn buildings is purely Hindu. For instance, in the
Jama Masjid of Kanqj, which is built entirely of Hindu ma-
terials, the whole of the concentric circles of overlapping
stones in the central dome, with only one exception, still
preserve the original Hindu ornament unaltered. The ex-
ception is the lowest circle, which is completely covered with
Arabic inscriptions. One of the Hindu circles is made up
solely of the S^DasUJca or mystic cross of the early Indians.
This symbol is essentially an idolatrous one, although it is

AUCnJEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

lost probable that tho Musalmilns were not aware of its
■gnificance. But if tho ornamental bells of the Kutb Minar
re to be taken as a proof of its Hindu origin, even so must
10 ornamental Swastikas of the* Kanoj Masjid be accepted
} evidence to the same effect. It is admitted that this Masjid
built up entirely of Hindu materials, but these have been
cilfully re-arranged by the Moslem Architect to suit the
;quirements of a mosque, so that tho design of the building
strictly Muhammadan, while its ornamentation is purely
-indu. I may add that one of the western pillars that
ipports tho central dome of this mosque is made up of two
d shafts, both of which are decorated with the Hindu bell
id suspending chain.

Tho strong evidence which I have brought forward in
ply to the arguments of Syad Ahmad and others, appears
mo to be quite conclusive as to the origin of the Kutb
inar, which is essentially a Muhammad a n building. But
0 strongest evidence in favor of this conclusion is the fact
at tho Musalmfins of Ghazni had already built two separate
inars of similar design witli angular flutes, whereas the
ly Hindu pillar of an early date, namely, the smaller
lumn at Chitor, is altogether dissimilar, both in plan and
detail. Tho entrance to this Hindu tower is at some
ight above the ground, while that of the Kutb Minar is
solutely on the ground level. The summit of the Hindu
yver is crowned by an open pillared temple of almost the
ue width as tho base of tho building, whereas the cupola
the Kutb Minar is little more than one-sixth of tho
imeter of its base. But this small cupola of less than
eet in diameter was peculiarly adapted for one special
rpose connected with the performance of the Muhammadan
igion. Brom this narrow point tho Muazzin could sum-
m tho faithful to prayer from, all sides by simply tiu'ning
ind and repeating the Izdn^ and on all sides he . jyould
visible to the people. The small size of the cupola,
ich crowns tho Kutb Minar, is a characteristic peculiar
Muhammadan towers for the special reason which I
/•e just mentioned. On this account, therefore, I con-
do that the Kutb Minar is a Mdzinah or Muazzin’s
j^er.

That tho Kutb Minar was actually used as a Mdzinah,
may infer from the -records of Shamsi Sir4j, who about
D. 1380, records tl^at the magnificent Min&r in the JAma
isjid of, old Delhi was built by Sultan Shams-uddin

DELHI.

195

Altamsh. But the fact is placed beyoad all doubt by AbuKcda,
who wrote about A. D. 1300. He describes the Ilazinah of
the JS,ma Masjid at Delhi as made of red stone and very lofty,
with many sides and 360 steps. Now this description can
be applied only to the Kutb Minar, which, as it at present
stands, has actually 379 steps ; but we know that the Minnr
was struck by lightning in the reign of Piruz Shah, by whose
orders it was repaired in A. D. 1368. There is, therefore,
nothing improbable in the account of Abulfeda that the
Minar in his time had only 360 steps. On the contrary I
accept the statement as a valuable hint towards ascertain-
ing the height of the original Minar as comi)letcd by the
Bmpcror Altamsh.*

The object of building this lofty column seems to me to
be clear enough. The first Musalmdn conquerors were an
energetic race, whose conceptions were as bold and daring as
their actions. When the zealous Muhammadan looked on
the. great city of Delhi, the metropolis of the princely Tomars
and the haughty Chohans, his first wish would have been
to humble the pride of the infidel ; his second, to exalt the
religion of his prophet Muhammad. To attain both of these
objects, he built a lofty column, from whose summit the
Muazzin's call to morning and evening prayer could be hoard
on all sides by Hindus as "well as by Musalm^ns. The con-
queror’s pride was soothed by the daily insult and indignity
thus offered to the infidel, while his religious feelings wore
gratified by the erection of a noble monument which toi^cred
majestically over the loftiest houses in the city.

The Kutb Minar, as it stands now, is 238 foot and 1 inch
in height, with a base diameter of 47 feet 3 inches, and an
upper diameter of nearly 9 feet. The base or plinth of the
pillar is 2 feet in height, the shaft is 234 feet and 1 inch, and
the base or stump of the old cupola is 2 feet more ; thus mak- .
ing the whole height 238 feet 1 inch. The shaft is divided
into five storeys, of which the lower storey is 94 feet 11 inches
in height, and the upper storey is 22 feet 4 inches, the two

• * See. Gildomeister Scriptoruin Ardbuni de rebus Indicis. He describes it as built
of red stone.

Of the 379 steps 3 belong to' Major Smith’s cupola, and 37 to the upper storey of
22 feet 4 inches, which leave 339 steps to tho four lower storeys. In Iho time of Abulfeda,
there must consequently have been 21 steps above the fourth storey to make up liis total of
360 steps. These would be equal to 13 feet in height, making the total lieight in* his time
228 feet 9 inches, or 9 feet 4 inches less than at present. This agiecs with the statement
of Firuz Shah, who says — “The Mindra of Sultan Muiz-uddin SAm had been struck by
lightning, I repaired it, and raised it higher than it teas hoforc . — See Dovvsou’s edition of
Sir H. M. Elliot’s Historians, 111,, 3S3. Futuhat-i-Fiiuz Shlihi.

196 ARCHiEOLOGICAL BEPOET, 1862-03.

measurements together being just equal to one-half of the
height of the column. The height of the second storey is
50 feet 8^ inches, that of the third storey is 40 feet 9^ inchesj
and that of the fourth storey is 25 feet 4 inches, or just one-
half of the height of the second storey. There are two
other proportions which may be noticed, as they most pro-
bably entered into the original design of the building. The
column, as it stands now, omitting only the stump of the old
cupola, is just five diameters in height; thus, 47 feet 3. inches,
multiplied by 5, gives 236 feet 3 inches as the height of tho
column, which is only 2 inches in excess of the mean measure-
ment. Again, the lower storey is j ust two diameters in height.
Both of these proportions were, I presume, intentional. But
there is another coincidence of measurements, which is, I think,
too curious to have been intentional, namely, that the circum-
ference of the base is equal to the sum of the diameters
of the six storeys of the building, the old cupola being
considered as a sixth storey.*

As some of the dimensions hero given differ from
those recorded by Ensign Blunt in tho Asiatic Researches, it
is necessary that I should state that they are the mean
results of two sets of measurements, tho first taken by
myself in 1839, and tho other by Sir Erederick Abbott
in 1846. I now give these measurements in detail for

comparison :

A. D. 1839.

A. D. 1846.

Mean.

Blunt.

Ft. In.

Ft.

In.

Ft. In.

Upper storey

... 21 10

22 4

62 6

4ili

... 25 4

25 4

23 0

3rd „

... 40 9

40 0

2iid „

... 50 10

50 0

Basement „

... 95 . 3

94 11

90 0

234 0

234

234 1

Plinth

2 0

236 0

236

236 1

•

Stump of old cupola

2 0

Total present height

••• 238 Q

238

238 1

242 6

* If the fifth Ktorey of tho original pillar boro tho same proportion to the third storey
of eight-nineteenths which the latter bears to tho first storey, then its height would have
boon nearly 17 foot, instead of 13 feet, as mentioned in the previous note. But as the height
of thostei)S iu each of thcfuur lower storeys averages from 74 to 7^ inches, it is most pro-
bable that they were of the same dimensions in tho fifth storey as they are now, or somc^
what over 7 inches.

DELHI.

197

The only way in which I can account for the great
difference of 5 feet in the height of the lower storey between
•Blunt’s measurements taken in 1794 and the actual height
as it now stands, is by supposing that there must have been
an accumulation of rubbish -at the foot of the tower which
would have diminished the actual height of the basement
storey. His heights of the second and third storeys agree
very closely with my measuremfents, but that of the fourth
storey is more than 2 feet short of the true height. The
height of the fifth storey is not given.

In recording Blunt’s measurements Mr. Pergusson has,
I tliink, made a mistake in excluding the cupola from the
ascertained height of 242 feet 6 inches. Blunt distinctly
states that the height of the third storey was 180 feet, which,
deducted from 242|^, will give no less than 62^ feet for the
height of the two upper storeys. But this height, as we know
from present measurements, is only 25 feet 4 inches, plus 22
feet 4 inches, or altogether 47 feet 8 inches, which, deducted
from 62^ feet, leaves 14 feet 10 inches unaccounted for. I
conclude, therefore, that this must have been the height of
the cupola as it stood in A. D. 1794. Accepting this view as
correct, the true height of the Kutb Minar in 1794 must have
been 236 feet 1 inch, plus 14 feet 10 inches, or 260 feet 11
inches.

The base or plinth of the Kutb Minar is a polygon of
24 sides, each side measuring G feet 1-^ inches, or alto'gethcr
147 feet. The basement storey has the same number of faces
formed into convex flutes, which arc alternately angular and
semi-circular. This last fact alone is sufficient to show the
inaccuracy of Blunt’s description of the plan as a polygon of
27 sides,* as any uneven number of faces would have brought
two flutes of the same kind together. In the second storey
the flutes are all semi-circular, and in tho third storey thdy
are all angular. The fourth storey is circular and plain, and
the fifth storey is partially fluted with convex semi-circular
flutes. Bound, the top of each storey runs a bold projecting
balcony, which is richly and elaborately decorated. The three
lower storeys are also ornamented with belts of Arabic writ-
ing, bordered with richly decorated hands. These three
storeys are built entirely of red sand-stone, but there is a

* Asiatic I^cscarclics o£ Bengal; IV., 321;,

198

ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63.

difference in the colours of the stone, that of the second storey
being generally a pale pinkish huff, while that of the third
storey is a dark-red. The whole of the upper part of the -
fourth storey is built of white marble, and there are also two
ornamental bands of white marble in the fifth storey. Ac-
cording to Ibn Batuta,* the pillar was said to hare been built
“ of stones from seven different quaries but I could not
trace more than three different kinds of stone, viz., the grey
quartzose rock of Delhi, the white marble of Jaypur, and the
red sand-stone of the hills to the south of Delhi. If, however,
the different colours of the sand-stone be taken into account,
there are certainly three distinct colom-s, or buff, pink, and
red, which may be considered as forming three distinct varie-
les of sand-stone. The grey quartzose stone is used only
h the interior of the building, and the white marble is con-
ined to the two upper storeys. Inside the pillar tUerc is a
piral staircase of 376 steps from the ground level to .the
>alcony of the fifth storey. Above this, there are three steps
aore to the present top of the stone- work, which once formed
he floor of the paltry pavilion which Major Robert Smith
^as allowed to stick on the top of this noble column.

In 1794, when Ensign Blunt sketched the Kutb Minar,
tie old cupola of Eiruz Shah was still standing, although
luch ruined. Blunt’s rude sketch, as given in the Asiatic
Lesearches, convoys no intelligible idea of the old cupola,
ad is sarcastically compared by Robert Smith to “ a large
x)ne harp.” A better idea of the old cupola will be formed
om an aqua-tint view of the pillar given in Blagdon’s ” Brief
tistory of India,” which was puWishod about 1806.t By
imparing this view with the statement of the Natives that
le old cupola was a “ plain square top on four stone pil-
rs,”$ I think that it would be quite possible to restore the
iper part of the pillar in a style that would harmonize with
e rest of the building. It is difficult, indeed, to conceive
ything more incongruous than the flimsy Mogul pavilion,
xich Robert Smith fixed on the “ top of this grand and
issive specimen of Path^n architecture.” In my Note-book
1839, I find a remark -that “the balustrades of the

* Travels by Dr. Lee, p. 111.

t Most of the views of this book are by Daniell. The value of the letter press may be
red by the name given to the pillar, ‘‘Kuttiill Minor of Delhi.^’

^ Robert Smithes Report in Journal, Archwologicjal Society of Delhi.

DELHI.

199

balconies and tlio plain slight building on tlic top of the pillar
do not harmonize with the massive and richly ornamented
•Path^n architecture.” Major Smith’s pavilion was taken
down in 1847 or 1848 by order of Lord Hardinge. I pre-
sume that this was done at the suggestion of his eldest son,
the present Lord Hardinge, whose known artistic taste and
skill would at once have detected the architectural unfitness
of such a flimsy pavilion for the summit of this noble
column.

On the 1st of August 1803, the old cupola of the Kutb
Minar was thrown down, and the whole pillar seriously in-
jured by an earthquake. A drawing of the pillar, while it
was in this state, was made by Captain Elliot upwards of
two years after the earthquake, but the engraving of this
drawing is too small to show the nature of the balustrades
of the balconies. About this time the dangerous state of
the pillar was brought to the notice of the Governor General,
who authorized the necessary repairs to bo begun at once.
This difl&cult work was entrusted to Major Robert Smith, of
the Engineers, and was completed by the beginning of the
year 1828, at a cost of Rs. 17,000, with a further charge of
more than Rs. 5,000 for clearing the ruins around the pillar.
The intricate nature of some of these repairs can be best
seen and undei’stood by an examination of Mallitte’s large
photograph of the lower balcony. All the forms of the
mouldings have been carefully preserved, but the rich •orna-
mentation has been omitted as too costly, and the new stone-
work is, therefore, quite plain throughout. This part of the
work appears to have been done with much patience and
skill, and Major Smith deserves credit for the conscientious
care which he bestowed upon it. But this commendation
must be confined to the repairs, for the restorations of the
entrance door-way, of the balustrades, and of the cupola, aro
Ultogethcr out of keeping with the rest of the pillar.

• It appears from Major Smith’s report that the old
entrance doorway was still in existence at that time, although
much broken. This being the case, he should have adhered
strictly to the original design, instead of which, to use his
own words, “ the former rude and fractured entrance door of
the base of the column (was) repaired, and improved with
new mouldings, frieze, and repair of the inscription tablet.”
From this statement I infer that the whole of the entrance

200

ARCnvEOLOGTCAL HET’OP.T, 18G2-G3.

doorway is Smith’s own design, a conclusion which has already
been drawn by Mr. Forgusson, w'^ho denounces this work
as being “ in the true style of Strawberry Hill Gothic.”
Perhaps it may not now be possible to recover the original
design, but its main features may be ascertained from the
other three existing doorways. All of these are plain, and
it is evident from Major Smith’s account that the lower door-
Avay was also plain, or, as he calls it, “ rude,” and without
frieze or mouldings, which were added by himself. I con-
fess, therefore, that I should like to see Smith’s doorway
altogether removed, and the old entrance restored in the
simple but massive style of the other doorways. The
entrance of tlie Koel Minar, which is still in existence, is
also plain, and might he studied with advantage.

The flimsy balustrades are even a greater eye-sore than
the modern entrance, as they form a prominent part in every
view of the building. But although not ornamental, they
arc useful, and might on that account alone be tolerated.
It would not, however, be either difficult or expensive to
remove them, and to furnish new balustrades more in
harmony with the rich stylo of the balconies. Ensign Blunt
describes the old bahxstrades as “ small battlements ; ” and
such, I believe, must have been the nature of the original
balustrades, at once rich and massive, like the battlements
of the older tombs. The present balustrades might be sold
with advantage in Delhi, as they belong to the flimsy stylo
of garden-house architeeturc of the present day.

The history of the Kutb Minar is written in its inscrip-
tions. In the basement storey there are six bands or belts of
inscriptions encircling the tower. The uppermost band con-
tains only some verses from the Koran, and the next below
it gives the well known ninety-rdne Arabic names of the
Almighty. The third belt contains the name and praises of
Mudz-uddin, Ahul Muzafar, Muhammad Bin Sdm. The
fourth belt contains only a verse from the Koran, and the
fifth belt repeats the name and praises of the Sultan Muham-
mad Bin SAm. The lowermost belt has been too much
injured, both by time and by ignorant restorations, to admit
of being read, but Syad Ahmad has traced the words “ Amir--
uUUmra, or Chief of the “nobles.” The inscription over
the entrance doorway records that “ this Minar of Sultan
Shams-uddin Altamsh having been injured, w'as repaired during

Di?T,ni.

201

the reign of Sikandcr Shah, son of Bahlol, by Tateh Khan,
the son of Khawits Khan, in A. 11. 909 or A/D. 1603.

• In the second storey the inscription over the doorway
records that the Emperor Altamsh ordered the completion of
thp Minar. The lowermost ‘ belt contains the verses of the
Koran respecting the summons to prayers on Eriday, and the
upper line contains the praises of the Emperor Altamsh.
Over the door of tlic third storey the praises of Altamsh are
repeated, and again in the belt of inscription round the
column. In the fourth storey the door inscription records that
the Minar was oi'dcrcd to be erected during the reign of
Altamsli. The insci’iption over the door of the fifth storey
states that the Minar having been injured by lightning, was
r(!paired by the Emperor Eiruz Shah in A. II. 770 or
A. D. 13GS.

But besides these long inscriptions, which form part of
the architectural ornament of the pillar, tliere are a few other
sliort records wliich are worth preserving. On the basement
storey is recorded the name of Eazzil, son of Abul Muali, the
Mutuwali or high priest ; and on one side of the third storey is
found the name of Muhammad Am/ircho, Architect. On the
same storey, also, there is a short Kilgari inscription in one
line with the name of Mtihammad SuUdn and the date of
Sammt 1382 or A. D. 1326, which was the first year of
Muhammad Tughlak’s reign. On the wall of the fourth
storey there is another Niigari inscription, in two lines, which
is dated in the Samvat year 1426 or A. D. 13G8, in the
reign of Piroj Sdh, or Eiruz Shah Tughlak. A third Niigari
inscription is found on the south jamb of the doorway of the
fourth storey, cut partly on the white marble and partly on the
red sand-stone. This also gives the name of Eiruz Shall, but
the date is one year later than the last, or Smnvat 142G.
This is the longest and most important of tlio Nagari inscrip-
tions, but unfortunately it is not in such a state of preserva-
tion, more especially the upper portion on the wdiite marble,
as to be easily legible. I can make out the words Sri
Viswakarma prasdde ruchita, and towards the end I find the
title of Silpi, or “ Architect,” applied to the son of Chdhada
Deva Pdla, named Nana salha, who repaired the Minar.
But in the middle of the inscription I find no less than five
numbers given in figures, all of which are preceded by the
word gaj, as gaj 22, gaj 3, gaj 2G, gnj 131, and gaj 134. I

n 9

202

’ AKCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-C3.

infer from tiiese measurements that the inscription may pro-
bably be of some importance in determining the nature and
extent of the repairs that were executed by ]?iruz Shah.
As I read one passage of this inscription, the Architect was
obliged to pull down (nipatUJ -a considerable portion of the
pillar.*

It now only remains to ascertain who was the actual
builder of the Kutb Minar. The learned Syad Ahmad
assigns the original building of the basement storey to Eai
Pithora, and its adaptation by the MusalmUns to Kutb-uddin
Aibeg. The name and titles of this King were, he thinks,
engraved in the lowermost band of inscriptions, as the legible
words of this band correspond with a portion of Aibeg’s
inscription over the inner arch of the eastern gateway of the
Great Mosque. The completion of the Minar he assigns to
Altamsh. The claim of the Hindus has already been • fully
discussed and disposed of as altogether baseless. That of
Kutb-uddin Aibeg is founded chiefly on the fact that the
pillar is called by his name, and partly on the fact that the
name of Muhammad Bin Silm is twice recorded on the lower
storey of the column. The occurrence of this name makes
it highly probable that the name of Kutb-uddin Aibeg was
also engraved on this storey, as argued by Syad Ahmed.
With these two names engraved on the basement storey it
seems only natural to conclude that the building of the pillar
was begun by Aibeg during the life-time of his Suzerain,
Muhammad Bin Sitm, and in full accordance with this con-
clusion is the statement recorded over the doorway of the
second storey, that the completion of the pillar was ordered by
Altamsh. Under this view the building of the Minar may
have been begun by Aibeg in about A. D. 1200, and com-
pleted by Altamsh in about 1220.

The other view which attributes the foundation of the
pillar to Altamsh Is based chiefly, I believe, on the state-
ments of Ahulfeda and Shanis-i-Sirdj, which are supported
by the inscription of Sikandar Lodi over the entrance
door of the pillar. Syad Ahmad refers to the inscription

* I may mention that the sum of the two numbers 22 + 26 — 4(8 yaj^ taken at the value
of the gaj obtained from the length of Firuz Shah’s Lfit, namely, 1 6 091 inches, amounts to
62 feet 8i inches, which I would compare with the height of the two upper storeys of 62 feeb
6 inches as derived from Lieutenant Blunt’s measurement, taken before the pillar was injured
by lightning.

DELHI.

203

over the doorway of the second storey, w'hich records that
Altamsh ordered the completion of the Minar, as a proof that
. ho did not commence it. But another inscription over the
doorway of the fourth storey seems to he equally explicit in
assigning the beginning of .the Minar to Altamsh. Both
Syad Ahmad and Nawdb Zia-uddin give the same translation
of this inscription, namely, that “ the erection of this build-
ing was ordered during the reign of Shamsuddin Altamsh.”
It is possible, however, that the order reeorded in this inscrip-
tion in’ay refer to the fourth storey only, and as this limited
view of its meaning will bring the two otherwise conflicting
inscriptions into strict accord with each other, I think that
it may be accepted as the most probable intention of the
insoriber. The statements of Abulfcda, Shams-Sirjlj, and
Sikandar Lodi, all of which agree in calling this pillar the
Minar of Altamsh, may, perhaps, be explained as conveying
only the popular opinion, and are certainly not entitled to
the same weight as the two inscriptions on the basement
storsy which record the name and titles of Muhammad Bin
Silm, the Suzerain of Kutb-uddin Aibeg, whose name is now
attached to the pillar. The absence of Altamsh’s name in
the inscription of the loAver storey is, I think, a conclusive
proof that ho himself did not claim it as his own work.*

According to Syad Ahmad, the Emperor Altamsh erected
five storeys in addition to the basement storey, and another
storey was afterwards added by Eiruz Shah ; thus making,* alto-
gether, seven storeys, of which he says that “ two have fallen
down and five remain to this day.’ But’ both of those state-
ments I believe to be quite erroneous, for the mention of 360
steps by Abulfeda in about A. D. 1300, makes it certain that
the Minar, as completed by Altamsh, could not have been
higher than the present one, which has 379 steps. The five
stories of Altamsh must, therefore, have included the basement
«torey, which, although begun by Aibeg, was most probably
completed by himself. In this state the Minar must have
remained until the reign of Firuz Tughlak, when, having been
struck by lightning, it was repaired by that Emperor in A. H.
•770, or A. D. 1368. The nature and extent of his repairs
may, I think, be gathered from the insciptions ; thus, the
inscription of the fifth storey is placed over the doorway, and

• The Emperor Firuz Shah, ^vho repaired the pillar, calls it “the Mindra of Muiz*ud‘diu
Sam.’ — Dowsou’s edition of Sir H. M. Elliot’s Historians, HI., 383.

201

AUCUiEOLOGICAL EEPORT, 18G2-G3.

there is no record of any other Emperor on this storey. I
conclude, therefore, that the whole of the fifth storey was
re-built % Eiruz Shah. But as there are two inscriptions
of his reign recorded on the fom'th storey, I infer that ho
must have made some repairs, to it also, although these
repairs could not have been extensive, as the inscription
over the doorway of this storey belongs to the reign of
Altamsh.* Under this view the Kutb Minar has always
consisted of fi.ve storeys, from the time of its completion by
Altamsh in about A. I). 1220, down to the present day.

Of the same age as the Kutb Minar is the tomb of the
Emperor Altamsli, who died in A. 11. G33 or A, D. 1235.
It is situated just outside the north-west corner of the Great
Mosque, as enlarged by Altamsh himself. The interior is a
square of 29^ feet, with walls 7^ feet thick, making the
exterior a square of 44 feet. The main entrance is to the
oast, but there arc also openings to the north and south ; and
to the west there is a niche, such as is usually found in a
small mosque. The interior walls are decorated throu^iout
ivith elaborate and highly finished ornament of great beauty,
fhero is no roof to the building, but there is good reason
o believe that it was originally covered by an overlapi)ing
Hindu dome. A single stone of one of the overlapping
circles, with Arabic letters on it, still remains.

The only other buildings connected with the Great
Mosque of Delhi are the beautiful south gateway of the
quadrangle, and the gigantic unfinished Minar, both of which
vere the work of Ala-uddin Khilji, who reigned from A. D.
29G to 1316. The south gateway is called by Syad Ahmad

• See Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 18(»6, j), 205, where Mr. C. J. Campbell, a e.,
rgiics that the whole of the fourth storey wa,s “ newly designed” by Firiiz Shah. I had
Iready come to this conclusion wlnm 1 rc-vi,sitc<l the Kutb Minar in October 1864, and 1 am
lad to have my vi(*ws corroborated by Mr. Caia]>bt'll, whose long resivleiice at Delhi, and*
irly training as a CiVil Engineer, give special weight to his opinion on any architectural
)int. lie juirticularly notices that the arches in the two upper storeys have true vimssoirs,^
hilst in three lower storeys they are all overlapjobig Hindu arches. I agree, therefore, with'
[r. Camijbell that ‘‘the old tablet of Altamsh has been simidy red)uiltinto the new work of
irnz Shah.” But the chief glory of the Kutb MinA,r lies in its deeply fluted shaft, and its
wlui.site balconies of bold design and delicate tracery. All these, it seems, we owe to a®
claimant whose name has not yet been inoutioned. Speaking of the new Mindr which
la-uddm Khilji Inid ordered to he built, Amir Khusrn states that he also “directed that a yinv
sing and cupola should be added to the old one.”-*- Tarikh-i- Alai in Dowson’s edition of Sir
. M. Elliot’s Hi.storians, HI,, 70. From this T concludo that the whole of the present red
one facing was added by Ala-ucldin, and that to his reign wc must assign all that is rich
id beautifid in its decoiation, while the design alone belongs to the time of Kutb-uddin
ibeg. *

DELHI,

205

the Alai Baricdza, or “ Gate of Ala-nddin but this appella-
tion is not known to the people. The age of the building is,
however, quite certain, as the name of Ala-uddin is several
times repeated in the Arabic inscriptions over three of the
entrances, with the addition of his well known title of
Sikandar Sani, and the date of A. n, 710 or A. D. 1310.
This date had already been anticipated, from the style of the
building, by Mr. I'ergusson, who considered the gateway as
at least a century more modern than the tomb of Altamsh.
I'lio building is a s(|uare of 34^- feet inside, and 56 1 feet
outside, the walls being 11 feet thick. On each side there is
a lofty doorway, with a pointed horse-shoe arch ; the outer
('dge of the arch being fretted, and the underside panelled.
'J'he corners of the square are cut off by bold niches, the
head of each niche being formed by a series of five pointed
Jiorse-shoo arches, lessening in size as they I’ctire towards the
angle. The effect of this arrangement is massive and beauti-
ful, and justly merits the praise which Mr. Fergusson* had
bestowed upon it, as “ more simply elegant than any other
Indian example with which he was acquainted.” The
interior walls are decorated with a chequered pattern of
singular beauty. In each corner there are two windows of
the same shape and style as the doorways, but only one-third
of their size. These are closed by massive screens of maffble
lattice-work. The exterior walls arc panelled and inlaid
•with broad bands of white marble, the effect of which, is
certainly pleasing. The walls are crowned by a hattlcmonted
parapet and surmounted by a hemispherical dome. For
1 he exterior view of the building this dome is, perhaps, too
low, but the interior view is perfect, and, taken altogether,
I consider that the gateway of Ala-uddin is the most beauti-
ful specimen of Fathan architecture that I have seen.

The unfinished Minar of Ala-uddin stands due north •
' from the Kutb Minar at a distance of 425 feet. This massive
pillar as it stands at present is built wholly of the rough
shapeless grey stone of the country, and the surface is so
uneven that there can be no doubt it was the Architect’s
intention either to have faced it with red stone, or to have
covered it with plaster. The Minar stands upon a plinth 4^

* Hand-book of Architecure, I., 433.

206

ARCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

feet in width, and the same in height, which is raised upon a
terrace 21 feet in breadth and 7i- in height. The rough mass
of the superstructure is 267 feet in circumference, and 82 feet
in diameter; hut with a facing of red stone, this diameter
would have been increased to at least 85 feet, or nearly double
that of the Kutb Minar, as is usually stated by the people.*
The entrance is on the cast side, and on the north, at same
height, there is a window intended to liglit the spiral Stair-
case. But the steps were never commenced, and there is
only a circular passage 9 feet 9 inches wide around the central
pillar, which is 26 feet in diameter. The thickness of the
outer wall is 18 feet 3 inches, the w^holo pillar being 82 feet
in diameter, as noted above. The total height of the column,
as it now stands, is about 75 feet above the plinth, or 87
feet about the ground level. The outer face of the wall is
divided into 32 sides of 8 feet and inch each. The form
of eacli face or flute is difficult to describe, but it may be
likened to the shape of a crown work in fortification, or to
that of an old Homan M with shallow body and long widely-
splayed limbs, I think it probable that the central angle
of each face, as it now exists in the rough stone, would have
been modified in the red stone facing into a shallow curved
flute. The flutes would have been 4 feet wide and 4 feet
apart, with a deep angle between them. The plinth is also
divided into 32 straight faces, or projections, which are
separated by the same number of depressions of equal
breadth, the whole being exactly like a gigantic cogwheel.
Syad Ahmad states that the building of this Minar was
commenced in A. H. 711 or A. D. 1311 ; but as Ala-uddin
did not die until A. D. 1316, the work was probably stopped
some time before the end of his reign. I suspect, indeed,
that the work was actually stopped in the following year,
as I find from Borishta that in A. D. 1312 the King became
■ so extremely ill that his wife and son entirely neglected
him, w'hile his Minister exercised all the powers of the State,
and even aspired to the throne. As the King never rallied,
it seems not improbable that all the expensive works of Ala-
uddin then in progress may have been stopped by the
Minister, who wished to secure the money for himself.

• Amir KhuRrii, in his TArikh-i-Alfu, distinctly states that he ordered the circumfer^
ence of the new Minar to he double that of the old one, and to make it liiglier in the same
proportion. ^

DELHI.

207

SIRI, OR KItiAII ALAI.

The Port of Siri, with Ala-uddin’s celebrated palace of
The Thousand Pillars,” has been identified by Messrs. Cope
and Lewis, and also by Lieutenant Burgess, the Surveyor of
the ruins of Delhi, with the-citadel of JR,ai Pithora's fort, in
the midst of which stands the Kutb Minar. But in describ-
ing this fort I have already brought forward strong reasons
to-show that it was the ancient Lalkot of Anang Pal, and
I now propose to follow up the same argument by proving
that the’ true site of Siri was the old ruined fort to the north-
east of Rai Pithora’s fort, which is at present called Shilhpur.
A glance at the Sketch Map of the ruins of Delhi,* which
accompanies this account, is all that is necessary to make
the following argument quite clear.

Sharaf-uddin, the historian of Timur, describes Delhi
as consisting of three cities, and as quite distinct from Piruza-
bad, near which the conqueror’s camp was pitched. These
three cities were Siri, JaJidn-panah, and old Delhi. To the
north-east was Siri, the walls of which formed a circle, and
to the south-west was old Delhi, similar in form but larger
than Sh'i, and the space between the two forts, which was
much larger than old Dcllii, was Jahdn-pandh. The rela-
tive sizes and positions of the three cities are here so
accurately described that it is quite impossible to mistake
them. Siri answers exactly to Shdhpur, not only in size
and position, but also in shape ; for, though not circular, it
is certainly oval. To the south-west of Shdhpur lies the fort
of Rai Pithora, which, therefore, corresponds exactly with the
old Delhi of Sharaf-uddin, both in its size and in its position,
and somewhat also in its form, which may be described
as an oblong square with the corners cut off. The name
of old Delhi was appropriately applied to the fort of Rai
Pithora as by far the most ancient of the tlireo cities.-
Between Siri and old Delhi was Jahdn-pandh, a name which
is still applied to the old walled city between Shdhpur and
Rai Pithora’s fort ; and as the size of this city is more than
double that of Rai Pithora’s fort, there can be no doubt what-
oter of its identity with the Jahdn-panah of former days.

I now turn to Perishta’s account of Turghai Khan’s
invasion of India during the reign of Ala-uddin, the founder

• See PUte No. XXXV.

208 AUCTT^OLOGICAL REPOUT, 1SG2-G3.

of Siri. In A. H. 703 or A. B. 1303 the Mogul Chief
reached Delhi with 120,000 horse and encamped on the
bank of the Jumoa, most probably about the spot where
Humayun’s tomb now stands, as that is the nearest point of
the river towards old Delhi.- “ The King,” as Eerishta
relates, “ was in no condition to face the enemy on equal
terms, and, therefore, contented himself with entrenching his
infantry on the plain beyond the suburbs till he could
collect the forces of the distant districts.” But after tlio
lapse of two months the Mogul troops were seized with a
panic, and retreated precipitately to their own country.
The historian then relates that “ Ala-uddin, relieved from the
perils of this invasion, caused a palace to bo built on tha
spot ichere he hud entrenched himself, and directed the
citadel of old Delhi to be pulled down and built anew.”*
Now the sj)ot where the King entrenched lumself may be
fixed with some pnjcision, partly from Ecu’ishta’s description
that it was outside the suburbs, and partly from the strategi-
cal consideration that it must have been on the north-cast,
side facing towards the enemy, and covering the city. On
this side the suburbs of old Delhi extended for a consider-
able distance. Wo know, also, that they w'cre without walls,
because the Moguls plundered tlicm during their stay, and
because they were afterwards enclosed by Muhammad
Tughlak, when they received the separate name of Jahan-
pani\h. Immediately in front of these suburbs, and facing
towards the enemy, is the old ruined fort of Shahpur, and
inside the western half of this fort there still exist the re-
mains of a large palace and other buildings. This should
be the site of the celebrated Kusr-Ilazdr-Stitdn, or “ Palace
of One Thousand Pillars,” otherwise Hazdr Mindr, or
“ thousand minarets,” wliich Ala-uddin built on the spot
where he had entrenched himself.

There is yet one more evidence which I can bring forward
in favour of the identification of Siri witli Shahpur. In the
AiuAkbari it is related that Shu* Shah destroyed the city built
by Ala-uddin, which wus called Siri, and founded another.t
Again, in the Araish-i-Mahfil it is recorded that Shir Shah
pulled down the Kushak Sabz, or the “ Green Palace,” and

* Brigg’s translation, I., 354.
t Gladwin’s translation, 11., 80*.

DELHI.

209

built a new city. Syad Ahmad repeats the same story,
adding that the materials of the old fort and palace of Siri
•were used in the construction of the now fort of Shir-Sliah-
Kot. Erom these accounts it is quite certain that Siri
cannot be identified with the citadel that surrounds the
Kutb Minar, for the walls of Siri were pulled down
and the materials removed by Shir Shah, while the walls
of the Kutb Minar Citadel are still standing. And, further,
it seems almost certain that Shfihpur must be Siri, because
of its vicinity to the neyr site of Shir Shah’s fort, for it is
hardly possible to believe that the King ivould have brought
his building stones from the Kutb Minar, a distance of seven
miles, when he could have obtained them from Shithpur,
which is only half the distance. That he did obtain his
materials from the latter place, and not from the former, may
be regarded as almost certain, for the very sufficient reason
that the walls of Shtllipur have actually been removed, while
those of the Kutb Citadel are still standing.

Tlie only evidence in fixvour of the identification of
Siri with the Kutb Citadel is the fact which Eerishta records,
that the citadel of old Delhi was re-built by Ala-uddin, and
the existence near the Kutb Minar of the remains of an
old Palace, which still bears this King’s name.* As the
historian does not mention the new city of Siri, it would
seem to have been inferred that the re-hiiilding of the citadel
of old Delhi was only a perverted account of the founding
of the new eity of Siri. I see no reason, however, why
Eerishta’s statement should not be accepted exactly as it
stands, for, on summing up the works of Ala-uddin, ho
reeordst that, during his reign, “Palaces, Mosques, Uni-
versities, Baths, Mansolea, Forts, and all kinds of public
and private buildings seemed to rise as if by magic.”- As
from this account it would appear that Ala-uddin built
ihore than one fort, and founded more than one palace,
I see no diflSculty in assigning to him the building of the
palace near the Kutb Minar, and the re-building of the
citadel of old Delhi, as well as the founding of the new
c'ity of Siri and its celebrated Palace of Kasr-Rasdr-svliln,
or “ The Thousand Pillars.” Much stress has been laid u})on
another statement made by Eerishta regarding the meeting

* Accorrling to Lieutenant Burgess’ Map of the Kuius of Delhi.

t Brigg’g translation, 1., 355.

c 2

210 ARCnJEOLOGICAL KEPORT, 1862-63.

of Nusrat Sliab and Mullu Khan in the Palace of Siri at the
tomb of Khwaja Kutb-uddin Bakhti^r Kdki. But this state-
ment, and others connected with the confused history of this
period, only shows that Porishta was not well acquainted
with the topography of ancient 'Delhi. Thus he records that
Mahmud Shah occupied old Delhi, and Nusrat Shah held
Firuzahad, while Siri was in the possession of Mulld Khan
and other Nobles who professed neutrality. Ho then relates
that’Mullh. made overtures to Nusrat, who came to Siri, when
a mutual compact was sworn at the tomb of Khwaja Kutb-
uddin in Siri. But as this tomb is close to the Kutb Minar,
and within the walls of the citadel of old Delhi, which was
then held by Mahmud, it icould have been impossible for
Nusrat and Mnllu (o have met there.* * * § I would suggest
that the place of meeting may have been the shrine of the
famous Saint called Chirdgh Delhi, or the “ Lamp of Delhi,”
which is just outside the south-east corner of Sh^hpur or

My identification of Siri with Shahpur has been con-
tested by Mr. C. J. Campbell, c. E.+ I have now gone over
the whole subject again very carefully, and I have found the
most ample, complete, and satisfactory evidence of the
absolute correctness of my identification. A brief abstract
of the principal facts is all that need be given in this place :

Is^. — ^Whenever Siri is mentioned before Ala-uddin built
his fort in A. H. 703, it is described a plain outside the city
of Delhi, on which armies encamp. Thus Amir Khusru
states that the left wing of the army of KaikubM in A. H.
687 was encamped at Indrpat, the centre at Siri, and
the right wing at Tilpat. $ Siri was, therefore, just half way
between Indrpat and Tilpat, which corresponds exactly with
the position of Shfihpur.

— In A. H. 695, when Ala-uddin, after the murder of
his uncle, advanced against Delhi, ho encamped on the plain
of Siri, while his cousin Bukn-uddin Ibrahim still hold
Delhi. §

* Note. — I WDuld Hng^;ost ihnt- Ferishta may luive substituted the name of Bakhtidr
.Kaki, who was commonly called lioshan Zamir for that of lioshan CMrdyhj whoso fame was
more local.

+ Bengal Asiatic >Socicty’s Journal, 18G6, p. 20G.

X Elliot, III., 525. ,

§ Zia-udcUu Barni iu Elliot, III., IGO.

DELni.

211

3r(?. — In A. H. 607, when Kutlugh Khwaja advanced
against Delhi, great anxiety prevailed because the old forti-
fications had not been kept in repair. The people crowded
into the city ; hut “ the Sultan marched out of Delhi, with
great display and pitched his -tent in Siri.* * * §

Mh . — On a second invasion of the Moguls “ the Sultan
again left the city and encamped at Siri, where the superior
numbers and strength of the enemy compelled him to
entrench his camp.”t

^th . — After this, says Barni, he “built a palace at
Siri. lie took up his residence there, and made it his
capital, so that it became a flourishing place. He ordered
the fort of Delhi to be repaired.” Amir Khusruf also men-
tions the building of the mno fort of Delhi, and the repairs
of the old one. Prom Abul Pazl. we learn that “ Sultan
Ala-uddin built another city and a now fort which they called
Siri.”§

Wi . — Ibn Batutall says, “jDar ul Khilafat Siri was a totally
separate and detached town, situated at such a distance from
old Delhi as to necessitate the construction of the walls of-
Jahdn-panah, to bring them within a defensive circle; and
that the Hauz-i-khas intervened, in an indirect line, between
the two localities.” Ibn Batuta was one of the Magistrates
of Delhi about 30 years after Alau-ddin’s death ; and .the
Hauz-i-Khds still exists to the west of the direct road
between ShMipm: and Kila Bai Pithora, that is, between Sm
and old Delhi.

*lth. — Barni^ states that the fort of Siri was finished
during the life-time of Ala-uddin, and from Amir Klmsru** wo
learn that MubaiAk “ ordered the completion of the foi’t and
city of Delhi begun by his father (Ala-uddin), that is, Lalkot,
and Kila Kai Pithora, which the father had ordered to be
repaired.”

* Barni in Elliot, HI., 166.

f Barni in Elliot, III., 190.

t Elliot, HI., 70.

§ Thomas’ Chronicles of Path.'ln Kings, p. *285, note,

II French translation, Tom., HI., 146, 155, quoted by Thomas.
IT Elliot, III., 200.

ElUot, HI., 561.

212

AECII^OLOGICAL EEPOET, 1862-63.

^th . — Bami describes Siri as a “ spacious and extensive
plain,” and states that his uncle, the Kotwal of Delhi, advised
the Emperor to erect a villa at Siri where he would be able
“ to take his hawks and fly them.”*

dih . — It is unnecessary to multiply the proofs that Siri
was not the citadel of old Delhi, which now surrounds the
Kutb Minar. I will, therefore, close this note with a clear
and vivid description of Delhi, taken from the autobiography
of Timur, t “ When my mind was no longer occupied with
the destruction of the people of Delhi, 1 took a ride round
the ciliee. Siri is a round city. Its buildings are lofty ; they
arc surrounded by fortifications built of stone and brick, and
they arc very strong ; old Delhi also has a similar strong fort,
but it is larger than that of Siri. Erom the fort of Siri to
that of old Delhi, which is a considerable distance, there
runs a strong wall built of stone and cement. The part
called Jah^n-panuh is situated in the midst of the inhabited
city. The fortifications of the three cities have 30 gates,
Jahdn-panilh has 13 gates, seven on the south side bearing
towards the cast, and six on the north side bearing towards
the west. Siri has seven gates, four towards -the outside,
and three on the inside towards JahS.n-pan&.h. The
fortifications of old Delhi have 10 gates, some opening to-
wards the exterior, and some towards the interior of the
city.” This extract corroborates the account which I have
given in the text from Sharaf-ud-din.

The next monuments in point of time are the grand old
fort of Tughlakabad, with ,the tomb of its founder Tughlak
Shah, and the castle of his son Mahammad, called Adilabad,
and the city named Jah4n-pam\h.

The fort of TughlakdbM may be described, with toler-
able accuracy, as a half hexagon in shape, with three faces
of rather more than three-quarters of a mile in length each,
and a base of one mile and-a-half, the whole circuit being only
one furlong less than four miles. The fort stands on a rocky
height, and is built of massive blocks of stone, so large and
heavy that they must have been quarried on the spot. The
largest stone which I observed measured 14 feet in length

* Jlajor Fuller’s translation in Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1869, p. 209.
t MaKuzat-i-Tiuiuil, in EUiot, 111., 447.

DELHI.

213

by two feet two inches and one foot ten inches in breadth and
thickness, and must have weighed rather more than six tons.
The short faces to the west, north, and east, are protected by
a deep ditch, and the long face to the south by a largo sheet
of water, which is held up by an embankment at the south-
east corner. On this side the rock is scarped, and above it
the main walls rise to a mean height of 40 feet, with a
parapet of seven feet, behind which rises another wall of 15
feet, the whole height above the low ground being upwards of
90 feet. In the south-west angle is the citadel, which occupies
about one-sixth of the area of the fort, and contains the
ruins of an extensive palace. The ramparts are raised, as
usual, on a line of domed-rooms, which rarely communicate
with each othei*, and which, no doubt, formed the quarters of
the troops that garrisoned the fort. The walls slope rapidly
inwards, even as much as those of Egyptian buildings. The
rampart walls are pierced with loop-holes, which serve also to
give light and air to the soldiers’ quarters. The parapets are
pierced with low sloping loop-holes, which command the
foot of the wall, and are crowned with a line of rude battle-
ments of solid stone, which are also provided with loop-holes.
The walls are built of large plainly dressed stones, and there
is no ornament of any kind. But the vast size, the great
strength, and the visible solidity of the whole give to
Tughlakabad an air of stern and massive grandeur that is
both striking and impressive.

The Eort of Tughlakabad has 13 gates, and there are
three inner gates to the citadel. It contains seven tanks for
water, besides the ruins of several large buildings, as the
Jima Masjid and the Birij Mandir. The upper part of the
fort is full of ruined houses, but the lower part appears as
if it had never been fully inhabited. Syad Ahmad states that
the fort was commenced in A. B. 1321 and finished in
1323, or in the short period of two years. It is admitted by
all that the work was completed by Tughlak himself ; and as
his reign lasted for only four years, from 1321 to 1326, the
building of the fort must have been pushed forward with
great vigour.

The fine Tomb of Tughlak Shah was built by his son
Muhammad, who is not without suspicion of having caused
his father’s death. In A. D. 1304, during the reign of
Ala-uddin, a second army of 4,000 Mogul horse burst into

214 ARCnjEOLOGICAIi EEPORT, 1862-63.

the Panjdb and plundered the country as far as Amroha, in
Bohilkhand, hut they were defeated with great slaughter by
Tughlak Khan, who, as a reward for his services, was ap-
pointed Governor of the Panjdb. In the following year a
third Mogul Army of 67,000 horse invaded India and
ravaged Multdn ; hut this army was also defeated by Tughlak
with such tremendous slaughter that it is said only 3,000
prisoners survived the defeat. Towards the end of the same
year, a fourth inavsion of Moguls was driven back by the
same able commander, whose very name at last inspired such
terror amongst the Moguls that the women made use of it
to quiet their children ; and whenever a man showed any
alarm, his companions would ask “ why do you start ? Have
you seen Tughlak ?” Prom A. D. 1306 to 1321 Ghdzi Beg
Tughlak was Governor of the Panjdb, residing some times at
Labor, and some times at Depdlpur and MuMn. In the Port
of Multdn he built a magnificent tomb for himself, which
exists to this day under the title of Bokn-i-Mam, a name
derived from Bukn-uddin, a very holy Saint of those days,
the son of Bahd-uddin Zakaria, more commonly called
Bahdwal Hak. The people of Multan say that Muhammad
presented the tomb to Bukn-uddin to seeure his silence in
the matter of his father’s death ; but agreeably to another
version, Tughlak himself had incurred the displeasure of
Bukn-uddin by an attempt to carry off one of his women. The
angry Saint prophesied that he would never reach Delhi,
and accordingly he was killed near Tilpat just as he was
about to enter Delhi. There may, perhaps, be some truth in
this tradition, as we learn from Ibn Batuta* that Bukn-
uddin was the most noted Saint in India, and that his fame
had extended even to Alexandria. Under any eircumstancea
it was politic to conciliate the good-will of this influential
personage, and the worthy Saint himself was no doubt
highly gratified with the magnificence of the gift. In Delhi
itself the death of Tughlak is attributed to another Saint,
the famous Nizfim-uddin Auliya, some of whose labourers
had been seized to work on the walls of Tughlakdbad. The
holy man remonstrated angrily, and his words were conveyed
to Tughlak then absent in Bengal, who remarked that, on
his return to Delhi, he would humble the proud Saint. The
threat was told to NMm-uddin, who merely remarked — “ he

f Travels, pp. 7--10X.

DELHI.

216

will never return to Delhi,” When the Emperor left Bengal
on his return to the capital the Saint was reminded of his
prophecy, to which he replied “ Delhi is far off (Dihli dur
ast, or J)ihli dur hai). As the Emperor approached nearer
and nearer, he made the samd remark ; and even when he had
reached Afghdnpur within four miles of Tughlakahad, ho
repeated his former words “ Delhi is far off,” — Tughlak was
killed at Afghilnpur, and the words of the holy man beeame
a proverb, which is still in common use. Nizam-uddin died
a few years afterwards, and his tomb was erected at the
expense of Muhammad, out of gratitude, as the people say,
for his assistance in placing him on the throne.

I have referred to this earlier tomb of Tughlak, which
stiU exists in the fort of MultfLn, as it is the oldest building
that I have seen with the rapidly sloping walls, \tdiich form
the most prominent feature of the Delhi tomb. The llokn-
i-Mam, however, is octagonal, with small towers at the
angles, and is, besides, a much larger building, the inside
diameter being 6G feet, and the outer diameter 76 feet. But
the Multan tomb is built entirely of brick, while the Delhi
tomb is built throughout of stone, and is ornamented with
white marble.

The tomb of Tughlak Shah is situated outside the
southern wall of tughlakahad, in the midst of the artificial
lake already described, and is surrounded by a pentagonal out-
work, whieh is connected with the fortress by a causeway
600 feet in length, supported on 27 arches. The stern beauty
and massive strength of this tomb have justly elicited the
following warm praises of Mr. Eergusson :* “ The sloping
walls and almost Egyptian solidity of this Mausoleum, com-
bined with the bold and massive towers of the fortification
that surround it, form a picture of a warrior’s tomb un-
, rivalled anywhere,” In this praise I heartily concur, with
only one reservation in favour of the situation of the Multdn
tomb, which, besides being both larger and loftier, is placed
on the very top of the fort close to the northern wall.

In plan the Delhi tomb is a square of 38-| feet interior
and 61^, feet exterior dimensions. The outer walls are 38|-
feet in height to the top of the battlement, Avife a slope of

Hand-book of Architecture, I.— 434(.

216

ARCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

2'333 inches per foot. At this rate the whole slope is 7^
feet in 38^ feet. The walls at bai^ are 11^ feet thick, and
at top only 4 feet, hut the projecting mouldings of the in-
terior, increase the thickness of wall at the springing of the
dome to about 6 or 7 feet, or -perhaps more, for I had no
means of making measurements so high up. The diameter
of the dome is about 34 feet inside and about 44 feet out-
side, with a height of 20 feet. The whole height of the
tomb to the top of the dome is 70 feet, and to the top of the
pinnacle about 80 feet.

Each of the four sides has a lofty doorway in the middle,
24 feet in lieight, with a pointed horse-shoe arch fretted on
the outer edge. There is a smaller doorway, only 6 feet 10
inches in width, but of the same form, in the middle of each
of the great entrances, the archw'ay being fdled with a white
marble lattice screen of bold pattern. The decoration of the
exterior depends chiefly on difference of colour, which is
effected by the free use of bands and borders of white marble,
with a few panels of black marble, on the large sloping sur-
faces of red-stone. The horse-shoe arches arc of white mar-
ble, and a broad band of the same goes completely round tlie
building at the springing of the arches. Another broad band
of white marble in upright slabs, 4 feet in height, goes all
round the dome just above its springing. The present effect
of this mixture of colours is certainly pleasing, but I believe
that much of its beauty is due to the mellowing hand of
time, which has softened the crude redness of the sand-stone,
as well as the dazzling whiteness of the marble. The building
itself is in very good order, b\it the whole interior of the
little fort in which it stands is filled with filthy hovels and
dirty . people, and the place recks with ordure of every
description. I would strongly recommend that the whole of
these hovels should be removed, and the interior of the fort
cleaned.* The people might be located in Tughlakabad, only
200 yards to the north, where there are hundreds of domed-
rooms under the ramparts, all in good repair and quite
unoccupied.

Inside the Mausoleum there are three tombs, which are
said to be those of Tughluk Shah and his Queen, and their

* This removal^has since been carried into effect by the late able and energetic Com-
missioner, Colonel G. W. Hamilton.

DELHI.

217

8011 Juna-Khan, who took the name of Muhammad when he
ascended the throne. This Prince was the most accomplished
of all the Path&n Sovereigns of India ; but he was also the
most inhumanly cruel and most madly tyrannical of them all.
His cruelties were witnessed by his cousin and successor Firuz
Tughlak, who adopted one of the most curious expedients
which the mind of man has ever conceived for obtaining the
pardon of his tyrannical predecessor. I quote the words of
Firuz himself, as given by Ferishta,* from the inscriptions on
the Great Mosque of Firuzabad. “ I have also taken pains
to discover the surviving relations of all persons who suffered
from the wrath of my late Lord and Master Muhammad
Tughlak^ and, having pensioned and provided for them,
have caused them to grant their full pardon and forgiveness
to that Prince in the presence of the holy and learned men
of this ago, whose signatures and seals, as witnesses, are
affixed to the documents, the whole of which, as far as lay
in my power, have been procured and put into a box, and
deposited in the vault in which Muhammad Tughlak is en-
tombed.”t This strange device of placing the vouchers in
the tomb ready for the dead man’s hand to pick up at the last
day is as bold as it is original. It would be interesting to read
some of these documents, which are, in all probability, still
quite safe, as all the tombs appear to be in the most perfect
order.

Another work attributed to Muhammad Tughlak is the
sTnn .11 detached fort of Adilabad or Muhammadabad, near
the south-east corner of Tughlakabad, with which it was
once connected by a double wall along the causeway which
crosses the intervening low ground. This fort is built in the
same style as Tughlakabad, but it is a very small place, as the
exterior line of works is not more than half a mile in circuit.

But the greatest work of Muhammad Tughlak was the.
fortification of the extensive suburbs of Delhi, lying between

* Briggs, 1—464.

t The same statement is made by Firuz in his autobiogivaphy— " Under the guidance
the Almighty, I arranged that the heirs of those persons who had hetii executed in the
reign of my late lord and patron Sultan Muhammad Shah, and those who^ had been
deprived of a limb, nose, eye, hand, or foot, should be reconciled to the- late Sultan, and
be appeased with gifts, so that they executed deeds declaring their satisfaction, ^^ly attested
by witnosses. These deeds were put into a chest, which was placed in the DLtr-al-dvfidn at
the head of the tomb of the late Sultan in the hope that God, in HLs great clemency, would
show mercy to my late friend and patron, and maJke those persons feel reconciled to him. —
See Elliotts Muhammadan Historians III., 3S5. — FutHhdt-i-Firilz Shdhi.

D 2

218

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EEPOBT, 1862-63.

the nindu fort of Rai Rithora and the MusalmSn Citadel
of Siri. These suburbs had been plundered by the Moguls
in the early part of the reign of Ala-uddin, and their un-
protected state fully justified the vast outlay which the King
must have incurred upon their defences. The north-west
w’all is ] mile in length, the east wall is 1:|^ mile, and the
south wall is 2 miles ; the whole length of the walls being
just 5 miles, or somewhat more than the circuit of the fort
of Rai Pithora. A considerable portion of the south wall
still exists ; hut the east and north-west walls have been
pulled down, and are now only traceable by their ruins.
Sharaf-uddin states that Jahdn-pmidh had 13 gates, 6 being
to the north-west and 7 to the south-west.

Having now described the seven forts of old Delhi, I will
complete tlie account with a detail of the number of gates
m each of the forts, which together make up the total of
“ Ro, gates,” as recorded by the olid English traveller William
Pinch, and as preserved by the people down to the present
day in their pithy description of Sdt-kila Bdwan-Darvodza
or “ seven forts and 52 gates.’

Gates ^

Ldllcoi of Ariang* Pal^ towards Rai Pithora

Fort of liai Pithora^ and Lrdkot outside

Total of Hindu Dilli

14 gates.

Bin of Ala-uddin

Jalian-panah of Muhammad

...

Total of Musalman Delhi

...

20 gates.

Total of old Delhi ...

34 gates.

Tughlakabad ...

...

Citadel of ditto

...

Adilabad

...

Total of Tughlakabad

...

Total number

...

52 gates.

The next remains in point of antiquity are the buildings
of Firuz Tughlak, who devoted the greater part of a long
reign of nearly 4.0 years (A. D. 1361 to 1388) to the con-
struction of numerous works, of which all but 20 palaces,
10 monumental pillars, and 6 tombs, may be called works

BELHI.

219

of real public utility. Perhaps the most useful of these
works was the canal which he drew from the west bank of
the Jumna to supply his new Capital of Piru/.abad with
water. This canal, having become choked from neglect, was
cleared out by Ali Mardsln Khan in the reign of Shahjah/ln
to furnish the Mogul’s new Capital with water. Having
again become choked, it was once more cleared out and
improved by the Bl'itish Government, and it is still flowing
through modern Delhi under the name of the Western
Jumna Canal.

But the most extensive work of Piruz was the building
of the new city of Firuzabad, with its two palaces of Kmhuk
Firuzahad and Kmhuk Shikdt'. Major Lewis has pu])lishod
much interesting information regarding this new city from
the Persian of Shams-i-Sirdj jijif, who was contemporary
with the latter end of tins Emperor’s reign. The new city
was begun in the year A. If. 755, or A. D. 1354. It ex-
tended from the fort of Indrpat to the Kushak Shikar, or
hunting palace, a length of five kos. Now the distance
from old Delhi is said to bo also five kos, which fixes the
position of the Kushak Shikdr approximately on the low range
of hills- to the north-west of the modern Shahjah&,ulibad.
But the exact position is absolutely determined by the men-
tion that the second stone pillar from Mirat Avas erected
within the precincts of the palace, as the stone pillar is nOAV
lying in five pieces on the top of the hill close to Hindu
Bao’s house. Shaim-i-Siraj adds that the whole distance
from Indrpat to the Kushak Shikdr was occupied by stone-
houses, mosques, and bazars, but as the limits noted above
include the whole- of the- modern Shahjabduiibad, it is very
improbable that the entire space AA'^as actually occupied. It
is certain, however, that some considei-able portion of the
site of Shahjahfin&bsld was well populated as the Kdla Masjkl,-
which- was built in Piruz’s reign, is situated at some distance
within the- Turkoman Gate of the present city. But even if
thinly inhabited, the population of Piruzabad could not have
been less than that of Shahjaln'lndbad, as it was more than
double its size. The number of inhabitants AAmuld, therefore,,
have been about 150,000 ; and if we add 100,000 more for
the population of old Delhi, the total number of inhabitants,
in the .Indian Metropolis during the reign of Piruz Shak
must have amounted to one quarter of a million.

220

ARCHiEOLOOICAL EEPOET, 1862-63.

The palace of Firuzabad, which formed also the citadel
of the new city, was strongly fortified with massive stone
walls and towers of more than Egyptian slope. One of the
gateways, which still exists, between the well known Ldl
iDarwdza and Firuz Shah’s Pillar, is a fine specimen of this
bold, but rude, architecture, I believe, however, that wo
now see these old buildings under very favourable ciroum-
stances, as time has most effectually stripped off all the
flaring and gaudily coloured plaster which the taste of those
days so much delighted in. I found it impossible to trace
the exact size or shape of Firuz Shah’s Citadel, as many of
the parts in the host preservation appear to me to be of
decidedly later date. Thus the Kabuli Gate or Ldl Jhirwdza^
as it is now called from its red colour, is of quite a different
style of architecture, and belongs, as I believe, to the time
of Bhir Shah of whose city it formed the northern or Kabul
Gate. From what I was able to trace, my opinion is that
Firuz Shah’s palace was much smaller thau the palace of
Shahjfihfin in the modern city.

A characteristic and favourable specimen of the archi-
tecture of this age is the Kdla Masjid, or “ Black Mosque,”
which is situated inside the present city, at a short distance
from the Turkoman Gate, A detailed account of this building
has been published by Messrs. Lewis and Cope.* According
to these authors, the original name was most probably the
Kdldn Masjid or “ Great Mosque.” This is no doubt
correct, as, when I first visited this Mosque in February 1838,
the people in charge called it by that name. The common
name, however, is the Kdla Masjid. But I am quite
satisfied that this could not have been the original name, as
the taste of those days would most assuredly have covered
the whole building with a coating of coloured plaster. The
present name of Kdla Masjid could not therefore have been
given to it until most of the plaster had fallen off, and the ,
bare walls of dark-grey quartzose sand-stone had become
visible.

The Kdla Masjid is a single room 71 feet in length by
41 feet in breadth, with two rows of four pillars each down the
centre, and one row of coupled pillars along thie front. These
columns divide the whole area into 15 squares, each of which

Bengal Asiatic Societr’e Journal, lSi7, p. 677.

DELHI.

221

is covered by a small dome, the central dome being somewhat
higher than the others. The walls are six f^t thiek, with
three openings at each end, closed by massive red stone
lattice-work. In front of the building there is a small open
quadrangle, of the same dimensions as the interior of the
Mosque, and on three sides of the quadrangle there are clois-
ters which are continued round the Mosque itself. The whole
is enclosed by an outer wall 6 feet thick, which forms an
oblong block of building 140 feet in length by 120 feet in
breadth. On the outside the building consists of two storeys,
the middle of the lower storey being a solid mass, which forms
the floor of the Masjid. The four faces of the lower storey
have two rows of small rooms, which are now rented to petty
shop-keepers. This is the invariable practice at present, and
was, no doubt, the same in the time of hiruz, as the money
thus obtained always formed the principal revenue, and even-
tually became the only income of the attendants of a Mosque.
The lower storey is 28 feet in height, and the upper storey to
the top of the battlements is 38 feet, making a total height
of 66 feet. The four angles arc supported by small round
towers with sloping walls as plain and bare as the rest of
the building. . The entrance to the upper storey is reached by
a steep flight of steps, at the head of which, but outside tho
general mass of building, is a domed ante-room of small
dimensions. The walls of the upper storey are pierced with a
row of arched openings which correspond in number and size
with the doorways of the lower storey. These were once
filled with bold strong lattice-work, but many of them have
been built up. The plain but massive appearance of the walls
is highly suggestive of strength and solidity, which is fully
borne out by tho excellent state of preservation of this old
building after a lapse of nearly five centuries.

The small fort of Tndrpat, or J?urdna was repaired

by the Emperor Humdyun in A. H. 940, or A. D. 1533,
and re-named by him J)in-pan&h; but the new name is never
used, except by pedantic or bigotted Muhammadans. Within
a few years, or about A. D. 1640 the works were much strength-
ened by Shiv Shah, who made Indrpat the Citadel of his new
city under the name of Shirgarh, by which it is now very
generally known, although Pwana Kilah, or “ the old Fort,”
is perhaps the most common appellation. The lofty massive
towers and solid walls of this fort were strengthened by a ditch
wliich once communicated with the Jumna. Shirgarh isj

222

ARCHJSOLOGICAL EEPOKT, 1862-65.

however, but a small place w'hen compared with the mighty
fortresses of Pithora, Siri, and Tuglilakahad, the whole
circuit of its walls being only one mile and one furlong. In
shape it is almost rectangular, being 3 furlongs in length by
1^ furlongs in breadth. The fort had four gates, one in the
middle of each face, of which the south-west gate alone is
now open. The interior is almost filled with Native huts ;
but towering above these hovels are two fine remains of far-
mer days, a handsome massive Mosque, generally known as
the Kila-Kona Mctsjid, and a lofty octagonal building, which
is still called Shir Mandir, or “ Shir’s JPalace.” The front of
the Mosque has five horse-shoe arches, and is decorated
with blue tiles and marble. The roof is formed of low fiat-
tened domes. It was built by Shir Shah in A. H. 948, or
A. D. 1541, and is the finest existing specimen of the
architecture of the Afghan period.

The new city of Shir Shah called Delhi Shirshah ex-
tended from the neighbourhood of Ilumilyun’s tomb on the
south to Piruz Shah’s Kotila on the north, near which there
still exists a fine massive gateway, which was the Kdhiili
Darwdza of the new city. It is now, however, always called
the Ldl Daricdza or “ red gate.” William Pinch, who
entered Delhi from the Agra side on 16th January 1611,
describes the city as being two kos in length from gate to
gate, “ surrounded by a wall which has been strong, but is
now ruinous.” The value of Pinch’s kos is determined at
rather more than 1-^- mile, by his mention that the hunting
seat or mole (that is, Mahal of Piruz Shah) was two kos
from the city. Prom the Ldl Darwdza to the ruins of the
Kushak Shikflr, the distance is 3]- miles, and from the same
point to Hum{1.yun’s tomb the distance is exactly 3 miles.
But as Purchas, on the authority of other English travellers,
states that Humayun’s tomb was in the city of Shir Shah
Salim, the south gate of the city must have been somewhere
beyond the tomb. The distance, however, could not have
been great, as Pinch mentions that “ a short way from Delhi
is a stone bridge of 11 arches,” which is clearly the long
massive bridge of 11 arches, that is no<w called Bara Bui or
the “ Great Bridge.”* The south gate of Shir Shah’s city

* Syad Ahmed wi-ites the name Bwrah Palah, or the “ 12 arches/^ and states that the
bridge was built in A. H. 1021, which began on 23rd February 1612. But there is probably
a mistake of one year in this date, which, I think, should be A. H. 1020, or A. I). 1611.
This would agree with Finch’s date of 16th January 1611, or properly 1612, according to our
present reckoning.

DELHI.

223

must therefore have been somewhere between the Bara Bui
and IlumUlyun’s tomb. The east wall of the city is deter-
mined by the line of the high bank of the tlumna, which
formerly ran due south from h'iruz Shah’s Kotila towards
Ilumdyun’s tomb. On the .west the boundary line of the
city can be traced along the bank of a torrent bed, which
runs southward from the Ajmer Gate of Shahjah^nilbM, and
parallel to the old course of the Jumna, at a distance of
rather more than 1 mile. The whole circuit of the city walls
wns therefore close upon 9 miles, or nearly double that of the
modern- Shahj ahdnabdd.

The small fort of Salimgarh was built by Salim Shah,
the son of Shir Shah, in A. H. 953, or A. D. 1546. It is
situated at the north end of Shahj 4h4n’s Palace, after the
building of which it was used only as a state prison. It is
not qijite one quarter of a mile in length, and the whole circuit
of its walls is only of three quarters of a mile. It stands
on an island close to the west bank of the river, and with
its loftly towers and massive walls, forms a most picturesque
object from the opposite side of the Jumna. A bridge of
five arches was built in front of the South Gate by Jahangir,
after whom the name of the place was changed to Nurgarh
according to Syad Ahmad. But the old name of Salkngarh has
prevailed, and is the only one that I have ever heard used
by the people, either educated or uneducated.

The tomb of Humayun is too well known to need any
detailed description, unless, illustrated by pictorial represen-
tations, which will more appropriately accompany my pro-
posed account of Mogul architecture. It was built after
the Emperor’s death in A. H. 962, or A. D. 1654, by his
widow Saji Begam. It is therefore the earliest specimen of
the architecture of the Mogul dynasty. The exterior form
of the main body of the tomb is a square with the comers
cut off, on an octagon with four long and four short faces,
and each of the short faces forms one side of the four
octagonal corner towers. The dome is built entirely of white
marble, the rest of the building being of red stand-stone,
with inlaid ornaments of white marble. In this tomb we first
see towers attached to the four angles of the main build-
ing. It is true that these towers are very stout and massive,
but they form an important innovation in the Muhammadan
architecture of Northern India, which was gradually improved
and developed, until it culminated in the graceful Minara of

224 AROHJEOtOGlCAt HEPOllT, 18G2-gS.

the TAj Mahal. The intervonirig links are, Ist, the one-stofeyed
towers of ItimM-uddaolah’s tomb at Agra ; 2nd, the two-
storeyed Minars of the gateway of Akbar’s tomb at Sikandra ;
and Zrd, the three-storeyed octagonal Minars of Jahangir’s
tomb at Labor. In all these specimens^ the Minars are
attached to the main building, as in the original example of
Hum&yun’s tomb. But in the T&j Mahal the Minars are
placed at the four angles of the square terrace or plinth, on
which the tomb is' raised, an arrangement which was pro-
bably copied from the position of the four comer towers of
the platform of Shir Shah’s tomb at Sassaram. Another
innovation observable in this tomb is the narrow-necked
dome, which was afterwards adopted in all the Mogul
buildings.

The citadel or palace of Shajah0,nS-bM was begun by the
Emperor Shahjdhdn in the year A. H. 1048, or A. D. 1638,
but the new city was not commenced until 10 years later.
The circuit of the walls of the citadel is 1^ mile, or just the
same as that of the old citadel of Tughlakabad ; but the new
city is considerably larger than cither Tughlakabad or Mai
Fithora's Port, the circuit of its walls being 6^ miles. The
citadel has two gates, named the Labor and Lelhi Gates. The
city has twelve gates, which are named as follows, beginning
from the north-east gate near Salim garb, which is now called
the Calcutta Gate, because it leads to the bridge-of-boats
over the Jumna on the line of the high road to Calcutta ;

1. Calcutta Gate to north-east.

2. Nigambad Gate to north-east.

3. Kashmir Gate to north.

4. Mori Gate to north.

5. Kdbul Gate to west.

6. Labor Gate to west.

7. Earash Khana to south-west.

8. Ajmer Gate to south-west.

9. Turkoman Gate to south.

10. Delhi Gate to south.

11. Khyrdti Gate to east.

12. Eajghat to east on river face.

The original round towers of the city defences were
much enlarged and altered into angular bastions by the
British Government early in the present century, and at the
same time a regular glacis was formed all round the land faces

DEini.

225

of tlie fortress. These new works added considerably to the
strength of the fortifications, as wo found, to our cost, in the
mutiny of 1867. The two pi’incipal streets, forming nearly
a right angle, ran from the Labor and Dcllii Gates of tlie
Citadel to ^e Labor and Delhi Gates of the city. The two
principal buuclings in the city are the Jdma Masjid and the
Zinat Masjid. The former was built by ShahjMian in A, D.
1648, and is one of the largest and finest Mosques in India.
The later was built by Zinat-un-nissa, the daughter of
Aurangzib, in A. D. 1710, and is a favorable specimen of the
later style of Mogul architecture. Both of these buildings
Avill be described more fully hereafter in my proposed histori-
cal account of the Muhammadan architecture of Northern
India.

The Citadel of Shahjahanabad, which contained the
Emperor’s palace, and the two celebrated open halls or coiu’ts
called the J)ewdn-i~dt)i and the Dewuu-i-khds, is too well
known to require any description in this place ; but it will
be duly considered hereafter in my account of the archi-
tecture of Shahjahtln’s reign. I will, therefore, confine my
remarks at present to the short account of the two life-size
statues of elephants and their riders that have lately been
discovered, and which, as we learn from Thevenot and
Bernier, once stood outside the Delhi Gate of the Citadel.

The earliest notice is that by Bernier in his description
of Delhi, written on 1st J uly 1GG3 : “ I find nothing re-

markable at the entry (of the palace), but two great elephants
of stone, which are on the two sides of one of the gates.
Upon one of them is the statue of Jamel, the famous Baja
of Chitor, and upon the other that of Batta, his brother.
These are those two gallant men that, together with their
mother, who was yet braver than they, cut out so much work
for Eckbar, and who in the sieges of towns, which they'
• maintained against him, gave such extraordinary proofs of
their generosity, that at length they would rather be killed in
the out-falls with their mother than submit : and for . this
gallantry it is that even their enemies thought them worthy
to have these statues erected for them. These two great
elephants, together with the two resolute men sitting on them,
do, at the first entry into this fortress, make an impression
of I know not what greatness and awful terror.” Thevenot,
who was at Delhi in 1667, corroborates Eerniev'e account of

22G

AECniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

these statues ; but as he knew that Bernier intended to pub-
lish a description of Delhi, he merely notices the principal
objects, of which the first are, “ the two elephants at the
entry which carry two tcarriors”

The next reference that I have heen able t|^ find is by
Lieutenant Dranklin, who visited Delhi in 1793. Stimulated
by Bernier’s account, he made enquiries after the statues, and
was informed that “ they were removed by order of Aurangzib
as savoring too much of idolatry, and he enclosed the place
where they stood with a screen of red stone, which has dis-
figured the entrance of the palace.”*

The romantic account of Bernier did not escape the
notice of the enthusiastic historian of the Rajputs, who, after
quoting the passage given above, adds,t that “ the conqueror
ofChitor evinced an exalted sense, not only of the value of his
conquest, but of the merits of his foes, m erecting statues
to the names of Jaymal and Patta at the most conspicuous
entrance of his palace at Delhi.” From Colonel Tod also wo
learn that Jaymal was a Merlhja Mdthor of Bednor, and that
Palla was the Chief of the Jaydioat Sisodiyas of SalAmbra,
both being feudatories of Udaypur. Their names, he says,
are as household words inseparable in Mew^lr, and will be
honoured Avhilc the Rajput retains a shred of his inheritance,
or a spark of his ancient recollections.” On Akhar’s
advance to Chitor, the spiritless Rana Uday Sing retired to
the western jungles, and the defence of the capital of the
Sisodyas was left to tlie Rathor Governor Jaymal. But the
warlike spirit of the Sisodiyas was roused by the mother of
the young Chief of Salumbra, who “ commanded him to put
on the saffron robe and to die for Chitor.” Patta was then
only 'sixteen years old, and had lately married ; but to check
any compunctious reluctance which he might feel in leaving
his bride, the heroic mother armed the young wife as well as
herself, and “ with her descended the rock, and the defenders
of Chitor saw her fall, fighting by the side of her Amazonian
mother.” The siege still continued, but without making any
progress, when, through some unfortunate delay in the
springing of one of their mines, the assailants suffered a
severe loss, and fled in disorder to their camp. The operations

* Asiatic Researches, IV. — 14 S,
t Rajasthan, 1—328.

DELHI.

J27

of il»o sie^e had now to be rc-commcuccd, when a lucky
shot deprived the Eajputs of their leader. Other mines,”
says hcrishta,* " were directed to be constructed, and as the
works were in progress, the King while in the batteries
observed Jamnal, the Governor of the place, superintending
the repairs It the breaches, and giving his orders by torch-
light. Akbar, seizing a matchlock from one of his atten-
dants, fired at him, and was so fortunate as to lodge the ball
in Jayraal’s forehead. The spirit of the besieged fell wdth
their Governor, and, in their dispair, they performed tbc
ceremony of the Johar, and putting their wives and children
to death, burned them with the corpse of their Chief on a
funeral pile.” Akbar then entered the fort, and after a
slight opposition, the capital of the Sisodiyas, for the third
time, was in the liands of the Musalmans.

It remains now to consider the value of the evidence
recorded in the above statements. In the first place, then,
with respect to the statues, I feel quite satisfied with the
testimony of Bernier. As the physician and comy)anion of
Ddnislmimid Khan, a highly respectable nobleman of
Aurangzib’s Court, ho was most in the favorable position for
obtaining accurate information regarding the history of Akbar
and his successors. I accept, therefore, witliout any
hesitation, the account of Bernier that the statues were
those of Jaymal and Patta, the two llajput heroes Avho
defended Chitor against Akbar. Both statues as I have
already pointed out, are those of Hindus, as their dresses
open over the right breast. Admitting this much, I am likc-
Avise prepared to alloAV that the tw-o statues must have b(;en
made by Akbar, as is also stated by Bernier. But, as the
building of Shah)ahA,nab^id Avas not begun until seventy
years after the siege of Chitor, it is absolutely certain that
Akbar could not have erected the statues in front of the gate
■of the Delhi Palace, Avherc they were seen by Bernier and
Thevenot. What, then, was their oiuginal site ? This I be-
lieve to have been the fort of Agra in front of the river gate.

In his account of the city of Agra, Abul Pazl,t the
Minister of Akbar, states that “His Majesty has erected a fort
“of red stone, tlie like of which no traveller has ever beheld.”

« I’.i-iggs, 11-231.

f A hi Akkin, T1-— oO,

228

AECH^OLOGICA'L RErORT, 18G2-G3.

“ A-t the eastern gate are carved ia stone two elephants with
their riders, of exquisite workmanship.” The eastern gate
of the fort of Agra is the riter gate, in front of which the
two statues most prohahly remained undisturbed until the
reign of ShahjMiitn, who, as I. presume, must ^ave removed
them to Delhi to adorn his new capital of SlwbjahjlnAlK'id.
It is scarcely possible that Jahangir could have removed them
to Delhi ; hut, if he did so, they would have been placed in
front of the gate of Salirngarh, to which ho added a bridge,
at the same time changing the name of the place to Nurgarh,
after his own title of J^tir-udditi.

I have been disappointed in not finding any mention
of these elephant statues in the accounts of our early English
travellers. Captain HaAvldns and AVilliam Einch both visited
Agra in the beginning of dahangir’s reign. The former
attended the Royal Darbar in the Agra Eort regularly for
two yearn, and describes minutely the King’s daily occupa-
tions, Avfiich, according to William Einch, included the wit-
nessing of animal figlits on every day except Sunday and of
executions on every Tuesday. Both the fights and the execu-
tions took place in a courtyard, or out- work, in front of the
river gate. This gate is described by E'inch as follows : “ The

fourth gate is to the river called the JJursane (Darsan Dar-
wuza, or “Gate of Sights”) leading to a fair court, extending
along the river, where the King looks out every morning at
sunrising.* * flight under this place is a kind of scaffold, on
which the Nobles stand.* * Here, likewise, the King comes
every day at noon to see the Tmndsha (shows) or fighting
with elephants, lions, and buffaloes, and killing of deer by
leopards.* * Tuesdays arc peculiarly the days of blood, both
for fighting beasts and killing men, as on that day the King
sits in judgment, and sees it put in execution.” lean only
account for the silence of Einch and Hawkins by supposing
that they had never seen these two remarkable elephants
with their warrior riders. This, indeed, is likely enough, for
the principal gate near the city, by which they would have
entered the fort, is on the western side, and unless they had
passed right through the fort, they could not possibly have
seen the statues. There was formerly no road along the
bank of the river, and no one would think of passing in that
direction without some special reason. No doubt the statues
might have been seen from the opposite bank of the river,

nKLfii.

22f>

l)ut as our travellers had no call to go there, they prohahly
never went. Both of them came to Agra from Surat, and
approached the fort on the south side ; and h'inch left Agra by
tli (5 l)(dhi Boad via Mathura, Avithout crossing the river, Avhilo
Ifawhins returned to Sui'at; Had Finch seen the statues,
f feel satisfied that he would have mentioned them, as ho
takes notice of the elephant statue in front of the lldlhi
Panr, or “ Elephant Gate,” of the Givalior Fort.

With regard to Akbar’s object in setting up those
statues, I differ altogether from B('riiier and Tod. Speaking
of the heroes Jin/mal and TaLta, the former says that “evoii
their enemies thought them ivorthy to have these statues
erected to them.” Tliis is somewhat amplified by Tod, who
says that Akbar “evinced an exalted sense, not only, of the
value of his conquest, but of the merits of his foes in
erecting statues to the names of Jaymal and Patta.” Here
wo see that both Bcuniicr and Tod were of opinion tliat these
statues were erected by Akbar in honour of his enemies, the
two Bajput heroes of Chitor. But when ivc. remember that
Akbar prided himself on having killed Jaymal with his own
hand ; that he gave the name of Dnrusl Anddz, or “ true-
shooter,” to his matchlock, and that both his Minister Abid
Fa/J and his son Jahangir make nuieh boasting of the
Emperor’s lucky shot, the more natural conclusion is that the
statues Averc erected in honour of Akbar himself. Had they
been set up in honour of his gallant foes, the fact Avould
most assuredly have been commemorated in their loudest
voice by the Bajput bards ; but so far Avas this from being
the case, that Colonel Tod Avas entirely indebted to Beniicr
for his knowledge of their existence.

Again, when I remember that the same Akbar assumed
fhe title of Glidci (or Avarrior for the faith) after putting to
death Avith his own hand in cold blood his able, gallant, and-
tfounded antagonist Ilwm, I cannot believe that he would
aftcrAvards erect statues in honour of any infidel Hindus,
however noble in blood, or gallant in the field. When I
recollect, also, the position that the statues occupied, one on.
each side of the eastern gateway of the Agra fort, I cannot
help feeling that they stood, like the two horsemen at the
gate of the Horse Guards in ^London, as sentinels at the gate
of their imperial foe, to do honour to their conqueror.
Admitting his vicAV to be correct, I can understand Avhy

230

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1S02-G3.

Shalijahan. removed them to Delhi to occupy the same position
at tlic gate of his new citadcL Under tlie same view I can
also understand why they were spared for a time by the bigotted
Aurangzib. On the other hand, if we suppose with Bernier
and Tod that the statues ivcre set up in lionour of the two
llajput w'arriors, their re-erection by Shahjt\hil,n is to me quite
iucomprehensible.

But the question of Akbar’s intention, whether it w'as to
do honour to his foes or to himself, is one of comparatively
little moment. To us the statues are simply valuable as works
of art, as they are, perhaps, the only portrait statues that
have been executed in India for many centuries. They arc
made of red sand-stone, and arc of life-size, w'hilc the huge
elephants on w'hich they sit arc of black marble, and the hous-
ings are decorated with white and yellow marbles. On these
grounds I conclude that tlic dresses and turbans of the
llajput Chiefs were coloured, wdiilo the faces and hands w'^cre
most probably left of the natural redish brown coloxir of tlic
sand-stone. When set up again in the Delhi Garden, I have
no doubt that they wall command as much attention and ad-
miration from our own countrymen as they did two hundred
years ago from the enthusiastic frenchman Bernier.

There arc many other remains at Delhi that arc both
beautiful and interesting, but as their ago and origin arc w^cll
known, they will naturally form a part of my proposed
account of the Muhammadan architecture of Nortlicrn India.
Such are the Zinat Masjld, more commonly called the Ivudrl
Jfoiyw?, or “ Maiden’s Mosque,” because built by Z'mal-un-
u'ma, the virgin daughter of Aurangzib;* the Kashmiri
Musjid, and the Begam Masjid in the city, and the tombs of
Jahdndrd Begam and Zlb-un-nissa, the sister and daughter of
Aurang/iib, outside the city. I will only notice hero a grave
mistake made by Mrs. Colin Mackenzie in her account of tl^n
epitaph on JahdndrCds tomb. The marginal inscription
records the name of “ the perishable Bakir, Jahdndrd Begam,
the daughter of Shahjuhfln, and the disciple of the saints of
Chist A. II. 1094 (or A. D. 1682).” The holy men here
mentioned are the Muhammadan saints of the well knoAvn
family of Chist i, of whom famous shrines exist at Ajmer,

* The people luvo a tradition tliat Zinat-uii-ni.s.-,a dtan.nided the amount o£ her dowry
from licr father, aud spent it iu building' this M*js^pie, instead of maiTviuij.

DELHI — MATHURA.

231

Fatclipur— Sikri, Thancsar, and Kasur. This notorious
Muhammadan name is changed by Mrs. Mackenzie as Ibliows :
“ the humhlc, the transitory Jahi\ni\rA was a disciple of the
holy men of Christ, supposed to ho Homan Ih’icsts.”*
Jahanara was the builder of the Jdma Masjid at Agra, and
lias always been considered a most devout follower of
Muhammad, Her name is still held in much veneration
ill- Delhi for her numerous charities.

II. MATIIUHA.

In the Brahmanical city of Mathura, in A. D. 631, the
temples of the gods were reckoned by llwcn Thsang at live
only, while the Buddhist monasteries amounted to 20, with
2,000 resident monks. Tlie number of Stupas and other
Buddhist monuments was also very great, there being no less
than seven towers, containing relies of tlie principal disciples
of Buddha. The King and his ministers were zealous Bud-
dhists; and the three great fasts of the year were celebrated
with much pomp and ceremony, at which times the people
flocked eagerly to make their olferings to the holy Stupas
containing the relies of Buddha’s disciples. Each of them,
says llwcn Tlisang, paid a special visit to the statue of the
Bodhistawa whom lie regarded as the founder of his own
school. Thus the followers of the Ahidharma, or transcen-
dental doctrines made their oficrings to Sdriputra ; they who
praetised Samddhi or meditation, to Mudgalaputra ; the
followers of the SautrimliJcas, or aphorisms, to Buna M<,ii-
trcgaid Bulra ; they who adhered to the Vinaya, or disci-
pline, to Updli; the BhiJcshimis or Nuns, to Ananta ; tlie
Anupasampaunas, or novices, to JidJmla (the wnoi Buddha);
and they ivho studied the Mahuydna, or “ Greater means of
advancement,” to the great Bodhisatwa Mauju Sri or
AmloJcilcsicara, who plays such a conspicuous part in later
.-buddhism. But notwithstanding this apparently flourishing
condition of Buddhism, it is certain that the zeal of the
people of Mathura must have lessened considerably since
A. D. 400, when Ea Ilian reckoned the body of monks in

* Di'llii, the city of tlio Croat IVIonal, 2iiJ edition, )>. 51. I ])resimic that this enrion.s
iui.st;»kc is duo to the JCnglisIi piinters correction of Sir W. Slotnuan’s tianslatioii, UaTul)loH,
11., 270, “ where Vlirht is an evident uiisjiiint for Chid, as Slccman was a good seliolar. It is
eiiiion^ tliat the .same insertion of the letter r is made in thi.s ii.imo in tlie travels of anoUior
l.idy, “ Tour in Upper Provinces of Hindustan by A. 1),’’ where she .spc.iks, or is made to
.j[>cak hy the English compositor, of “tlie MaiLSoloum of Chridtc at Euttcypoor Sicci'u.”

232 AKClIyEOLOOICAL nEVORT, 1802-G3.

Iho 20 monasteries to be 3,000, or just one-balf move ibnii
tlieir number at tbc time of llwen Tlisang’s visit in A. D.
031-.*

Fa Iliair and his companions halted at Mathura for a
whole mouth, during which time “the clergy held a great
assembly and discoursed upon the law.” After the meeting
they proceeded to the Stupa of Sdrqnilm, to which they
made an olforing of all sorts of perfumes, and before whicli
they kept lamps burning the whole night, llwcn Thsang
describes these processions as carrying Hying steamers and
stately parasols, while the mists of perfumes and the showers
of flowers darkened the sun and moon ! I can’easily realize
the pomp and glittering show of these ceremonies from the
similar scenes which I have Avitnessed in Barma. I have seen
steamers from 100 to 200 feet in length carried in proces-
sions, and afterwards suspended from pillars or holy trees. I
have beheld hundreds of gorgeous parasols of gold and silver
brocade flashing in the sun ; and I have Avitnessed the burning
of thousands of candh's day after day before the great Stupa
of Shioo-Duf/oa at llangooTi, Avhich is devoutly belieA’'cd to
contain eight hairs of Buddha. Before this sacred tower, I
liaAm scon lloAVors and fruits olTored by thousands of people,
until they formed large heaps around it, Avhile thousands of
votaries still came thronging in Avith their olTorings of candles,
and gold leaf, and little Hags, AAuth plantains and rice, and
lloAvers of all kinds.

From these accounts of the Chinese pilgrims it Avould
appear that the Buddhist establishments at Mathura must
have been of considerable importance, and this conclusion is
fully borne out by the number and interest of the recent
discoveries. Cotjtrary to his Aisual practice, IlAvcn Thsang
has unfortunately giAxm us but J’oav details regarding the
monasteries and temples of IMathura. This is the more to
be regretted, as avc noAV knoAV that one of the monastcu'ies
Avas established by the great Tndo-Seythian King Jlnvishta,
about the beginning of the Christian era, and that one of the
stone statues, judging by the size of its hand, could not have
been loss than 20 feet in height.

The first place described by IIavcu Thsang is a monastery
situated on a mound, at 5 or G //, or about one mile, to the

^ kjcc “ l'\i Ilidii/’ 0, XV'l ; uiid Julicn’d Hwcu II., p -07.

PLA‘. e XXXIX.

P 1. A N

of tbe

eiTY AND CANTONMENT

MATHURA.

' A*''"

Ha/hhc(Sf Ta^

X'^nltah ’/'ihr

PLAN OF THE KATERA

allowing the foundations of the

TEMPLE OF KESAVA RAI

J. I till ' . 1.1U Jaiiiji T^la -11 i

€€

...

7 ^n

if -i

~Tfile L

\ 1.* un n Vi a . ri i i* .

4 4 o

1 <1 ar, ' 6 1’ V t ^ 3 »ii'S I’a'. 1

I • Mile

MATHURA .

233

cast of 'the city. Cells were formed in the sides of tlio
mound, wliicli was approached through a hollow, and in the
midst was a Sh^pa containing the nails of Buddha. This
monastery is said to have been built by the holy Z^pagupta,
who, as we learn from one of -the legends of Fdlali Fiitra,
Avas a contemporary of Asoka. The nails and beard of the
holy man were still preserved.

On another mound to the north of this monastery, there
Avas a cayo containing a stone chamber, 20 feet high and 30
feet long, Avhich Aras full of bamboo spikes only four inches
in length. These spikes represented the number of husbands
and their Avives who had been converted by Vpagupta.

At 24 or 25 U, or just four miles to the south-east of
the stone chamber, there was a large dry tank, with a Stwpa
on its baiik, Avhich marked the spot where Buddha was said to
have t aken exercise. On this spot also, according to the
local legends, a monkey had otfered honey to Buddha, which
the teacher graciously accepted and directed that it should be
mixed Avith AAntor and given to the monks. The glad monkey
made a Avild bound, and fell into the tank.and died ; but
OAAung to the poAverful influence of his good act, he became
a man in his next birth.

In a forest at a short distance to the north of the tank
there was another holy spot, where the four previous Buddhas
Avere said to have taken exercise ; and all round it there were
numerous Slnpas, which marked the places Avhcrc no leas
than 1,250 a7'huls, or holy men, including Sdriputm, M^ttlgd-
lapnlra, and others, used to sit in meditation. But besides
Ihcsc, there were several other Stupas on the s 2 )ots Avherc
Buddha at different times had explained the law.

The two principal sites described by Ilwen Thsang can,

I think, be fixed Avith tolerable certainty, namely, that of.
Jhitc famous Upagnpla monastery, and that of the monkey’s
offering. The first is said to be at 6 or 0 li, or just one mile,
to the cast of the city ; but as an eastern direction would
take us to the low ground, on the opposite bank of the
ffumna, where no ruins now exist, I feel quite satisfied that
Avc should read toest instead of east. This change is rendered
almost certain by the discovery of numerous Buddhist
remains inside the great square of the Katra, which is just one
mile to the AvestAA'ard of the old fort of 3Iathura. But it is

l!' 2

231

AnCH/EOLOGICA-L REPORT, 18G2-G3.

rendered quite certain by the more recent discovery of verj"^
important BuddMst remains and old inscriptions in a mound
beside a tank which is situated just three miles to the south-
east of tho Katra mound. This tank mound I take to be the
place where Buddha was said' to have taken exercise, and
where the monkey made his oifering of honey. The direction
is precisely tho same, and the distance agrees also as well as
can be made out from II wen Thsang’s statements. lie gives
the distance as four miles from the stone chamber, which was
at some unstated, but certainly short, distance to the north
of tho TJpagnpta monastery. The nearest mounds are about
half a mile to the north of the Katra, which will make the
whole distance 3^ miles, if measured in a direct line by the
British road, which passes outside the city, but which Avill
be fully four miles if measured by the old road, which goes
througli the city. Had tho Chinese pilgrim given us tho
name of tho monastery built by JJpagupta, we might, perhaps,
have obtained some absolute proof of its identity with the
site of the Katra ; but I believe that tho very strong reasons
which I have just before given are amply sufficient to fix
the site of the Upagiipta monastery at the present Katra.*

There are a great number of lofty earthen mounds
around Mathura which are covered with fragments of stone
and brick. Nothing, however, is known about them, al-
though every one of them has a separate name. The
numerous fragments of stone which arc found upon them show
that they are not old brick-kilns, as might have been supposed
from their vicinity to the city. Apparently, they are
natural mounds such as are found everywhere along the lower
course of Jumna, and which have usually been taken
advantage of for tho sites of forts or temples. Thus the old
fort of Mathura is percted upon a similar mound, and so also
•is the Jama Masjid in the middle of tho Katra square.
Most of tho names of these mounds refer to the Brahmam-'
cal divinities ; but there arc two of them, such as tho Anand
Tila and the Vindyak Tila, that are unmistakeably Buddhist,
and which may possibly refer to the two Stupas of Ananda and

* T am indebted to Mr. S. Growse, of the Civil Service, for tJie impoi-tant information
tliat nuinei*ous ruined mounds exist to the south-west of tho Katra, about IJ milos distajit, in
<3no of which, just two years ago, was found a golden casket with tlie usual Iju«hllnst dopt^sits
-of the seven precious tilings. The position of these mounds agrees better vvith the distance
of one mile from tho city than tho site of the Katra which is only just outside the city.—
JSee Plato No. XXXIX. for a map of Mathura.

MATHURA.

235

Vpnli (file Vindijah or teacher of Vinaya) as described by
llwen Thsang. Both of these mounds are to the north of
the city. To the south there are seven mounds known as the
Sat Tila which arc severally named as follows: — 1, BhiU
ka-Tda; 2, Sapt Mishi; 3, Bat, or But, Tila; -k, Narad;
5, Kam; 6, KaUjug; 7, Ndgshesha.* Now, it is remark-
able that the number of great Stupas of the disciples of Buddha
was also seven ; but unfortunately as nothing is recorded
regarding their relative positions, we are left entirely to
conjecture whether these mounds may possibly represent
the seven famous Stupas of Buddha’s principal disciples.
I think that it would be worth while to make some excava-
tions in all of these seven mounds to the south, as well as
in the two northern mounds which still bear Buddhistical
names.

The Katra mound has been successively occupied by
Buddhists, Brahmans, and Musalmdns. The Katra, or
market-place, is an oblong enclosure like a Sardi, 80-1 feet in
length by 653 feet in breadth. In the midst of this square
stands the Jdma Masjid, on a largo mound from 25 to 30 feet
in height. The mosque is 172 feet long and 60 feet broad,
with a raised terrace in front of the same length, but with a
breadth of 80 feet, the whole being 30 feet in height above
the ground. About 5 feet lower, there is another terrace
286 feet in length by 208 feet in breadth, on the eastern edge
of which stands the mosque. There is no inscription on tbe
building, but the people ascribe it to Aurungzib, who is said
to have pulled down the great Hindu temple of Kesara
JDeva, or Keso Bay, that formerly stood.on this high mound,
a most noble position, which commands a fine view of the
whole city. Curiously enough I have been able to verify
this charge against Aurungzib by means of some inscrip-
tions on the pavement slabs which were recorded by Hindu,
^dlgrims to the shrine of Kesava Bay. In relaying the
pavement, the Muhammadan architect was obliged to cut
many of the slabs to make them fit into their now places.
This is proved hy several of the slabs bearing incomplete
portions of Nagari inscriptions of a late date. One slab has

During a bIioH visit in tbe f)rr.spiit year, 1871, I could iK)t find a single ))er«on who
knew the AnandTila. The Dhu-ka-Tila ia also an invention of my informant aa it is
evidently intended for or the “mound of duat,” that i«, the refiiae of a brick-kiln,

of which the mound in question is actually composed,

236 ARCIIJEOLOOICAL BBFORT, 18G2-G3.

“ hat 1713, Phdlgutit' the initial Sam of Sambaf having been
cut off. Another slab has the name of Keso Bay, the rest
being wanting^; while a third bears the late date of S. 1720.
These dates are equivalent to A. D. 1656 and 1663 ; and as
the latter is five years subsequent to the accession of
Aurungzib, it is certain that the Hindu temple was still
standing at the beginning of his reign.*

The greater part of the foundations of the Hindu temple
of Kesava Hay may still bo traced at the back of the Masjid.
Indeed, tho back wall of the mosque itself is actually built
upon the plinth of the temple, one of the cyma reversa
mouldings being filled up with brick and mortar. I traced
the walls for a distance of 163 feet to the westward, but
apparently this was not the whole length of the temple, as
the mouldings of tho Hindu plinth at the back of tho Masjid
are those of an exterior wall. I think it probable that tho
temple must have extended at least as far as tho front of the
mosque, which would give a total length of 250 feet, with an
extreme breadth of nearly 72 feet, the iioor of the building
being no less than 25 feet above the ground. Judging from
these dimensions, the temple of Kesava J)eva must have been
one of the largest in India.t I was unable to obtain any
information as to the probable date of this magnificent fane.
It is usually called Keso Hay, and attributed to Haja Jaga
Deva, but some say that the enshrined image was that of
Jaga Deva, and that the builder’s name was Hay or Baja
Kesava Deva. It is possible that it may have been one of
the “innumerable temples” described by Mahmud in lus
letter to the Governor of Ghazni written in A. I). 1017, as we
know that the conqueror spared the temples cither through
admiration of their beauty, or on account of the diflQ.culty of
destroying them. Mahmud remained at Mathura only 20
days, but during that time the city was pillaged and burned,
and the temples were rifled of their statues. Amongst these
there were “five golden idols whoso eyes were of rubies,
valued at 50,000 dinars,” or £25,000. A sixth golden imago

* I have since found the most comjdeto and satisfactory confirmation of my opinion in
tho travels of Tavernier, Part II., 13. III., ch. 12, where he decicribcs the Hindu temple as
still standing at tho Lime of his visit, apparently about A. D. IfioD, and certainly after the
accession of Aunmgzib.

f This opinion is fully confirmed by Tavernier, who describes the temple as “ trcs«
magnifinne,'^ and sUtes that it ranked next after the Uunplc,^ of Jagaunath and Bauuraa.—
See Piato No. XL. for a plan of the Masjid iind Temple.

MATHURA.

237

wciglictl 98,300 mishkals, or 1,120 fibs., and was decorated
with a sapphire weighing 300 mishkals, or 3i-ll)s. But,
“ besides these images, there were above one hundred idols of
silver, which loaded as many camels.” Altogether the value
of the idols carried off by Mahmud cannot have been less
than three millions of rupees, or £300,000.

The date of Mahmud’s invasion was A. D. 1017, or
somewhat less than 400 years after the visit of the Chinese
pilgrim. 11 wen Thsang, who in A. D. 634 found only livo
Brahmanical temples in Mathura. It is during these four
centuries, therefore, that wo must place, not only the decline
and fall of Buddhism, but its total disappearance from this
great city, in which it once possessed twenty large monas-
teries, besides many splendid monuments of its most famous
teachers. Of the circumstances which attended the downfall
of Buddhism we know almost nothing ; but as in the T)rcscnt
case wo find the remains of a magnificent Brahmanical temple
occupying the very site of what must once have been a largo
Buddhist establishment, wo may infer with tolerable certainty
that the votaries of Sale'll a Iluni were expelled by force, and
that their buildings were overthrown to furnish materials for
those of their Brahmanical rivals ; and now these in their
turn have been thrown down by the Musalmans.

I made the first discovery of Buddhist remains at the
hiraple of Kesava Ray in January 1853, when, after a long
search, I found a broken pillar of a Buddhist railing sculp-
tured with the figure of Mdyd Devi standing under the sdl
tree.* At the same time I found the capitals of two largo
round pillars of an early date, which are most probably
Buddhist, along with a fragment of an inscription of the
Gupta dynasty, containing the well known genealogy from
Gupta, the founder, down to Samudra Gupta, where the stone
is broken off. During the present year I have discovered the
^pccidiarly curved architrave of a Buddhist gatew^ay, which is
richly sculptured on both sides with buildings, figures, and
trees, induing a representation of a gateway itself. I found
jalso a very perfect standing figure of Buddha, the Teacher,
which had lately been discovered in clearing out a well at the
north-west corner of tlio temple. The figure is 3^ feet high,
with the left hand grasping the drapery, and the right hand

* Now ill the Lulior Museum.

238

AECITJEOLOGICAL EEPORT, 1802-G3.

raised in the act of teaching. On the pedestal there is a
dated inscription, in two lines, in characters of air early
period. The date is given in figures which I read as S. 281
or A. D. 359. The remainder of the inscription, which is in
perfect order, records the gift of a statue of Sahya Bhikshu
to the Yasa Vihdra, or, “ splendid monastery,” which I take
to have been the name of the Buddhist establishment that
onee existed on the spot.

In the same well there were found five other pieces of
Buddhist sculpture, of which the only specimens worth men-
tioning arc a' colossal arm and hand, and a small figure of
Buddha, the Ascetic, with an imperfect inscription on its
pedestal in characters of the Gupta dynasty. All these dis-
coveries arc sufficient to show tliat the mound of Kesava Hay
must have been the site of a Buddhist establishment of much
wealth and of considerable size. The inscribed statue proves
that here stood the Yasa monastery, and the gateway archi-
trave shows that there must also have been a Stnpa sur-
rounded with the stone railing whicli is peculiar to Buddhist
architecture, and which on that account I have ventured to
call the Buddhist railing. The site is a most promising one
for discovery ; and as the Masjid has long been disused, owing
to many dangerous cracks in both roof and walls, I believe
that there Avould not be any objection whatever to a complete
exploration of the mound.

The most extensive discoveries at Mathura have been
made in a mound close to the Jail, which, according to the
inscriptions, would appear to liavc been the site of at least
two different monasteries, named the lluvishka Vihdra and
the Kunda-Snka Vihdr-a. The first of these names I deci-
phered in 1860 from a circular inscription round the base of
a column, and the second name I found early in the i)resciit
year, 1863, on a large flat slab of stone which had appa-
rently been used as a seat.

In my notice of the first discovery, which was publislicd
in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1860, I identified this
lluvishka with lus namesake of the Wardak inscription, and
with the Ilushka of the llaja Tarangini ; and this identifi-
cation has since been adopted by all who have made any
roforonco to either of these records. The question is one of
considerable importance, as it enables us to fix the date of the

MATniTRA.

239

building of the monastery in the latter half of the century
immediately preceding the Christian era, at wliich period
the three Indo-Scythian princes, Ilushka and his brotlicrs,
Kanishha and Jmhka, ruled over Kabul, Kashmir, and the
Punjab. The bases of about 30 pillars belonging to this
monastery have now been discovered, of which no less than
15 arc inscribed with the names of the donors who presented
the columns to the monastery. But as one of these gifts
consisted of six pillars, a second of 25, and a third of 2(5
pillars, there still remains 40 columns to bo discovered, which
will bring up the total number to 70. The diameter of the
(drcular shafts of these pillars varies from 17 to 18 inches,
and the side of the square base to 24 inches. They ai‘o
all very coarsely worked, the rough marks of the chisel never
having been smoothed away.

The name of the second monastery, Kunda- Sitka, refers,
I believe, to the tank which lies immediately to the west-
ward of the mound. Knnda-Suka means the “ dry tank and
as the position of the tank agrees with that assigned by
It wen Thsang to the ‘ dry tank’ in which the monkey was
killed, I think there can bo no doubt of the accuracy of my
identification.

The discoveries already made in the Jail mound, amongsi.
the ruins of the Uuvislika and Kmida-Suka monasteries, have
been very interesting on account of their variety, as they
comprise statues of all sizes, bas-reliefs, pillars, Buddhist
railings, votive Stupas, stone umbrellas, and many other
objects peculiar to Buddhism, of a date as early as the first
century of the Christian era.* Amongst tho broken statues
there is the left hand of a colossal figure of Buddha, the
Teacher, which measures exactly one foot across tho palm.
Tho statue itself, therefore, could not have been less than
rlrom 20 to 24 feet in height, and with its ])edcstal, halo, and
umbrella canopy it must have been fully 30 feet in height.
Stone statues of this great size arc so extremely difficult to
move, that they can bo very rarely made. It is true that
some of tho Jain statues of Gwalior are larger, such as the
standing colossus in the TJriodM of tho fort, which is 57 feet

* in.-^criptioiia liavo since been diseoveml which belong to the lirHfc century

before C^hii.st. The earl u\st i.s of the Satnqt Snudumf and the next of the (Jreat King
Kanishkii, dated in the year 9.

240 AncnyEOLOGICAL REPOUT, 18G2-G3.

high, with a foot 9 feet in length, and the great seated hguro
on the east side of the fort, whioli is 29 feet high, with a
liand 7 feet in length. But these figures arc hewn out of the
solid rock, to which they are still attached at the hack.
There arc larger statues also in Barma, hut they are built up
on the spot of brick and mortar, and cannot be moved. I
look forward, therefore, with great interest to the discovery
of other portions of the Mathura Colossus, and more
especially to that of the pedestal, on which we may expect
to find the name of the donor of this costly and dillicult
work.

Most of the statues hitherto discovered at Mathura have
been those of Buddha, the Teacher, who is rejircsented either
sitting or standing, and with one or both hands raised in the
atlitude of enforcing his argument. The prevailing number
of these statues is satisfactorily illustrated by Hwen Thsang,
who records that when Buddha was alive he frequently
visited Mathura, and that monuments liave been erected “ in
((U the places where he explained the law." Accordingly, on
this one spot there have already been found two colossal
standing figures of the Teacher, each feet in height, two
life-size seated statues, and one three-quarter size seated
statue, besides numerous smaller figures of inferior work-
man shiji.

The most remarkable piece of sculpture is that of a
female of rather more than half life-size. The figure is
uahed, save a girdle of beads round the waist, the same as is
seen in tJic Bhilsa sculptures and Ajanta paintings. Tlu'
attitude and the positions of the hands ar(‘ similar to tliosc
of the famous statue of Venus of the Capitol. But in the
Mathura statue the left hand is brought acaoss the l ight
breast, while the riglit hand holds up a small porLion of
drapery. The head is- slightly inclined towards the right
. shoulder, and the hair is dressed in a new andpcculiai-
manner, with long curls on each side of the face, which fall
from a large circular ornament on the top of the head. The
back of the figure is supported by a thick cluster of lotus
stalks covered with buds and flowers, which are very grace-
fully arranged and boldly executed. The plump face with
its broad smile is the least satisfactory part of Ihis work.
Altogether this statue is one of the besi; specimens of
unaided Indian art that I have met with. 1 presume

DANCiira aiKL

MATntJRA.

211

that it feprcsents a dancing girl, and that it once adorned
one of the gateways of the great Stupa near the monastery
of Suvishka*

Three statues of lions have also been discovered, hut they
are inferior both in design aM in execution to most of the
other sculptures. They are all of the same height, 3 feet,
and are all in the same attitude, but two of them have the
left foot advanced, while the third has the right foot brought
forward. The attitudes are stiff, and the workmanship,
especially of the legs, is hard, wiry, and unnatural. It is
the fore-part only of the animal that is given, as if issuing
out of the block of stone in rear, from which I infer that
they must originally have occupied the two sides of some
large gateway, such as we may suppose to have belonged to
the groat monastery of Muvishka.

The most numerous remains are the stone pillars of the
Buddhist railings, of which at least three different sizes have
been found. Those of the largest size are feet in height,
with a section of 12^ by G inches. When complete with
base and coping, this railing would have been about 7 feet in
height. The middle-sized pillars are 3 feet 8 inches high,
with a section of 9 by 4J inches. The railings formed of
these pillars would have been 5^ feet in height. Those of
the smallest size are 2J feet high, with a section of 6^ by 3f
inches, which would have formed a railing of only 4 feet in
height. Of this last size no more than six specimens have
yet been found, but two of them are numbered in the ancient
Gupta numerals as 118 and 129, so that many more of them
still remain to be discovered. If we assume the number of
these pillars to have been no more than 129 the length of
railing which they formed would have been 144 feet, or with
two entrances not less than 160 feet. This might have been
disposed either as a square enclosure of 40 feet side, or as
’ circular enclosure of upwards of 50 feet diameter. The last
would have been sufdcient for the circular railing of a Stupa
40 feet in diameter.

• No inscriptions or numbers have been found on any of
the large sized pillars, but there can be ^ no doubt that they
must have formed parts of the surrounding railings either of

* The i*o<lcPtal of this stotne, which has since hcen discovered, shows that the
was originally placed on the top of a small column.

G 2

figure

212

ARClIiEOLOGICAL BBPORT, 1862-G3.

Stupas or of holy trees, such as are represented in the Sanchi
has»rcliefs, or as we see them in still existing examples at
Sanchi and SonS,ri. Of the middle-sized railing I found a
single broken rail, and also a single specimen of the archi-
traves or coping stones. In the Sanchi and SonS,ri examples
the coping is quite plain, but this Mathura specimen is orna-
mented on both faces with semi-circular panels or niches
containing figures and flowers.

The sculptures on the Mathura pillars are of two kinds,
namely, large single figures on the front, and on the back
either small bas-reliefs in compartments one above the other,
or else full-blown flowers at regular intervals. Both in the
single figures and in the bas-reliefs we find the same mixture
of religious and social subjects as in the sculptures of Sanchi
and Buddha-Gaya. On one pillar we have a standing figure
of Buddha, the Teacher, with a halo and umbrella canopy,
and on the back four small bas-reliefs representing, 1st, a
holy tree with suspended garlands, surrounded by a IBuddhist
railing ; 2nd, a pair of figures, male and female ; 3r<f, a
kneeling figure presenting an offering to a standing figure
and ‘1th, an elephant with rider. One of the other single
figures is a female holding a water vessel to her lips, and no
less than four of the others are representations of M4y4 Devi
standing under the Sal tree, and holding one of its branches,
in which position she is described as having given birth to
Buddha. A specimen of one of the large-sized. Mathura
pillars may be seen in the Asiatic Society’s Museum in Cal-
cutta, where it was deposited by Colonel Stacy.

But, perhaps, the most curious of all the Mathura sculp-
tures is that which was figured and described by James
Prinsep in 1836 as a Statue of Silenus. The block is 3 feet
10 inches in height, 3 feet broad, and 1 foot 4 inches
thick. On the top .there is a circular bason 16 inches in
diameter and 8 inches deep. On the front there is a group
of three figures about three-fourths of life-size with two
smaller figures, and on the back a group of four figures
of half life-size. In the front group the principal figure
is a stout, half naked man resting on a low seat, with
ivy or vine-crowned brow% and outsti’etched arms, which
appear to be supported by the figures, male and female,
standing one on each side. The dress of tbe female is
most certainly not Indian, and is almost as certainly

MATHURA.

2.13

Greek. The dress of the male figure also appears to bo
Greek. Colonel Stacy describes it as “a kerchief round the
neck with a tie in front as worn by sailors Wt as it widens
so it approaches the shoulders ; I presume that it must be the
sliort cloak of the Greeks which was fastened in front in the
very same manner as represented in this sculpture. Prinsep
agrees with Stacy in considering the principal figure to be
Silenus : “ His portly carcass, drunken lassitude, and vine-
wreathQd forehead, stamp the individual, while the drapery of
his attendants pronounces them at least to be foreign to India,
whatever may be thought of Silenus’s own costume, which is
certainly highly orthodox and Brahmanical. If the sculptor
were a Greek, his taste had been somewhat tainted by the
Indian beau-ideal of female beauty. In other respects his
proportions and attitudes are good ; nay, superior to any speci-
men of pure Hindu sculpture we possess ; and, considering
the object of the group, to support a sacrificial vase (pro-
bably of the juice of the grape), it is excellent.” Of the group
on the back I have, but little to say : tlie two female figures
and one of the men arc dressed in the same Greek costume
as the figures of the other group, but the fourth figure, a
male, is dressed in a long tunic, which is certainly not Greek,
and cannot well be Indian. The religious Buddhist would
have his right shoulder bare, and the layman would have the
d]iot% or waist-cloth. Tlie Greek clad male figure may pos-
sibly be Silenus, but I am unable to offer even a conjecture
as to the figure in the tunic.

Tlie question now arises, how is the presence of this piece
of Greek sculpture to be accounted for ? Perhaps the most
reasonable solution is to assume the presence of a small body
of Bactrian Greek sculptors who would have found ready
employment for their services amongst the wealthy Buddhists,
just in the same way as goldsmiths and artillerymen after-
• wards found service with the Mogul Emperors. It must bo
remembered that Mathura is close to the great sand-stone
quarries which for ages past have furnished materials for the
sculptors and architects of Upper India. All the ancient
statues that I have met with in Rohilkhund and Oudh are
made of this stone, and there can be little doubt that the
Buddhist custom of making gifts of statues and pillars to the
various monasteries must have created such a steady demand
for the sculptor’s works as would have ensured the continu-
ous employment of many skilled workmen. Many of the

244

ABCH^OLOOICAL REPORT, 1862-63/

Bactrian Greeks may thus have found remunerative service
amongst the Indian Buddhists. Indeed, this is the only way
in which I can account, not only for the very superior exe-
cution of many of the earliest specimens of Indian art, but
also for many of their ornamental details, such as the fluting
of the pillars in the "Wcstera Panjab architecture, and the
honeysuckle and astragal ornaments of Asoka’s monoliths,
all of which are of undoubted Greek origin. In the great
fort of Narwar there still exists a Roman Catholic .Chapel,
with a burial-ground attached, containing fifty tombs of all
sizes, of which two only are inscribed. One records the
death of a German, named Cornelius Oliver, in A. D. 1747 ;
the other of a young girl, named Margarita, the daughter of
a Hakim or Doctor. The first is recorded in Portuguese, the
other in Persian. That the fifty tombs are those of Chris-
tians is proved, not only by the presence of the cross on
several of the uninscribed head-stones, but by the occurrence
of the letters J. H. S. surmounted by a cross on the wall
immediately above the altar. I presume that these Chris-
tians wore gunners who formed the artillery portion of the
garrison of the important fortress of Narwar. Here, then,
wo have the clearest proof of the existence of a small body
of foreigners in ihe very heart of India, who Were permitted
the open exercise of their religion by the most bigoted of all
mankind, the Indian Muhammadans. Such also, I think,
may have been the position of a small party of Bactrian
Greeks amongst the tolerant Buddhists of the great city of
Mathura about the beginning of the Christian era. Their
very names arc unknown, and their occupations are uncertain,
but their foreign religion is attested beyond all doubt by tho
presence of a Bacchic altar, bearing the weU known figuro
of the wine-bibbing Silenus.

III. KHALSI.

About 15 miles to the westward of Masuri, and on the
right bank of the Jumna just above the junction of the
Tons River, there stands a huge quartz boulder covered with
one of the well known inscriptions of Asoka. The inscribed
rock is situated close to the little villages of Byas and Ilari-
pur, and about one mile and a half to the south of the large
and well known village of KhMsi, by which name I propose
to distinguish this copy of Asoka’s edicts from those of

KHAL8I.

245

KcipuvdOigivi, JunO/gifiy RohUdSy 8,nd (laiijam* In speakinj^
of Eiruz Shah’s Pillar at Delhi, which we know was brought
from the foot of the hills on the western bank of the Jumna
near Khidrabad, I have already identified the district of
Kh^lsi with part of the ancient kingdom of Srughna, as
described by Hwen Thsang. As my reasons for coming to
this conclusion are based entirely upon the statements of the
Chinese pilgrim, it is necessary that they should be given
in detail.

On leaving Sihdnesioara or TJidnesar,^ Hwen Thsang
records that he went 400 liy or 06 miles, to the eastward, to
the kingdom of Su-lu-kin-na, or Srughna, which he describes
as being bounded by the Ganges on the east, and by high
mountains on the north, and as being watered by the Jumna,
which ran through the midst of it. The capital, which was
20 liy or upwards of three miles, in circuit, was situated
immediately on the west bank of the Jumna; and, although
much ruined, its foundations were still standing. Amongst
other monuments it possessed a Stupa of King Asoka. The
direction given by Hwen Thsang is undoubtedly wrong, as
the Jumna is not more than 24 miles distant from Thfinesar
towards the east. But the mention of the hills shows most
clearly that the bearing should be north-east ; and as the
recorded distance of the Jumna at the foot of the hills agrees
with the actual distance, the situation of the capital of
Srughna must be looked for along the western bank of the
Jumna, somewhere between Khfilsi and Khidrabad. At' first
I was inclined to fix the position of the capital in the immo-
diate neighbourhood of the inscribed rock of Kbfllsi, but I
could neither find nor hear of any ruins in its vicinity, and
the distance is besides too great, being 71 miles in a direct
line, or about 80 miles by the road. If Hwen Thsang’s dis-
tances is correct, the most probable position of the capital
is Paottty on the right bank of the Jumna, which is 57 miles
distant from Thdnesar in a direct line, or about 65 miles by
the road. I believe also that Faota is the very place from
.whence Firuz Shah removed the Delhi column, for the name
of its original site is variously written as TaopaVy or Topara,
or Taoparsuhy any one of which by the mere shifting of the
diacritical points might be read as Paotar. It is possible

See Plato No. 11. for a map of North-Western India, showing the position of Khalsi.

21G

AUCn^TiOLOGICAL KErOBT, 18G2-C3.

also that the word Suk may still preserve a trace of the
ancient name of Sughan, winch is the spoken form of the
Sanskrit Srughna. I propose to explore this neighbour-
hood during the ensuing cold season. In the meantime I
am satisfied with having shown that the inscribed rock of
XhMsi is situated within the territory of Srughna, in whose
great monastery the Chinese pilgrim spent upwards of four
months, because the monks discussed the most difficult ques-
tions so ably that all doubts where cleared up. By the hands
of this learned fraternity were most probably engraved tlie
two groat copies of the edicts of Asoka which are still ex-
tent on the Khalsi rock and on the Delhi pillar of Piruz.
Shah.

Between Kh^ilsi and the Jumna the land on the western
bank of the river is foi’med in two successive ledges or level
steppes, each about 100 feet in height. Near the foot of the
upper steppe stands the large quartz boulder which has pre-
served the edicts of Asoka W upwards of 2,000 years. The
block is 10 feet long and 10 feet high, and about 8 feet thick
at bottom. The south-eastern face has been smoothed, but
rather unevenly, as it follows tlie undulations of tlie original
surface. The main inscription is engraved on this smoothed
surface, which measures 5 feet in height with a breadth of 5^
feet at top, which increases towards the bottom to 7 feet 10^
inches. The deeper hollows and cracks have been left unin-
scribed, and the lines of letters are undulating and uneven.
Towards the bottom the letter's increase in size until they be-
come about thrice as large as those of the upper part. Owing
either to this enlargement of the letters, or perhaps to the
latter part of the inscription being of later date, the prepared
surface was too small for the whole record, which was, there-
fore, completed on the left hand side of the rock.

On the right hand side an elephant is traced in outline,,
with the words Qajatame inscribed between his legs in the
same characters as those of the inscription. The exact mean-
ing of these words I do not know ; but as the Junagiri rock
inscription closes with a paragraph stating that the place is'
called Sweta Sasti, or the “ white elephant,” I think it pro-
bable that Gajatame may mean the “darker black elephant,”
and may, therefore, be the name of the rock itself. Amongst
the people, however, the rock is known by the name of
Chhatr Sila, or “ the canopy stone,” which would seem to

KHALSi

North face of Rock

6 —

7 -
s -

9 -

10 -

11 --
11 -
15 -

14-

15-

16-
17 -
18-
19-
2.0
fU

>6 iCa/ fevLD't^ ^ € O/'Sd-OxaT) > 4 a-- b '

eziiiiH7.^Hk iiCdtx /"t ^ -t » . ^ •

d a-^‘ 7^ 6i;x;jt<a.

- ^ 4 ^^% 6 ix+o£^xn'txn'd^fe'^<L 6 //Y;.
D'^-^bev D y M iXo*'*'' H K’X.5’ J/ f H<f ’iX -j-<J'

ocji G-a-z^ixa b o-to ^bd; <^<5-1: oxi,

— ‘^‘^^d.'trxAO, D-H <5^

_ AXH o«yH'‘yxHO^O<xiC>'feAAfr3tt^VC-TJ’+^<5\
■_ a(^6v"J>'.-J'56/na'aA

A A i#xe^©e »4 v'dJd/O/X ^If^ OdO^ZjMtlA - >^<p ^ <
t'y -i/ 2'A^”6^

A. CTiuii’'ii;ham, del.

t U I Orfici* Cdlcijttr

XnALSI.

217

show that the inscribed block bad formerly been covered over
by some kind of canopy, or perhaps only by an umbrella, as
the name imports. There are a number of squared stones
lying about close to the rock, as well as several fragments
of octagonal pillars and half- pillars or pilasters, which are
hollowed out or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common
fashion of the pillars of Buddhist railings. There is also a
large carved stone, 7 feet long, 1-^ foot broad, and 1 foot in
height, which from its upper mouldings I judged to have
formed the entrance step to some kind of open porch in front
of the inscription stone.

When found by Mr. Porrest early in 1860 the letters of
the inscription were hardly visible, the whole surface being
encrusted with the dark moss of ages ; but on removing this
black film the surface becomes nearly as white as marble. At
first sight the inscription looks as if it was imperfect in many
places, but this is owing to the engraver having purposely
left all the cracked and rougher portions uninscribed. On
comparing the different edicts with those of the Kapurdagirif
J^magiri, and Dhauli versions, I find the Klullsi text to bo in
a more perfect state than any one of them, and more special-
ly in tliat part of the 13th edict which contains the names of
the five Greek Kings, — Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigon us, Magas,
and Alexander.* The Khalsi text agrees with that Dhauli
in rejecting the use of the letter r, for wdiich I is everywhere
substituted. But the greatest variation is in the use of the
palatal sibilant s, which has not been found in any other
inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word
Pdsanda, which, curiously enough, is spelt sometimes with
one «, and sometimes with the other, even in the same edict.
As the proper spelling of this word is JP ash and a, it seems
almost certain that the people of India Proper did not possess
the letter sh in the time of Asoka.

I made a complete impression of the whole of this im-
portant inscription. I also copied the whole of the inscrip-
tion on the left side by eye, as well as most of the more
obscure parts in the front inscription. I have since com-
pared the entire text with those of the other rock tablets,
and I am now engaged in making a reduced copy of this va-
Sluable record for early publication. I propose, however, first.

* Sec riate No. XLI. for this portion of the KLialsi inscription.

218 ARCnJilOLOGICAL REPORT, 1802-G3.

to compare it with, the Kapurdagari version in the Arian
characters. With good copies of all the different texts before
them, the scholars of Europe will be able to give a more
satisfactory interpretation of Asoka’s edicts than has hitherto
been made, even with the aid of all the learning of Birnouf
and Wilson.

IV. MADAWAR, OR MADIPUR.

Erom Srughna the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to Mo-ti-
pu-lo, or Madipur, to the east of the* Ganges, a distance of
800 li, or 133 miles. Madipur has been identified by M. St.
Martin with Manddwar, a large old town in Western llohil-
khund near Bijnor. I had made the same identification my-
self before I'eading M. St. Martin’s remarks, and I am now
able to confirm it by a personal examination of the locality.
The actual distance from J?aola on the J umna to Manddwar
via narkhedr, is not more than 110 miles by the present
roads ; but as it would have been considerably more by the old
Native tracks leading from village to village, the distance re-
corded by Ilwen Thsang is most probably not far from the
truth, more especially when we remember that ho paid a visit
to Ma-yu-lo, or Mayurapura, now Myapoor, near HardwAr
at the head of the Ganges Canal. But the identity of the
site of Maddwar with Madipur is not dependent on this
one distance alone, as will be seen from the subsequent
course of the pilgrim, which most fully confirms the position
already derived from his previous route.

The name of the town is written with the Maddioar with
the cerebral d, and without the nasal. In our maps it is spelt
Mundorc and Mundfiwar. According to Johari Lai, Chaodri
and Kanungo of the place, Maddwar was a deserted site, in
Samvat 1171, or A. D. 1114, when his ancestor Dwchdea Dds,
an AgarwiAla Baniya, accompanied by Katdr Mall, came from
Morari in the Mirat District, and occupied the old mound. -
The present town of 3Iaddwar contains 7,000 inhabitants,
and is rather more than three-quarters of a mile in length by
half a mile in breadth. But the old mound which represent^
the former town is not more than half a mile square. It has
an average height of 10 feet above the rest of the town, and ^
it abounds with large bricks, a certain sign of antiquity. In '
the middle of the mound there is a ruined fort, 300 feel'
square, with an elevation of G or 7 feet above the rest of tlu

^LATE XL II

flail

oi'

MADAWAR

A (^Iti
B (li.{ FvH

• j l*tf •*Xlfir 7}U

0 7>ii na •

E Aii •»<</#» TnJ

;r'^- .. o/;g

RUINED FORT

n** JU'

KASHIPUR.

ROHU-KHANO

\ '

Miir^haHo

rru I

^ V

x’’*'

^ /

* ^ -y u r L

G3 ’(!*^‘Ah

^ '■»■»' , \,
cC- / \ '

“«n ,“■'»• '''-jf'“':F\

/iSfutr-akftur

i ’ (JuTi mn Pj Vi a rn del

LxUAj ' 1 -^

'.jf»., 3 ^'u.. 6«*f M7

MADAWAl^, OR WABTPITr,

(nty. % the nortli-east, tlistaTii alioui, 0110 mile from llio loi l,
tbei’c is a largo village, on another mound, called ;

and between the two lies a large tank called Kihichi TdL
surrounded by numerous small mounds which are said to be
the remains of buildings. OHginally these two ])laecs u ould
appear to have formed one large town about 1 } mile in kingtli
by half a mile in breadth, or 3 ^ miles in circuit, 'fhc Ac-
nmu/o states that Madmoar formed part of the dominions
‘of Ihthora llaja, and that it possessed a large Hindu hnnple
of stone,’ which \vas afterwards destroyed by one of tin* (Jhcj^i
Sultans, who built the present JAma Masjid on its site, and
Avith its materials. The stones of the nroscpio an; sfj eared
Idocks of soft grey sandstone, and as many of them e.vliihit
cramp-holes on the outside, there can bo no doubt that tiny
must originally have belonged to some other building.

To the south-east of the town there is a large, deej), irre
gularly shaped piece of water called Virwdli T(H. i t is Jioar-
ly half a mile in length, but not more than dOO feet lu'oad in
its Avidcst part. It is Idled in the rains by a small chan-
nel carrying thp drainage of the country from iiie north-east,
and its ovcrlloAV falls into the Malhii Iliver, about tw'o miles
distant. This pool is only part of a natural channel of drain-
age Avhich has been deepened by the cxcaAmtion of earth for
Iho bricks of the town. But in spite of this evident origin
of the jVadihonr ivaxli, it Avas gravely asscriod by the Bud-
dhists to liavo been produced by an cartlnpiakc Avliich aeconi-
])anied the dealli of a celebrated saint, named Vimala Milra.

According to ITavcu Thsang, Mad'ipnr Avas 20 U, or 3.'.
miles, in circuit, A\diich agrees very closely Avith Avhat Avouhl
appear to be the most probable size of the old toAvn. The
King w'as a Avho cared nothing for ibuldhism," but

worshipped the Demis. There were 12 Buddhist monasteries
containing about 800 monks, who Avere mostly attached to
’the school of the Harmstivddas, and there Averc also about 50
Brahmanical temples.* To the south of the toAvn, at d or 5
li, or f of a mile, there was a small monastery in Avhich
(dunaprahha was said to have composed 100 works ; and at
half a mile to the north of this there was a gr(jat monastery
^Avhich wns famous as the scene of Sunghahhadra’ s siidden

n 2

Julkii’s Ihvcu Th M ,

tiuU AVvCn^EOLOG ICAL TlErORT, 18G2-63.

(loath from chagrin, when he was overcome in argument by
V asuhcmdlm. His relics were deposited in a Stupa in the
midst of a mangoe grove only 200 paces to the north-west of
the monastery. These two chiefs of Buddhism lived about
the beginning of the Christian 'era, and tho Stupa was still
standing in A. D. G34 at the time of Ilwen Thsang’s visit.
There is no trace now existing either of the monasteries or
of the Stupa, hut their sites can be fixed with tolerable cer-
tainty by the aid of Hwen Thsang’s descriptions. The village
of Mlpur, which is situated on a mound about three-quarter^
of a mile to the south-south-east of the Jama Masjid, and
which is built partly of old bricks, represents the site of the
small monastery of Gunaprahha. To the north of L&lpur, and
just half a mile distant, is the shrine of Ilidayat Shah, with
a Masjid attached, both of which arc built of old bricks.
This spot I believe to bo tho site of the great monastery of
Sanglmbhadra. Lastly, to the west-north-west of Hidtlyat’s
shrine, at a distance of 200 paces, there is another shrine, or
Fakir’s talcia, standing in the midst of a mangoe grove, like
the old Stupa of Sanghahhadra, the site of which it represents
almost exactly as described by Hwen Thsang,*

Besides the mangoe grove there was a second Stupa
which contained the relics of Vimala Mitra, who, as a
disciple of Sanghahhadra, must have lived in the first cen-
tury of the Christian era. The legend relates that, on passing
the Stupa of his master Sanghahhadra, ho placed his hand
on his heart, and with a sigh expressed a wish that he might
live to compose a work wliich should lead all the students
of India to renounce the “ Great Vehicle” (Mahd YdnaJ,
and which should blot out the name of Vasuhandhu for ever.
No sooner had ho spoken, than he was seized witlx frenzy,
and five spouts of burning hot blood gushed from his mouth.
Then feeling himself dying, he wrote a letter “ expressing
his repentance for having maligned the Mahd Yana, and
hoping that his fate might serve as an example to all stu-
dents.” At these words tho earth quaked, and he expired in-
stantly. Then the spot where he died suddenly sank and
formed a deep ditch, and a holy man who witnessed his end
exclaimed — “ To-day this master of the scriptures, by giving
way to his passioils, and by persisting in erroneous opinions.

* See PUte Xo. XL II. for map of Madawar.

^MADAWAU, OK MADIPXJR — KASlIiriTll, OK GOVTSANA. 251

lias calTlmoiated the Malid Yana, for which he has now fallen
into everlasting hell.” But this opinion of the holy man
wciuld appear to have been confined to the followers of the
Mahd Yana, for the brethren of Vmiala Mitra, who were
Sarvdstwddas or students of the lesser vehicle, burned his
body and raised a Stupa over his relics. It must bo remem-
bered also that Hwen Thsang, who relates the legend, was
a zealous follower of the Mahd Yana, and this no doubt led
him to overlook the manifest contradiction between the state-
ment of the uncharitable arhat, and the fact that his brethren
had burned his body in the usual manner. This legend, as
well as several others, w'ould seem to shoAV that there was a
hostile and even bitter feeling between these two great seets
of the Buddhist community.

The site of Vimala MUra's Stupa is described as being
at the edge of the mango grove, and from the details of ilic
legend it is clear that it could have been at no great distance
from the Stupa of Sanghahhadra. It Avould appear also that
it must have stood close by the great dit<;]), or hollow, •whicli
his opponents looked upon as the rent in ihe earth by which
he had sunk down to “ everlasting hell.” Now the man goc
grove which I have before mentioned extends only 120 paces
to the westward to the bank of the deep tank called the
JPirwdli Tdl. I conclude, therefore, that the Stupa, of Vimala
Mitra must have stood close to the edge of this tank and on
the border of the mangoo grove which still exists in the same
position as described by Hwon Thsaiig.

It seems probable that the people of Madnioar, as point-
ed out by M. St. Martin, may be the Mathaa of Megastlumes
who dwelt on the banks of the Erineses. If so, that river
must be the MMini. It is true that this is but a small stream,
but it was in a sacred grove on the bank of the Mdlmi that
Sakuntala was brought up, and along its course lay her route
to the court of I>ushmanta at Ilanlinapnr. While the lotus
floats on its waters, and while the Chakwa calls its mate on
its bank, so long will the little Mdlini live in the verse of
JCdlidda.

V. KASIlirUll, OR GOVISANA,

On leaving Madipur the Chinese pilgrim travelled
400 Z/y or 66 miles to the south-east, .and arriv^cd in the kins-
donA' of Kiu-pi-shwang-na, which !M. Julicn I'CJidcrs by

Aiiou^icoLOGiCAL htspout, lSG2-r)n

ijt)2

(jcroismia.^ The capital was Id* or 15 li, or 2^ miles in-circuit.
Its position was strong, being elevated, and ot‘ difficult access,
and it was surrounded by groves, tanks, and lish ponds. TJ'ore
were two monasteries containing 100 monks, and 30 Erah-
manical temples. In the middle of the larger monastery,
wbicb was outside the city, there was a Stnpa of Asoka, 200
feet in height, built over the spot where Bxiddha was said to
Jiave explained the law. There were also two small SLvpcis,
only 12 feet high, containing his hair and nails.

According to ihc bearing and distance from Madipur, as
given by llwen Tlisang, wo must look for Govisana some-
where to tlic north of Muradabad. In this direction tlic
only place of any antiquity is the old fort of TJjam, which is
just one mile to the east of Kashipur. According to the
louto wliich 1 marched, the distance is 41 hos, or GO miles. I
<^si,lma1o the value of the Zmby the measured distance of 69
jiiiles between the Post Offices of Bareli and Muradabad,
wliieii is always called 40 hos by the Natives. The true
bearing of Kashipur is east-south-cast, iixstead of south-east,
Init the differxince is not great ; and as the position of
Kiishipur is equally clearly indicated by the subsequent route
to Ahichhalra, I f(iol quite satisfied that the old fort of VJaiu
represciils the ancient city of Govisana which was visited by
llwen Tlvsang.

Bisho]» llebcr describes Kashipur as a “ famous place of
Hindu pilgrimage whicdi was built by a divinity, named
Ivaslii, 5,000 years ago.”t But the good Bishop was grossly
deeeivc'd by his informant, as it is well known that the town
is a modern one, — it having been Imilt about A. D. 1718 by
Kashi Nath, a follower of Baja Devi Chandra, or Deb Chand,
of Champrnvat, in ICiimaon. The old fort is now called Ujain ;
bull as tihat is the name of the nearest village, it seems pro-
bable that the true name has been lost. The place itself had
ijeen deserted for several hundred years before the occupation
of Kashipur; but as the holy tank of Dron Sugar had never
ci',ased to bo visited by pilgrims, I presume that the name of
the tank must have gradually superseded that of the fort.
Kven at the present day, the name Dron Sugar is just as
wfdl known as that of Kashipur.

^ lluoii Thoaiig, JL,

^ ClMM-l .. Vo I U., p. -J IG.

KASTTIPim, Oil GOVTR.WA,

'iTic old fovt of Ujain is very potniliar in its form, ■svliicli
Snay bo best compared to the body of a guitar. It is
feet in length from west to cast, and 1,500 feet in
l)r(^ltb, the whole circuit being upwards of 0,000 feet, or
rather less than 2 miles. Ilwcn Tlisang describes the circuit
of Govisana as about 12,000 feet, or jicarly 2^ miles ; but in
this measurement ho must have included the long mound of
riiins on the south side, Avhich is evidently the remains of an
^ancient .suburb. By including this mound as an undoubted
part of the old city, the circuit of the ruins is upwards of
11,000 feet, or very nearly the same as that given by IIavou
Thsang. Numerous groves, tanks, and fish ponds still
surround the place, indeed, the trees arc particularly
luxuriant, owing to the high level of the water wdiich is
within 5 or G feet of the surface. Bor the same 3'eason the
(unks- arc numerous and alwavs full of Avatcr, The largest
of liicse is the Drou Sugar, wJiich, as well as tlio fort, is said
to have been cojistructcd by the five Pandu brothers for the
use of their teacher Droiia. The tank is only GOO lent
square, but it is esteemed very holy, and is much frc(iucntcd
by pilgrims on their Avay to the source of the Ganges. Its
high banks are covered with sail monuments of recent date.
'J'ho walls of the fort arc built of largo massive bricks,
15 inches by 10 inches by 2^ inches, Avhich are ahvays a
certain sign of auticpiity. The general height of the Avails
is ijO feet above the fields ; but the Avliole is now in compjc'b;
ruin, and covered with dense jungle. ShalloAV ditches still
exist on all sides except the east. Tlic interior is vcjy
uneven, but the mass has a mean height of about 20 teet
above the coiintry. There arc tAAm low openings in the
ramparts, one to the north-Avest aird t-hc other to the south -
Avest, Avhieh now servo as entrances to the jungle, ajid Avhich
the people say Avero the old gates of the fort.®

There are some small tcmides on the western bank of
the Droti Sugar ; but the great place of worshijj is the
modern temple of JAvala Devi, GOO feet to the castAvard of tlu!
dbrt. This goddess is also called TJjaini Devi, and a great fair
is held in her honour on the 8th day of the AAuning moon of
Chaitra. Other smaller temples contain symbols of JVrahadeva
under tlie titles of Bhntesar, IliiJdemr, Ndgndlh, ami

*' I’ktu Nu. XLll. ioi u umi* of Uj.iiii or LluvU.aivi.

254 AUCII^OLOGICAL llEl’ORT, 18G2-G3.

Jdgesar. But all of tlieso temples are of recent date; the
sites of the more ancient fanes being marked by mounds pf
various dimensions from 10 to upwards of 30 feet in heiqnt.
The most remarkable of those mounds is situated inside the
northern wall of the fort, above which the ruins rise to a
height of 52 feet above the country, and 22 feet above the
ramparts. This mound is called Bhimgaja or Bhimgada, that
is, Bhim’s club, by which I understand a large lingmn of
MahS,deva. Were it not for this name, I should be inclined
to look upon tills huge mound as the remains of a palace, as
I succeeded in tracing the walls of what appeared to have
been a large room, 72 feet in length from north to south, by
63 feet in width, the walls being C feet thick. About 500 feet
beyond the north-cast angle of the fort there is another re-
markable mound which is rather more than 34 feet in height.
It stands in the midst of a quadrangular terrace, 600 in
length by 500 feet in breadth, and, as well as I could ascer-
tain from an excavation at the top, it is the remains of a
large square temple. Close by on the east, and within the
quadrangle, there are the ruins of two small temples. To the
eastward of the Jwul4 Devi temple, there is a curious circular
flat-topped mound of earth, 68 feet in diameter, surrounded
by a brick wall from 7 to 11 feet in height.* It is called
Bdmgir Gosain-ka-tila, or “ the mound of Bdmgir Gosain,"
from which I infer that it is the burial place of a modern
Gosain. To the south of the fort, near the temple of Jagesar
Mahadeva, there is a third large mound, 22 feet in height,
which was once crowned by a temple of 20 feet square inside.
The bricks have only recently been removed, and the square
core of earth still remains perfect. To the westward of this
last, there is a fourth mound, on which I traced the ruins of
a temple 30 feet square standing in the midst of a raised
quadrangle about 500 feet square. Besides these there are
ten smaller mounds, which make up altogether 14, or just
one-half the number of the Brahmanical temples which arc
mentioned by Hwcu Thsang.

The only ruin which appeared to mo to be of undoubted
Buddhist origin was a solid brick mound 20 feet in height, to
the south-west of Jdgesar Mahudeva, and close to the small
village of Khargpur. The base of the mound is upwards of
200 feet in diameter. The solid brick-work at the top is still
60 feet thick; but as it is broken all round, its original

TIAMNAGAT?, OU AITTCTIITATRA.

255

(llamo]!fer mnf?t have been miich greater, probably not less than
^ feet. But even this larger diameter is too small for a
wa of 200 feet in height of the hcmispherieal form of
AsiSifa’s time ; a Stupa of that early period, even when pro-
vided -with both plinth and cupola, would not have exceeded
100 feet in height. Unless, therefore, wo may siippose that
tliere is a mistake of 100 feet in the text of Hwen Thsang, 1
foel quite unable to offer any identilifeation whatever of the
Buddhist remains of Govisana as described by the Chinese
pilgrira*

VI. RAMNAGAR, OR AIIICIIIIATRA.

Prom Govisana IT wen Thsang proceeded to the south-
east 400 li, or GG miles, to A7ii-clii-ta-lo, or A hichhaira. This
once famous place still preserves its ancient name as
Ahiclihatr, although it has been deserted for many centuries.
Its history reaches back to the time of the IlaMhMraia, at
which date it was the capital of Northern JPanchdla. The
name is written AM-lcshetra, as well as Alii-clihatra, but the
local legoTid of Adi Raja and the Naga, who formed a canopy
over his head when asleep, shows that the latter is the correct
form. This grand old fort is said to have been built by JRaja
Adi, an Ahir, whose future elevation to sovereignty was fore-
told by 'J)}'ona when he found him sleeping under the
guardianship of a serpent with expanded hood. The place is
mentioned by Ptolemy as' Adisadrn, which proves that*the
legend attached to the name of Adi is at least as old as the
beginning of the Christian era. The fort is also called
Adikot, but the more common name is Ahichhatr.

According to the MaMhbdraia the great kingdom of
FancMla extended from the Himalaya Mountains to the
Chambal River. The capital of North FancMla, or Rohil-
khand, was Ahi-chhatra, and that of South JPanchdla, or the
central Gangetic Doab, was Kdmpilya, now Kempil, on the
old Ganges between Budaon and Farokhabad.* Just before
the great war, or about 1430 B. 0., the King of Panchdla,
mamed Drupada, was conquered by Drona, the preceptor of
the five Pandus. Drona retained North PancJidla for himself,
but restored the southern half of the kingdom to Drupada.
According to this account the name of AJii-clihatra, and

* See Plate No. II. for tlie positions of the two PanchriUs iu the map of the North-
AV esterii Provinces.

APvCTT.T.OT.OnTCATi PPPOPT, 1 R02-03.

2nr,

(‘onsoqiiontly filso l.lio loi^ond of Jidl Jtaja and tlio sorpoul.,
arc nuijiy centuries anterior to the rise of Jhiddliisin.

It would appear, however, that the Iluddhists must
adopted and alterpd the lei?en(l to do honour to tlicir f^n-cat
teacher, for IT won Thsang records that outside tlie town
there was a Iddcja-Uradd, or “ serpent tanlc,” near which
Buddha had preached tlic law for seven days in favour of the
Serpent King, and that the spot was marked by a Slupa of
King Asoka. Now, as the only existing at this place

is calli'd Chdlr, I infer that the Buddhist legend represented
the Na'ffa King after his coiivorsion as forming a canopy over
Buddha with his ex])anded hood. I think, also, that the
SliqM erecited on the spot where the conversion took place
would naturally have been called Alu-chhalra, or the “ ser-
pent canopy.” A similar story is told at Buddlia-Claya of
t he Naga King MnchdlhKhi, who with his expanded hood
sheltered Buddlia from the shower of rain pi’oduccd by tlu^
malignant demon 3Ldra.

1'hc account of A.hi-clilialra given by II wen Thsaiig is
uufortunat(!ly very meagre, otherwise wo might most pro-
bably have identilied many of the existing ruins with the
Buddhist Avorks of an early age.* The capital Avas 17 or 18 li,
or just three miles, in circaiit, and Avas defended by natural
obstacles. It possessed 12 monasteries, containing about
1,000 monks, and nine Biahmanical temples, Avith about 300
A\ orshi])i)ers of laioara Deva (Siva), Avho smeared their bodies
Avith ashes. I’lie Stupa near the serpent tank outside the
toAvn has already been mentioned. Close beside it there were
four small Sitipas built on the spots Avhere the four previous
Buddhas had cither sat or walked. Both the size and the
peculiar position of the ruined fortress of Ald-clihalra agree
so exactly with liAvcn . Thsang’s description of the ancient
Ahi-chhatra, that there can bo no doubt Avhatevcr of their
identity. The circuit of the Avails, as they stand at present,
is 10,100 feet, or upwards of 3^ miles. The shape may bo
described as an irregular right-angled triangle, the Avest side
being 5,000 feet in length, the north side 6,100 feet, and the
long side to the south-east 7,100 feet. The fort is situated'
between the Mam Gauga and Gdnglum Mivers, which arc
both dilTicult to cross ; the former on account of its broad
sands, the latter on accomit of its extensive ravines. Both on

^ Jiilieii/ llwfii TlievUr;, II., ]>. -Ul.

RAMNAGAT?., OR AllICIiK

-U

the nortli and oast tlio place is vcndcM’od almost inao(!ossil)lc
■li^ the -iVW^^/, a difficult ravine Avitli sh'op lu-okon hanks,

am’ numerous deep pools_ of water (piite impassahle hy
Avlioidcd vehicles. For this reason the cart road to Llui-oli,
distant only 18 miles duo cas’t, is not loss than ii.'} miles. In-
deed the only acccssihlc side of the position is the north-
west, from the direction of LoJcJmor, the ancient capital
o.*" the Katehria Rajputs. It, therefore, fully merits tlie
.description of IE won Thsang as hciiii? defended hy
“ n.atural obstacles.”* Aln-chhaira is onlv seven miles to the
north of Aoula, but the latter half of the road is rendered
difficult by the ravines of the Gdmjhmi Riccr. It was in
t his very position, in the jan^als to the north of Aonla, that
the Katehria Rajputs withstood the Muhammadans under
I’iruz Tughlak.

The ruins of Ahi-chhaira wore first visited by Captain
Hodgson, the Surveyor, who describes the place as “the
ruins of an ancient fortress several miles in circumference,
which appears to have had 31 bastions, and is known in th (5
neighbourhood by the name of the ‘ Pandus Port.’ ” A( cord-
ing to my survey there are only 32 towci’s, but it is quite
possible that one or two may have escaped my notice, as I
found many parts so overgrown with thorny jungle as to be
inaccessible. The towers arc generally from 28 to 30 feet in
height, excepting on the west side, where they rise to 35 feet.
A single tower near the south-west corner is 47 feet in height
above the road outside. The average height of the interior
mass is from 15 to 20 feet. Many of the pi’cscnt towers,
however, are not ancient, as an attempt was made by Ali
IVEiihammad Khan, about 200 years ago, to restore the fort
with a view of making it his stronghold in case he should
bo pushed to cxti’cmities by the King of Delhi. The new
walls arc said to have been 1-| gaz thick, wduch agrees with
niy measurements of the parapets on the south-eastern side,
which vai’y from 2 feet 9 inches to 3 feet 3 inches in thick-
ness at top. According to popular tradition, Ali Muhammad
pxponded about a karor of rupees, or one million pounds
sterihig, in this attempt, which ho was finally obliged to
abandon on account of its costliness. I estim.ato that he
may, perhaps, have spent about one lakh of rupees, or

• JuliLii’.-. lI.M'ii T!i-.,i.ii;r, 1 1-, 23'1.

I 2

^58 \ucn GEOLOGICAL LEPOLT, 18G2-G3.

cCl 0,000, in repairing the ramparts and in ro-building Ibc
parapets. Tlicro is an arched gateway on the south-ea^i,"
side, which must have been built by tlu? Musulmans, but as
no new bricks were made by them, the cost of their ,vork
would have been limited to the labour alone. The ramparts
are 18 feet thick at the base in some places, and between Idi
and 15 feet in others.*

There are three great mounds inside the fort, and outside, ^
both to the north and west, there arc number of mounds pf
all sizes, from 20 feet to 1,000 feet in the diameter. To the
north-west, distant one mile, there is a large tank called the
Gandhdn Sugar, which has an area of 125 higalis, and about
one-quarter of a mile beyond it there is another lank called
the Adi Sugar, which has an area of 150 bigalis. The latter
is said to have been made by Adi llaja at the same time as
the fort. The waters arc collected by an earthen embank-
ment faced on both sides witli bricks of large size. Tlio
Gandhdn Sugar is also embanked both to the oast and south.
The mounds to the south of the tanks arc covered with large
bricks, both plain and moulded; but judging from their
shapes, they must all have belonged to temples, or other
straight walled buildings, and not to Sliipas. There is
nothing to show Avhether these are the remains of Buddhist
or of Brahmanical buildings, hut from their extent it is pro-
bable that they were the former.

According to II wen Thsang there were only nine Brah-
manieal temples at Ahi-chhalra in A. I). G31<, all of which
would appear to have been dedicated to Siva. But as Bud-
dhism declined this number .must have been increased, for X
discovered the ruins of not less than twenty temples of various
sizes, of which one is gigantic, four are large, live are of
middle size, and twelve of small dimensions. Three of these
arc inside the fort, and the others arc grouped together out-
side on the west road. I made excavations in most of these
mounds, all of which yielded moulded bricks of various
patterns, but only two of them allbrded sculptures by which
their original purpose could be absolutely identified. These
two temples arc marked as Nos. I. and IV. in my survey of
the ruins.

Soo I’LiU' No. XLlil. I’orainap of Alii-chhutra.

AHJCHHATllA,

Plate XUT .

KAMNAGAR, OR AIIICIIirATRA. 2.79*

.y''

The*remJcins of No. I. temple form a mound 05 feet 9
I-Bclies in height above the country, and upwards of 30 feet
above the Avails of the fortress. This lofty mound stands in-
side the fort near the middl? of the north Avail, and forms
the most conspicious object amongst the ruins of the mighty
fortress of Ahi-chhaim. The floor of the temple is GO feet
above the ground, and at this enormous height stood a
colossal lingam, 3 feet C-|- inches in diameter, and upwards of 8
■ feet in height, which must have been visible from both cast
and west through the open doors of the temple for a distance
of some miles. The interior of the temple is only 1 1 feet 4
inches by 10^ feet. The north and south w'alls arc 0 feet 5
inches thick, and the east and west walls only 5 feet 0 inches;
but on these two sides there arc o})on porches outside the
two entrances which increase the thickness of the Avails to
19 feet on the west side, and to 14 feet 1 1 inches on the
cast. The exterior dimensions of the temj)lc arc J-S feet 3
inches by 29 feet 4 inches. Trom these dimensions
I calculate that the temple must have been about 100 feet in
height above its own floor, or 105 feet above the country.
The base of the stone Ihigmi is square, ihe middle part oc-
tagonal, and the upper part hemispherical. A Irisiil, or
trident, is cut upon the base. The upper portion of the
lingam is broken. The people say that it Avas struck by
lightning, but from the unshuttered state of the large block
1 am more disposed to ascribe the fracture to the hammer of
the Muhammadans.

Mound No. II., wdiicli is also inside the fort to the Avest
of the large mound, is 36 feet in height, and from 5 to 10
feet above the general line of the ramparts. It sIioaa'^s the
remains of a large square building Avith a long flight of ste])s
on the west side. No. III. mound is only 30 feet in height,
and is covered with scrub jungle. There arc ti’aces of Avails
on the surface, but the jungle proAcntcd their immediate ex-
cavation. I will take an early opportunity of exploring both
of these mounds, as I feel satisfied that they are the remains
nf largo Brahmanical temples.

No. IV. mound stands about 1,000 feet outside the west
gate of the fort. It is 300 feet square at base, and 30 :(eet
in height, and has two smaller mounds attached to the noiah-
cast corner. On excavating the surface I discovered the
foundations of a tcmide, 11 feet square inside, Avilh Avails 3^

200

AUCIUTiOLOGICAL KErOilT, 18(52-03.

Icct (ilick, and a long pedestal or raised platfdrm lor tlie rc^
eeption of statues. The entrance is on the east side tovvai«ds
tlio town. Amongst the ruins I found a seated terracotta
jigurc of Siva, 12 inches in height, with four arms and three
eyes, and onq hand holding a large lotus flower. I found
also in red stone a small right hand grasping the hilt of a
sword, and a left ■ hand of three-quarter life size, grasping a
largo couch. As the last must have belonged to a figure of
Vishnu, it is possible that the temple was dedicated to that '
god ; hut a projecting portion of the pedestal leads me to hc-
lievo that it must have been occupied by a lingani, and if so,
tlie principal figure would have been that of Mahadeva.
There was also a large quantity of ashes inside this temple,
i'rom which I infer tliat it was most probably destroyed - by
the Musulmans in one of thehr early expeditions against the
Katehria Rajputs.

The Buddhist remains at Ahi-chhatra are both more
extensive and more ancient than those of the Brahmans. In
ray survey I have marked them by the letters of the alpha-
bet to distinguish them from the Brahmanical ruins, winch
are numbered. Only three of the Buddhist mounds have
been excavated, but as most of the others have furnished
materials for the neighbouring villages, ‘ it does not seem
likely that their excavation would be attended with any
success.

The most important of the Buddhist ruins is an 'irregular
shaped mound, about 1,000 feet square, from the centre of
Avhich rises a largo Slnpa of solid brick-work, which the
people call Chhatr. I have already identified this with the
great which was built over the spot where Buddha

converted the Serpent King. It is surrounded by eight
smaller mounds, of which four would appear to be the ruins
of Stupas, and three of temples, 'W'bilst one only is doubtful.

N ow, llwen Thsang desenbes the great Stupa as having on
one side of it four small Stupas, which account agrees exactly
with the position of the four small mounds above-mentioned.

I have no doubt, therefore, as to the identity of the Chhatr
mound with the Stujta of Ilwen Thsang, although I was
unable to discover any certain trace of the tank called the
N'dija-hrada or “ serpent pond” by the Chinese pilgrim. It
is quite possible, however, that a tank may once have existed
oil ihe south-west side, where the ground is still very low.

Cut cc;.

KAMNAOAU, OH AUICUJIATllA.

2G1

The greStfK^uin called Chhatr is a mass of solid brick-
‘^^rork, diO fc'et in height above the fields, and GO feet in
diameter at top. The original building was a hemispliere of
no feet diameter, which was raised upon a base or pliutb 15
feet in height. ’At some later period an outer casing, 12^- feet
thick, was added, which increased the diameter to 75 feet, and
the height of the crown of the hemisphere toi 52 J feet. Allow-
ing two-sevenths of the diameter for the height of the cupola or
pinnacle, which is the proportion observed in the Sanchi bas-
refiefs, the total height of the original Stupa would have been
57 feet, and that of the later Stupa 77 feet. I made sev(;ral
superficial' excavations around the base in the hope of liuding
some portions of the stone railings with which the Stupa
was most probably surrounded, but without success. I still
believe, however, that there must liavo been the usual
Buddhist railings around this Stupa, and that a further search
would probably bring some of the pillars to light. 1 found,
however, a number of curved Avedge-shaped bricks that must
have belonged to a circle of between 15 and 10 feet in diame-
ter, and which, I presume, are tlie remains of the cupola.*

If I am right in my identificatioii of this Stupa with
that which was built near the Serpent Tank, its original con-
struction must be referred to tho reign of Asoka, or about 250
E. C. A strong argument in favor of this date is the simi-
larity of its shape to that of tho Bhilsa Topes, which are un-
dQ.ubtcdJy of Asoka’s age. The date of the enlargement of the
Stupa can only be fixed approximately by inferring from
II wen Thsang’s silence that it must have been in good order
at the time of his visit. Admitting this to have been tho
case, the date of the enlargement cannot be placed earlier
than about A. D. 400 to 500.

The great Stupa attracted tho attention of some British
Officer, about 30 years ago, who dug a gallery into it, 21 feet
in length, and then sunk a well for some unknown depth,
which I found filled with rubbish. I made use of this
old gallery, and continued it to the centre of tho Stupa,
* where it met a shaft which I had sunk from the top. Brom
tliis point I carried the shaft downwards, making use of the
gallery, for the removal of the bricks. At a depth of 27 feet
from tho present top, or at 7 feet below the centre of\the

* fcjoe riiito Nt/. XLIY. fur a view of tliirf SU'iHi,

2G2

AUCniEOLOGTCAIi UErORT, 18G2-G3.

older hcmispLorc, I found a low pyramidal topped vessel of
common red unglazed earthenware, 8 inches in diameter.
Inside tljis vessel there was a small steatite box containing
many minute fragments of seed pearls, several pieces of blue
glass, one largo head of red amber, and about a tea spoonful
of little bits of rock crystal. Mixed with these were ten
small cylindrical* pierced beads of a dirty white colour like
old chalk. They consist chiefly of carbonate of lime with a
trace of some other substance, and arc most probably only
the remains of some artificial beads. TJie little steatite box,
is a sphere of 2 inches diameter, but rather pointed at the
lop and bottom. Its general colour is white with a few
purple blotches. The whole is rudely ornamented, the top
with flowers, and the bottom with animals of school-boy
design. The inside also is rudely ornamented, but witli
simple lines only. There is no trace- of any inscription!

At CJ feet below the deposit just described, or at 13 J
fcct below the centre of the hemisphere, a second deposit
was found, imbedded in the ground immediately under the
last course, of a globular-shaped mottled steatite vase, 8]-
inches in diameter and G inches in height. This vase has a
neck 3 inches in diameter inside and 2^ inches in height,
tlius making the whole height of the vessel 8|- inches. This
is divided into two equal jjortions, the lower half having an
inner lip, which is overlapped hy the upper half. The vessel
is quite plain, excepting only a few belts of simple lines
which encircle it. The open mouth was found closed by the
lid of a small dark-colored steatite vase exactly similar to
several that were discovered in the Bhilsa Topes. Inside
tliere was nothing but a hard cake of earth, G inches in
diameter, mixed with small stones. A similar earthen cake,
but only 2 3 inches in diameter, was found in the earthenware
jar of the upper deposit. What this cake may be I cannot
at present say, but it does not cffervesco with acids.

The second Buddhist mound which has yielded important
evidence of its former occupation is called Kaidri Kliera.
It is situated 1,200 feet to the north of the old fort, and
!1,600 feet to the cast of the small village of Nasratganj.
The mound is about 400 feet square and 20 feet in height.
CIqoC by there is a small pond called the M<modse Tdl ; but
neither this name, nor that of Katari Khera, would seem to
have any reicrcnco to the old Buddhist establishment which

Oil the soui.. -

RAMNAGA.1?, OR AmcnilATRA.

2G^

formerly, stoodt^tlicre. ' Unfortunately this mound has fiu’-
nished fcchs.to the neighbouring village for many generations,
so that but little is now loft to point out the nature of the
original buildings. A surface excavation brought to light a
temple 26^ feet in length 'by 22 feet in breadth outside, and
11 feet square inside. The |)linth is still standing 4 ]: feet in
height, formed of blocks of kanlcar, but the Avails have alto-
gether disappeared, excepting some portions of a few courses.
The doorway faces the east, from which I infer that the en-
shrined 'statue was most probably that of the ascetic Buddha,
Avlio is always represented seated in a similar position under
the holy Pipal Tree of Buddha-Gay a. I am also led to the
same conclusion by the discovery of a broken statue of Buddha
with two flying figures over the right shoulder, which are the
usual accompaniments of the ascetic figures of Buddlra.
This statue is broken at the waist, and both arms arc lost;
but the fragment is still 2 feet high and 2 feet broad, from
which I infer that the size of the original statue was not less
then 4 feet in height by 3 feet in breadth ; and this I believe
to have been the principal figure of the temple.

In the same place, five other carved and sculptured
stones wore discovered, of which one is an inscribed pillar of
a Bpddhist railing of middle age. The jiillar is broken, but
the remaining portions of the socket holes are suflicient for
the restoration of the original dimensions. The fragment is
1 foot 11 'inches in length, with a section of inches l?y 4
inches. The socket holes are 8 inches long, and 4^ inches
apart, which in a pillar of two rails AA^ould give a height of 3
feet 2^- inches, or of 4 feet 3 inches in a pillar of three rails.
The face of the pillar is sculptured with six rows of naked
standing figures, there being 5 figures in the lowest row, and
only four figures in each of the others. On one of the sides
there is the following short inscription in four lines of the age
of the Guptas : —

Aclidrya Indranandi Sishya Mahddari JPdrswamaiisya

Kotlari.

’ The last word but one might, perhaps, be read as patisya ; ■
but the remainder of the inscription is quite clear. I und^-'
stand it to record the gift of “ Mahddari, the disciple of tlW*
teacher to the temple (Kottari)oi Tdrswam^i”

Perhaps the term Kotlari may be preserved in the name of,.
Katdri Khera, by which the mound is now known.

AnCEyTlOLOOICAL RETOnT, 18G2-G3.

2G4,

Tho other sculptured stones arfc not of'fejnuch. interest.
The largest is a broken statue of a standing figure, 3 feet
higli by 2 feet broad, which appears to be naked. The
bead, the feet, and the right arpi are gone. A second
small stone, 1 foot long and 5 inbhes broad, bears tho figures
of tho NavagraJia, or “ Nine Planets.” On tho back there
is a short inscription of only eight letters, of which two are
somewhat doubtful. I read the whole as Sahada, Bhhna,
Bevindra, but tho woi’d Bhima is very doubtful.- A third
stone, 2} feet long qnd !}■ feet square, is the fragment of a
large pillar, with a lion sculptured on each of its four faces.
The naked figures of these sculptures belong to a somewhat
late period of Buddhism, after the introduction of tho Tan-
irilta doctrines, which, as wo learn from Skanda Gupta’s
inscription on the Bhitari Pillar, were prevalent during the
time of the later Guptas, in the 3rd and 4th centuries A. D.*
As the forms of the letters of these inscriptions are also those
of ^he Gupta period, wo may conclude with some certainty
that the Kottari, or temple of Barswamati, was erected before
the fall of tho Gupta dynasty in A. D. 319,

Pour hundred feet to tho south of the great bastion, and
close to the south-west angle of tho fort, there is another
extensive mound, marked I) in the map, upwards of 300*feet
square and 36 feet in height above the road. The principal
mass of ruin, which is in the middle of tho west side, is the
remains of a large temple, 40 feet square outside. In the
middle of tho south side there are the ruins of a small build-
ing which may, perhaps, have been the entrance gateway. To
the right and left of tlic entrance there are the ruins of
two small temples, each 14 feet square outside, and 9 feet 41,
inches inside, raised upon a plinth 24 feet square. Tho
centre of the square is open, and has evidently never been
built upon. My excavations were too limited to ascertain
more than I have noted above, but I propose to continue the
exploration hereafter. I believe that this mound is tho
remains of a very large •monastery with its lofty enclosed
temple, which could not have been less than 80 or even 100
faatjn height.

23^0onnected with Ahi-chhntra is an inscription of tho
Gqi^ta period on a square pillar found near the viUago of

^ *1 uow (1871) liclievo tliese linked fiDpires to lie Dija'amUirn Jaiu statues. I i) 0 s>s.e.ss

's the first century bclorc Clirisjt.

SORON, on SUKAKA-KSUET]?A.

305

DilwdrilS 4^ miles, to the south of the fort. The

inscription consists of 14 lines of five letters each, the letters
of one line being placed exactly under tliose of the line
above, so as to form also five straight perpendicular linos.
The stone is 2-J- feet long, T foot broad, and 9 inches thiek in
the middle, but the continual sharpening of tools has worn
down the edges to a breadth of from 7 to l ^ inches, Tlie
inscription, which is on one of the narrow faces, has accord-
ingly suffered in the pai'tial loss of some of the initial and
final letters of several lines. The other three faces of the
stone are quite plain, and there is nothing whatever to shoAV
what the pillar may have been originally intended for.

My account of Ahi-cliltalru would not be complete witliout
a reference to the gigantic I'mgmn near the village of Gnlarh/n,
2|, miles to the north of the fort, and to the Priapian name
of the Tillage of liluni-laur, one mile to the cast of the fort.
Bhim^gaja and BMm-Umr arc common names for the lingum
in all the districts to the north of the Ganges. I liavo
already quoted Hwen Thsang’s remark that the nine Bra’*-
manical temples of Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 034 wore dedicated
to Siva, and I may now add, in illustration, that only in one
of the many ruins about the old fort did I find a trace of the
worship of any other divinity.

VII. SORON, OR SUKARA-KSIIETRA.

From Ahi-chhatra the Chinese pilgrim proceeded in a
south direction, a distance of from 2G0 to 270 li, from 23 to
25 miles, to the Ganges, which he crossed, and then turning
to the south-west he arrived in the kingdom of Bi-lo-shaii-na.
His route to the south would have taken him through Aonla
and Budaon to the Budh Ganga (or old Ganges) somcwliero
near Sah^war, a few miles below Soron, both of which places
stood on the main stream of the Ganges so late as 400 years
ago. As his subsequent route is said to have been to tho
south-west, I believe that ho must have crossed the Gance
close to Sah4war, which is 42 miles from Ahi-chhatra / a
direct line. From all my early enquiries I was led to b^iev(5
that Soron was the only ancient place in this vicinity ; and
as Hwen Thsang docs not give any distance for his south-
west march, I concluded that Soron must have been the pltJfee
to which he gives the name of Pi-lo-shan-na. I accordingly

K 2

200 ARCIIiEOLOGICAL REPOKT, 1802-03.

visited Soron, which is undoubtedly /a plao^^f^ very great
antiquity, but which cannot, I think, bo the place visited by
the Chinese pilgrim, I will, however, first describe Swon
before I proceed to discuss the superior claims of the great
ruined mound of Atranji-Kheret to be identified with the Pi-
lo-shan-na of the Chinese pilgrim.

Soron is a large town on the right, or western, bank of
the Ganges, on the high road between Bareli and Mathura.
The place was originally called Ukala Kshetra ; but, after the
demon Hiranydksha had been killed by the Va/rdhd Amtdr,
or Boar Incarnation of Vishnu, the name was changed to
Sukara Kshetra, or “the place of the good deed.” The
ancient town is represented by a ruined mound called the
Kilah or “ fort,” which is one-quarter of a mile in length
from north to south, and somewhat less in breadth. It
stands on the high bank of the old bed of the Ganges, which
is said by some to have flowed immediately under it so late
as 200 years ago. The modern town stands at the foot of the
old mound on the west and south sides, and probably con-
tains about 5,000 inhabitants. There arc no dwellings on
the old mound, which is occupied only by the temple of Sita-
Uamji and the tomb of Shekh Jmndl. 15ut it is covered witli
broken bricks of large size, and the foundations of walls
can be traced in all directions. The mound is said to bo
the ruins of a fort built by llaja Somadatta of Soron many
hundred years ago. But the original settlement of the
place is very much older, being attributed to the fabu-
lous Uaja Vena Chakravartli, who plays such a con-
spicuous part in all the legends of North BihS.r, Oudh, and
llohilkhand.

The temples of Soron are very numerous, and several
of them are said to bo old. But the only temples of
any consequence are those of Sita-Jldmji, on the top of
the mound, and Vardhaji to the north-west of the city.
A great annual fair is held near the latter temple on the
11th of the waxing moon of Mdrgasirsha, in remembrance
of the destruction of the demon by the Boar Incarnation of
Vishnu. It contains a statue of Vardha-Lakshmi, and Is
visital by crowds of pilgrims. • The temple of SUa-ltdmji,
which is said to have been ruined by Aurang Shah (or
Aurangzib) was restored by a wealthy Baniya, only four years
ago, by building up the spaces between the pillars with plain

wliitc-wSIS
feet supportet

original

SOUON, OU STIKATIA-KSUKTRA. 207

alls. Internally the temple is a square 01^27
on 16 stone pillars ; but the people say that the
building was much larger, and that it contained
32 pillars. I’liis account is .most probably correct, as the
foundations of the walls of the sanctum, or shrine, arc still
standing at the back, or west side, of the temple. Tlu'rc
are also 10 superfluous pillars inside the temidc, of which
tAV^o support the broken architraves, and eight arc built into
the corner spaces of the walls. The style of theso columns
is similar to that of tlio set of pillars in the south-east corner
of the quadrangle of the Great Kutb Mosque at Delhi,
Avhich bear the date of Samvat 1121, or A. D. 10G7. That
this date is not too early for the Soron temple is proved by
the inscriptions of various pilgrims who have visited the
shrine. As the oldest legible record bears the date of Samvat
1226, 6r A. D. 11G9, the date of the erection of the temple
cannot, therefore, be placed later than A. D. 1000.

These pilgrims’ records are generally short and uninter-
esting, but as there are no less than 38 of them, beai’ing
<lates which range from A. D. 1109 to 1511, they become
valuable for tracing the history of the temple. The earliest date
after the Muhammadan conquest is A. D. 1211, and from
that time down to A. D. 1290 there arc no less than 15 dated
records, showing that Soron continued to be a much fre-
(|ucnted place of pilgrimage during the whole period of the
Ghori dynasty, which ended in A. 1). 1289. Eut during the
rule of the next two dynasties, the Khiljis and. Tughlaks,
there is only one inscription, dated in A. D. 1375, in the
reign of Eiruz. Now, as neaidy one-half of this period Avas
occupied by the reigns of the cruel despot Ala-ud-din Khilji
and the ferocious madman Muhammad Tughlak, it seems
only reasonable to conclude that the pco])le aa^tc deterred
from making their usual pilgrimages by tlie persecution of
their Muhammadan rulers. The next record is dated in
A. D. 1429, and from that time down to 1511 there arc 16 dated
inscriptions ; but as no less than 13 of this number belong
*f,o the reign of Bahlol Lodi, I infer that the rule of the Syad
dynasty was not favourable to Hindu pilgrimages. I infer
aiso that the temple must huAm been destroyed during the
reign of the intolerant Sikandar Lodi, because the series Vf
inscriptions closes Avith A. D. 1511, or just six years before
the cud of his reign. Hud the temple existed during the

2fi8 AllCHiEOLOGICAL repout, 1862-63.

hajipy century -vrlien the sceptre of India was\3way ed by the
tolerant Akbar, the indifferent Jahangir, and thte politic Shah
Jahan, it is almost certain that some records of the pilgrims’
visits would have been inscribed on the pillars of the temple.
Eor this reason I feel satisfied that the destruction of the
^•eat temple of Soron must be assigned to an earlier period
than that of the bigoted Aurang Shah.

VIII. ATRANJI-KIIERA, OR PI-LO-SHAN-NA.

The great mound of ruins called Atranji-Khera is situated
on the right, or west hank, of the Kdli Nadi, four miles
to the south of Karsdna, and eight miles to the north of
Eyla, on the Grand Trunk Boad. It is also 16 miles to
the south of Soron, and 43 miles to the north-west of Sanhisa
in a direct line, the road distance being not less than, 48 or
• 60 miles. In the Ain Alchari Atranji is recorded as one of
the Parganahs of Kanoj, under the name of Sikandarpur
Atreji. Sikandarpnr, wdiich is now called Sikand/rabad, is
a village on the left hank of the Kdli Nadi opposite
Atranji. Prom this it would appear that Atranji was still
occupied in the reign of Akhar. The Parganah was after-
wards called Karsdna, hut it is now known by the name of
ISahdwar Karsdna, or of Sahdwar only. The name given by
the Chinese pilgrim is Pi-lo-shan-na, for which M. Julien
proposes to read Firasana.* So far back as 1848 I pointed out
that, as both pil and kar are Sanskrit names for an elephant,
it was probable that Pilosana might he the same as Karsdna,
the large village which I have already mentioned as being
four miles to the north of Atranji Khera. The chief objec-
tion to this identification is the fact that Karsdna is appa-
rently not a very old place, although it is sometimes called
Deora Karsdna, a name which implies the possession of a
temple of note at some former period. It is, however,
possible that the name of Karsdna may once have been joined
to Atranji, in the same way that we find Sikandarpur Atreji
in the Ain Akbari. As the identification of Karsdna with
Pilosana is purely conjectural, it is useless to hazard any-
more speculations on this subject. The hearing and distance
from Sankisa, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, point to the
neighbourhood of Sirptira, near which there is a small vil-
lage-called Pilkuni or Pilokmii, which is the Pilukhoni of

* J alien 'js Hweii Tlisaug, II., 235.

ATRANJI-KIIERA, OB, PI-LO-SIIAN-NA. \ 209

ourWp PB - K 'is, however, a very potty place ; and, altli^f^klt
boasts of a'small khera, or mound of ruins, it cannot, I
think, have ever been more than one-fourth of the circuit of
two miles which Hwen Thsang attributes to Fi-lo-shau~na.
But there are two strong points in its favour, namely, 1st,
its position which agrees both in bearing and distance with
the Chinese pilgrim’s account ; and 2nd, its name, which is
almost identical with the old name, sk being very commonly
pronupced as kh, so that Hwen Thsang’s Piloshanna would
usually be pronounced Pilokhana.

In proposing Atranji- Khera as the site of the ancient
Piloshanna^ I am influenced solely by the fact that this is the
only large place besides Soron of any antiquity in this part
of the country. It is true tliat the distance from Sankisa is
somewhat greater than that recorded by the Chinese pilgrim,
namely, 45 miles, instead of 33 miles, but the bearing is
exact ; and as it is quite possible that there may bo some
mistake in Hwen Thsang’s recorded distance, I think that
Atranji-Khera has a better claim than any other place to be
identified with the ancient Piloshanna. I have not visited the
place myself, as I was not aware of its importance when I was
in its neighbourhood. I have had it inspected by a trust-
worthy servant, whose report shows that Atranji must once
have been a place of considerable extent and importance.
According to him, the great mound of Atranji is 3,250 in
length, and 2,550 in breadth at the base. Now, these dimen-
sions would give a circuit of about two miles, which is the
very size of Piloshanna as recorded by Hwen Thsang. Its
highest point is 44 feet 9 inches, which, if my identification
is correct, should be the ruins of the great Stupa of Asoka,
upwards of 100 feet in height, as this loftly tower is said to
have been situated inside a monastery in the middle of the
town. Outside the town there were two other monasteries,
inhabited by 300 monks. These may, perhaps, be represented
by two small mounds which still exist on the east side of
the Great Khera. To the south there is a third mound,
165 feet in length by 105 feet in breadth, which may
possibly be the remains of one or more of the five Bramanicai
temples described by Hwen Thsang.

Atranji-Khera had two gates, — one to the east, towards
the Kdli Nadi, and the other to the south. The foundation
of the place is attributed to Baja Vena Chakravartti.

270 Aiicn^DOLOoiCATi repout, 1802-63.

Tti;‘'^nound Ls covered with broken bricks of iQ^ge' -sIzc and
IVagmcnts of statues, and old coins are said to be frequently
bniTid. All the existing fragments of statues are said to be
Erabiuanical. There is a temple of. Mahadeo on the mound,
and there are five linganis in different places, of which one
is 0 feet in height. The princijial statue is that of a four-
armed female called Devi, but which, as she is represented
treading upon a prostrate figure, is most probably Duryd.* •

The only objection to the identification of Atranji with
Piloshanna is the difference between the distance of 200 li,
or 33 miles, as stated by 11 wen Thsang, and the actual dis-
tance of 43 miles direct, or about 48 or 50 miles by road. I
have already suggested the possibility of there being some
mistake in the recorded distance of Hwen Thsang, but per-
haps an equally probable explanation may be found in the
difference of the length of the yojana. 11 wen Thsang states
that he allowed 40 Chinese li to the yojana ; but if the old
yojana of llohilkhand differed from that of the Central Poab
as much as the kos of these districts now differ, his distances
would have varied by half a mile in every kos, or by two
miles in every yojana, as the llohilkhand kos is only IJ mile,
while that of the Doab is two miles — the hatter being one-
third grc'ater. Now, if we apply tliis difference to llwcn
I'hsang’s measurement of 200 li, or 33 miles, we increase the
distance at oTice to 44 miles, which agrees Avith the direct
measured distance on the map. I confess, however, that I
am rather inclined to believe in the possibility of there being
a mistake in llwcn Thsang’s recorded distance, as I find
exactly the same measurement of 200 li given as the distance
between San/ma and Kunoj. Now, the two distances arc
precisely the same, that is, Sankisa is exactly midway between
Atranji and Kanoj ; and as the latter distance is just 50 miles
by my measurement along the high road, the former must
also be the same. I would, therefore, suggest the probability
that both of these distances should be 300 li, or 50 miles,
instead of 200 li as recorded in the text. In favor of this
proposed correction I may cite the testimony of the earlier
Chinese pilgrim Pa Ilian, who makes the distance from San-

♦ At my ivquost Atiariji w:ib viHitud iii 1805 hy my fiiciu! Mr. C. Horne, tlieii Jiulgi' of
vvliutso .iccoiint •)£ the luiiu-d iiioiiiiJ will he luuinl in the Beligiil AsLitie ISoeiety’.s
Ji'inn.il, ISOO, [j. lOo. The uioiiiul Ikih been ilug up in .ill diiiictions for lu.iiiy c»‘ntu-
ijes in .si.mh of hriokb, and it WlUs with dilliculty that au eiitie biick wa8 found foi
Uie.iiUieUieut.

r r ‘\ I t A V

A (An J'il

L.tiu). at LUO Su'vr Geiil’s Ol^'^o ('a' ?• ' /lifu i Iri/l

SANKISA.

271

kisa to- Kanoj 7 yojanas, or 49 miles. At Ilwcn Tluan^Jd
own valuation of 4^ It to the yojaiut, this measurement would
give 280 li ; and as Tq, Ilian docs not record half yojanas,
we may increase the distance by half a yojana, or 20 li,
which brings the total up' to 300 li, or exactly 50 miles.

But whatever may be the true explanation of the differ-
ence between the actual distances and those recorded by Ilwcn
Thsang, there still remains the important fact that Saiikisa
was exactly midway between KanoJ and Piloshanna just as
it now is midway between Kanoj and Atranji. If wc couple
this absolute identity cf position with the fact that Alrmji
is the only old place in the part of the country indicated
by Hwcii Thsang, wc can-scarcely arrive at any other con-
clusion than that the great ruined mound of Atranji is the
site of thd ancient Piloshunna.

IX. SANKISA.

The site of Sankisa was discovered by me in 181 - 2 , but
it was not until the end of 1802 that I got an opportunity
of exploring the ruins at leisure. The name of tlie place is
written Song-kia-she by the Chinese jnlgrims, a spoiling which
is well preserved in the Sankisa of the present day, and which
represents, with considerable faithfulness, the Sankdsya of
Sanskrit. Hwen Thsang calls it also by the name of Kie- 2 ^'i-
tha, or Kapitha, of which I was unable to discover any
trace.* Sankisa was one of the most famous places of Bud-
dhist pilgrimage, as it was there that Buddha was believed
to have descended from the Trayastrinsa heaven by the lad-
der of gold or gems, accompanied by tlie gods Indra and
Brahma. According to this curious legend, Mdyd, the
mother of Buddha, died seven days after his birth, and
ascended at once to the Trayaslrinsa heaven, the abode' of the
33 gods, of whom Indra was the chief. But as slie had nd
opportunity in this abode of the gods of hearing the law of
Buddha, her pious son ascended to the Trayastrinsa heaven
and preached for three months in her behalf. He then descend-
ed to the earth with the gods Brahma and Indra by three stair-
cases, one of which was formed either of crystal or precious
stones, another of gold, and the third of silver. According

• Juliuii’s 11 wen 11 ., 237. — In the JJrihtiJ-Jattdu it Jb s.iul tluit tlioCiinou.^

.uitronoiner, Varaha Mihira, “oht-iinctl the gr.iciouH favutii ui the .sun ;i1 KoplUltoLa," 1 j»ic-
riunie that thia is the Kk-pUha of the Chinese pil^rina. Ur. Kei n thinka that V.iiah;i
Hilina ^v.l.s vt'ry jn-oh.ihly cducatetl tliere tSaukioa niufat at any h.iVe been a ef

eundiUeiable imp<ntaiicti lu the (3th eeutuiy

272 - ARCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

io Pa Hian,* Buddha descended by a staifcaso formed
of the “ seven precious things,” that is, the precious metals
and precious gems ; whilst Brahma accompanied him on his
right side by a silver ladder, and Indra on his left by a golden
one. But Hwen Thsangt assign^' the golden staircase to
Buddha himself, the silver staircase on the right to Brahma,
and the crystal staircase on the left to Indra. The descent was
accompanied by a multitude of Devos, who scattered showers
of flowers on all sides as they sang the praises of Buddha.

Such are the main points of this curious legend, which
is believed as firmly in Barma at the present day, as it was
by Asoka 2,100 years ago, or by the Chinese pilgrims of the
5th, 6th, and 7 th centuries of our era. According to
Pa nian, the three staircases disappeared under ground imme-
diately after the descent, leaving only seven steps visible.
Apparently these seven steps must have existed in the time
of Asoka, as he is reported to have been anxious to behold
their foundations, and accordingly sent men to dig down to
their base. But the diggers “reached a yellow spring
without being able to penetrate to the foundation.” The
King, however, “ felt sensible of a great increase of his faith
and veneration,” and therefore built a chapel over the three
staircases, and upon the middle one erected a full length
statue of Buddha GO feet high. According to ITwon Thsang’s
account, the three staircases still existed in his time (A. 1),
630), but wore completely svmk in the earth. On their
foundations, however, the pious Kings of diderent countri<3s
had erected three staircases, similar to the first, of bricdcs
and stones, ornamented with many precious things. The
height of these staircases was about 70 feet. Over them
there was a Vihdr containing statues of Buddha, Brahma, and
Indra, ' who were represented leaning forward as if about to
descend. The Burmese say that the descent took place at
the full moon of Thadmgkytd (October), and that the
feet of the steps were at the gate of the city of Thlng-ka-
tha-na-go, or Smgkasanagara.% Hwen Tlisang adds that the
three staircases were placed in a line from north to south,
with the descent facing the cast, and that they stood within
the walls of a great monastery.

* Beal’s translation, C. XVII.

+ Jiilieu’s translation, IT.,, 237.

J Bishox) Bigandet’s Life of the Bamiese Buddha, p. lIiO.

SANKISA.

273

Close staircases there was a stone pillar, 70 feet

in height, whiclrliad heen erected hy King Asoka. It was
formed of a hard, fine-grained reddish stone, and had a bril-
liant polish. On its summit was a lion, who was seated facing
the steps. There were figurSs also sculptured inside the pillar
with marvellous .art, which were visible only to the virtuous.
This is Hwen Thsang’s account, with which Fa Ilian’s agrees
in almost every particular ; but ho adds a curious legend
about a dispute between the Srdmanas and heretics. “ If,”
said the’ former, “ this place ought to be the abode of the
Sr&manas, let a supernatural testimony proclaim it. They
had no sooner finished this speech than the lion on the
summit uttered a loud roar.”

There were several Stupas at Sankisa, of which the most
famous were the following :

— On the spot where Buddha descended from the
Tmyastrima heaven, accompanied by Indra and Brahma.
This Stupa is not mentioned by Hwen Thsang, but it is
noticed by Fa Ilian, and in the Baruiesc life of Buddha.

2«c?. — On the spot where the four Buddhas had formerly
sat and taken exercise.

Zrd — At the place where Buddha bathed.

Mh and 5th. — Two small Stupas of Indra and Brahma.

^th. — On the spot whore the female mendicant Pundari-
kavarnd obtained the first sight of Buddha on his descent.

*Jth. — On the spot where Buddha cut his hair and nails.

The only other place of note at Sankisa was the tank of
a Ndffa, or serpent, which was situated to the south-east of
the great Stupa. Fa Hian says that this Ndga had white
ears; that he lived in the dwelling-place of the “ecclesi-
astics,” and that he conferred fertility and abundance on the
“ country by causing gentle showers to fall upon the fields,
and securing them from all calamities.” A chapel was
erected for his use, and he was said to make his appearance
. once a year. “ When the ecclesiastics perceive him, they
present him with cream in a copper vessel.”

Hwen Thsang’s account of Sankisa is unfortunately so
meagre that we have but little to guide us in our attempt to
identify the holy places of his time with any of the ruins

L 2

271-

ARCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

of the present day. The only spot that ^K-hc identified
with any certainty is the tank of the which still exists

to the south-east of the ruins, in the,^ery position described
by Hwen Thsang. The name of tlic Ndga is Kdrewai\ and
that of the tank Kdnduiya Tdl’. Milk is offered to him
during every day of Vaisdhh, and on the Ndg-pmichami of
Srdvana, and “ at any other time when rain is wanted.” In
a note on the word Chatirdsi Sir Henry Elliot* has given an
account of Sanidsa, in which ho asserts that this .Ndga is
the common Nag of the Hindu worship to whom the Ndg-
panchami is specially dedicated. But this opinion is cer-
tainly wrong, as the above account shows that the Sankisa
Ndga of tlic present day is propitiated with offerings of milk
whenever rain is wanted, just as ho was in A. D. 400, when
T’a Hian visited the place. This, therefore, is not the com-
mon Ndga of Hindu worship, but the local Ndga of Sccukisa,
who is commonly invoked as Kdrewar Ndg Devata.

Before attempting to indentify the site of the great
monastery with its three famous staircases, its lion pillar and
attendant Stupas, it will ho better to describe the place as it
is at present, although but little is now left of the great city
of Sankisa with all its magnificent monuments. The small
village which still preserves the name of Sankisa is perched
upon a lofty mound of ruins 41 feet in height above the fields.
This mound, which is called the Kilali, or “ fort,” is 1,500
feet in length from west to cast, and 1,000 feet in breadth.f
On the north and west faces the sides arc steep, but on the other
faces the slope is much more easy. Duo south from the
centre of the Kilali, at a distance of 1,000 feet, there is a
mound of solid brick-work which is crowned by a modern
temple dedicated to Bisdri Devi, who is described as a goddess
of great power. At 400 feet to the north of the temple
mound there is a capital of an ancient pillar bearing the
figure of an elephant, standing, but both his trunk and tail
are wanting. The capital itself is of the well known bell-
shape, corded or reeded perpendicularly, with an abacus of
honeysuckle similar to that of the Allahabad pillar. The
figure of the elephant is by far the best representation of that
animal that I have seen in any Indian sculpture. The veins
of tjio legs are carefully chiselled, and the toes of the feet

* Glossary, |». 154.

t See Pkic XLV. for a map of Sankisa.

SANKISA.

275

arc TTcdl and faitlifully represented, but the loss of tlio trunk
])rcvcnts us iroa, forming a decided opinion as to its oxecd-
lence as a work of If we may judge from the position
of the legs, the animful was most probably represented as
standing still with bis triink banging down.* The stone is a
fine-grained sandstone of reddish hue, and has been very
highly polished. The bell-capital is low, its breadth b(ung
greater than its height, in which particular it resembles the
Asoka Pillar of Navandgarh Lanriya, to the north of Bettiah.
Taking* all these circumstances into consideration along Avith
the superior execution of the work, I feel satisfied that this
capital is of the same age as the well known Asoka Pillars
of Allahabad and Navandgarh.

Due south from the temple of Bisdri Devi, at a dis-
tance of 200 feet, there is a small mound of ruins which
appears to be the remains of a Slupa. Due east from the
temple GOO feet, there is an oblong mound GOO feet in length
by 500 feet in breadth, which is known by tlio name of
Nivi-lca-kol. Nivi I believe to have been the name of
the man who formerly brouglit this piece of ground into
cultivation ; and Kot, in the phraseology of Sankisa, means
simply any mound of ruins, and is applied to all the isolated
portions of the ramparts. Nivi-ka-kot would, however, appear
to be the remains of some large enclosed building, such
as a Buddhist monastery. It is covered with broken bricks
of largo size, and a few fragments of stone ; but I could
not trace any remains of walls on the surface. • At the
south-east and north-east angles of Nivi-ka-kot there are
large circular mounds which arc probably the remains of
Stupas from which all the available bricks have been
removed ; and at a short distance to the north there is a third
mound of the same character. " -

The Kilah and the different mounds of all sizes around
the temple form a mass of ruin 3,000 feet in length by 2,000
feet in breadth, or nearly 2 miles in circuit. But this v^as
only the central portion of the ancient city of Sankisa, com-
prising the citadel and the religious buildings that were clus-
tered around the three holy staircases. The city itself, which
would appear to have surrounded this central mound on all
sides, was enclosed with an earthen rampart, 18,900 feet, or

* Sco Plate No. XTjVT. for a, side view of this capital. — See also Fergussou’s History of
Architecture, lf„ 459, No, 970, for a front view.

276 ARCn^OLOGICAL REPOUT, 1862-63.

upwards of 3^ miles in circuit. The great<^- j)art of this
rampart still remains, the shape being ai..-t(&lerably regular
dodecagon. On three sides, to the /east, the north-east,
and the south-east, there are breaks openings in the line of
rampart which are traditionally -ssmd to be the positions of
the three gates of the city. In proof of the tradition, the
people refer to the village of Faor-KJicria, or “ Gate-village,"
which is just outside the south-east gap in the ramparts.
But the name is pronounced JPaor, and not Faur, and may,
therefore refer to the staircases or steps ( FaoriJ, and not to
the gate. The KAli or Kdliudri Nadi flows past the south-
west comer of the ramparts from the JldjgMt, which is half
a mile distant, to the Kakra Ghat, which is rather more than
one mile to the south of the line of ramparts.

To the nqrth-west, three-quarters of a mile distant, stands
the large mound of Agahat, which is 40 feet in height, and
rather more than half a mile in diameter at base. The name_.
of the old town is said to have been Agahat, but the place is
now called Agahat Sarai (Agahat of the maps) from a
modern Sarai, which was built in A. H. 1080, or A. D. 1669,
on the north-east corner of the mound, by the ancestor of
the present Pathlin Zamindar. The people say that before
this the place had been deserted for several centuries ; but as
I obtained a tolerably complete scries of the copper coins of
the Muhammadan Kings of Delhi and Jonpur, I presume
that it could not have been deserted for any very long time.
The mound is covered wtih broken bricks of large size, which
alone is a sure test of antiquity : and as it is of the same
height as that of Sankisa, the people are most probably right
in their assertion that the two places are of the same age.
In both mounds are found the same old coins without any
iascriptions, the more ancient being square pieces of silver
covered with various punch marks, and the others square
pieces of copper that have been cast in a mould, — all of
which arc, in my opinion, anterior to the invasion of Alex-
ander the Great.

In identifying Sankisa with the Sangkasya of the
FArndyawt and the Seng-kia-she of the Chinese, we are sup-
ported, not onljr by its absolute identity of name, but like-
wisOiby its relative position with regard to three such well
known places as Mathura, Kanoj, and Ahichhatra, In size,
also, it a^ees very closely with the measurement given by

SANKISA.

277

II wen Tlisan^ ; his circuit of 20 li, or 3 J miles, boin^ only a
little less than my measurement of 18,000 feet, or 3^ miles,
l^liere can be no dottbt, therefore, that the place is actually
the same ; but in attempting to identify the sites of any of
the holy spots mentioned by Ilwcn Thsang, I find myself
baffled at the outset by the indcfinitencss as well as the
meagreness of the pilgrim’s descriptions. It is his usual
practice to state the relative bearings and distances of most
of the chief places of Buddhist veneration, but in describing
Sankisa he has given only one bearing and not a single dis-
tance. The tank of the Ndga is the one solitary spot that
can be identified with certainty, the sites of all the rest being
only guesses of more or less probability.

But tho difficulty regarding the identification of tho
Asoka Pillar is of a different kind. Both of the Chinese
pilgrims make mention of only one pillar at Sankisa, which
was crowned with the figure of a lion, and Pa Hian records a
silly legend which refers to the miraculous roar of this lion
statue. Now, the only piece of an Asoka Pillar at present
existing is the elephant capital, which I have already des-
cribed, and which, however absurd it may seem, 1 think may
possibly be the lion pillar of the Chinese pilgrims. The
reasons which induce mo to think so arc tho following : Pirst,
the elephant capital is undoubtedly much older than the date
of either of the pilgrims, and yet, if it is not the same as the
lion capital, it has been left altogether undescribed by them,
although its great size could scarcely have alloM'ed it to re-
main unnoticed ; second, the height of the elephant pillar
would seem to correspond very closely with that of tho
lion pillar, as recorded by Pa Ilian, who calls it 30 cubits,
or from 45 to 60 icet according to the value of the Chinese
chhi. Now, the diameter of the neck of the elephant ’ pillar
is 2 feet 9^ inches, which, compared with the dimensions of
the Allahabad pillar, 2 feet 2 inches neck diameter, to 35 feet
of height, gives a total for tho shaft of the Sankisa Pillar of
44 feet 3 inches. By adding to this the height of the capital,
we obtain 62^ feet as tho probable height of tho Sankisa
Pillar.* Third, as the trunk of the elephant has long been
lost, it is possible that it was missing before the time of the
Chinese pilgrims, and if so, the nature of the animal might

• The bell-capital with its honey-sucklo ornamented abacus is 3 feet 10 inches high, and
the same in diameter. Tho elephant is 4 feet 4 inches in height, making the total height
of capital 8 feet 3 inches.

278

ARCIIiEOLOGICAL UEPOUT, 1SG2-G3.

easily have been mistaken at a height of 50 foot above the
ground. Indeed, supposing the inllar to be the same, this
is the only way in which I can jyaeount for the mistake
about the animal. But, if the pillar is not the same, the
silence of both pilgrims regarding^ this magnificent elephant
pillar seems to me quite unaccountable. On the whole,
therefore, I am inclined to believe that the elephant’s trunk
having been long lost, the nature of the animal was mis-
taken when viewed from a distance of 50 feet beneath.
This is confirmed by the discrepancy in the statements of
the two pil^i’ims regarding the capital of one of the Srdvasti
l)illars, which Ba Ilian calls an ox, and Ilwen Thsang an
elephant.^

Admitting, then, that this elephant capital is not im-
probably the same as the lion pillar described by the Chinese
pilgrims, we liave a clue to the site of the great monastery
which would seem to have enclosed within its walls the great
stone pillar as well as the three holy staircases. I infer,
therefore, that the temple of Jjisciri Devi most probably
occupies the site of the three staircases, and that the three
mounds which stand to the cast of the Nivi-Jea’^kot may be
the remains of the three Shqnis which were erected on the
three other holy spots of Sankisciy which have already been
described. I made several excavations about the different
mounds just noticed, but without any success.

I made also a careful but an unsuccessful search for
some trace of the base of the stone i)illar. The people were
unanimous that the elephant capital had been in its present
position beyond the memory of any one now living, and most
of them added that it now stands in its original position.

^ But there were a few men who pointed to a spot on the west
■^oT — tile village, or Kilah mound, as the original site of the
capital. Here, indeed, there is an octagonal hole in a small
mound, from which the bricks of a solid foundation have
been removed. If any dependence could be placed upon
this statement, the mound on which the village now stands
would almost certainly be the site of the great monastery
with its three holy staircases, and the three mounds to the
east of Nix)Uka~kot would still represent the three Stupas,
Tlic plain objection to our accepting this statement as correct
is the apparent want of all object in the removal of the

* Beal’s Fa Iliau, C. XVII., p. 65 ; and Juliou’s Ilwcn Thsang, II., p. 239.

SANKISA — KANOJ.

27i)

(ilcpliant capital to any other site. It is, however, quite pos-
sible that the capital may have been stopped on its way to
tlio temple of Mahddeca, near the Ndga mound and tank.
The temple of Bisdri Beoi would then bo the site of one
of the ten ancient Brahmanical fanes which are described
by Hwon Thsang. Altogether, this is, perhaps, a more pro-
bable solution of the difficulties of the case than that first
described.*

In -his description of SmJcisa, Ilwcn Thsang mentions
a curious fact, that the Brahmans who dwelt near the great
monastery were “many tens-of- thousands” in number. As
an illustration of this statement, I may mention that tJi (5
people have a tradition that SanJeisa was deserted from 1800
to 1900 years ago, and that 1300 years ago, or about A. D.
560, it was given by a Kayatk to a body of Brahmans. They
add also that the population of the village of Baor-Khena
is known to have been wholly Brahman until a very recent
period.

X. KANOJ.

Of the great city of Kanoj, which for many hundred
years was the Hindu Capital of Northern India, the existing
remains arc few and unimportant. In A. D. 10.16, when
Mahmud of Ghazni approached Kanoj, the historian relates
that “ ho there saw a city which raised its head to the skies,
and which in strength and structure might justly boast to
have no cqual.”t Just one century’’ earlier, or in A. D. 915,
Kanoj is mentioned by Masudi as the capital of one* of the
Kings of India, and about A. .1). 900 Abu Zaid, on the
authority of Ibn Wahab, calls Kacluge, a great city in the
kingdom of OozarB At a still earlier date, in A. D. 631,
■wo have the account of the Chinese pilgrim Ilwen Thsang,
who describes Kanoj as being 20 li, or 3 j miles, in length, and
4i or 5 li, or three-quarter of a milo, in breadth. The city was
surrounded by strong walls and deep ditches, and was washed
by the Ganges along its eastern facc.J The last fact is cor-
roborated by Fa Ilian, wdio states that the city touched the
llivcr Ueng (Ganges) when he visited it in A. D. 400. §

* I have already noticed, p. 272, that the Barrnose Xiife of Bnddha fixes the jioint of
descent at tlie “gate of tlie city,” and this position Beem.s also to ho indicated by the still
existing name of raor'lc1u>ria, or “ Staircase Village/^ wliich is situated just outsic^p iho
south-east opening, or gat<‘, in the earthen ramparts. — See Plate No. XLV.
t Briggs’s Ferishta, 1., p. 57.

J Julien’s Hweii Thsang, II., p, 2-13,

§ Bear# Fa Ilian, C. XVlll., p. 70.

280 ARCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

Kauqj is also mentioned by Ptolemy, about A. D. 140, as
Kanogiza. But tbe earliest notice of the place is undoubt-
edly the old familiar legend of the Pur^nas, which refers
the Sanskrit name of Kanya-Kuhja, or the “ hump-backed
maiden” to the curse of the sage Vayu on the hundred
daughters of Kusandhha.

At the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit, Kanoj was the
capital of Raja Harsha VardMua, the most powerful sover-
eign in Northern India. The Chinese pilgrim calls him a
Fei-she, or Vaisya, but it seems probable that he must have
mistaken the Vaisa, or Bai^, Rajput, for the Vaisya, or Bats,
which is the name of the mercantile class of the Ilindus ;
otherwise Harsha Vardhana’s connexion by marriage with
the Rajput families of Malw^a and Balabhi would have been
quite impossible.* Baiswura, the country of the Bais Raj-
puts, extends from the neighbourhood of Lucknow to Rhara
MAnikpur, and thus comprizes nearly the whole of Southern
Oudh. The Bais Rajputs claim descent from the famous
Sdlivdhan, whose capital is said to have been Baundia-KJiera,
on the north bank of the Ganges. Their close proximity
to Kanoj is in favour of the sovereignty which they claim
for their ancestors over the whole of the Gangetic Doab from
Delhi to Allahabad. But their genealogical lists are too
imperfect, and most probably also too incorrect, to enable
us to identify any of their recorded ancestors with the
Princes of Harsha Vardhana’s family.

The vast empire which Harsha Vardhana raised during
his long reign of 42 years, between A. D. 607 and 648, is
described by Hwen Thsang as extending from the foot of
the Kashmir Hills to Assam, and from Nepal to the Narbada
River. He intimidated the Raja of Kashmir into surrender-
ing the tooth of Buddha, and his triumphal procession from
P5,taliputra to Kanoj was attended by no less than 20 tribu-
tary Rajas from Assam and Magadha on the east, to JMand-
har on the west. In the plenitude of his power, Harsha
Vardhana invaded the countries to the south of the Narbada,
where he was successfully opposed by Raja Fulakesi, and
after many repulses was obliged to retire to his own king-
donj. This account of Hwen Thsang is most singularly

* I have no doubt on this subject now (187 1)» ay there is Indian Sanskrit authority for
the intermarriage with the Malwa family. ^

KANOJ.

281

corroborated in every particular by several ancient inscrip-
tions of tbe Chdl'uhyci Jlajas of ILcilydn/, According to these
inscriptions, llaja VikramMitya, the grandson of Ihilakesi
Vallabha, gained the title of “ by the defeat

of Sri Ilarsha Vardhana, famous in the north countries.”*
Now Vikramaditya’s reign is known to have commenced in
Sake 614, or A. D. 692, as one of his inscriptions is dated
in Sake 530, or A. D. G08, which is called the IGtli year of
his reign ;t and as his grandson did not succeed to the throne
until the Sake year G18, or A. D. GOG, it is certain that
Vikramilditya must have been a contemporary of Ilarsha
Vardhana throughout the greater part, if not the whole, of
his reign. The unusually long reigns of the earlier Chdlnkya
Princes have led Mr. Walter Elliot to suspect the accuracy
of the dates, although, as he points out, “ the succeeding
dates tally with each other in a way that alfords the strongest
presumption of their freedom from any material error.” The
question of the accuracy of these dates is now most satisfac-
torily confirmed by the unimpeachable testimony of the con-
temporary record of II wen Thsang, \rhich I have quoted
above.

In determining the period of Ilarsha’s reign, between
the years G07 and 648 A. D., I have been guided by the
following evidence : 1st, the date of his death is fixed
by the curious reported fulfilment of II wen Thsang’s dream, J
and by the report of the Chinese embassy^. 2nd, in speak-
ing of Ilarsha’s career, the pilgrim records that from the
time of his accession Ilarsha was engaged in continual war
for 6^ years, and that afterwards for about 30 years he reign-
ed in peace. This statement is repeated by II wen ThSang,
wdien on his rctm’n to China, on the authority of the King
himself, who informed him that he had then reigned for
uptoards of 30 years, and that the quinqiiennial assembly
then collected was the sixth which he had convoked. From
these different statements it is certain that at the date of
Hwen Thsang’s return to China, in A. D. G40, Harsha hud

* Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, TIL, 206.

t Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, IV,, 10.

X See the discussion on this date in my Ancient Geography of India, Apj^endix,
p. 5cy.

§ Journal, Asiatic Society,” Bengal, 1837, p. 60,— anonymous translation. See also
Journal Asiaticpio, 1831), p. 3D8, French translation by M. Tauthicr.

M 2

282

AECniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63.

reigned upioards of 30 years, and somewhat less than 35
years. His accession must, therefore, he placed between
A. 1). G05 and 610. 3rd, now, in the middle of this Tcry
period, in A. D. 607, as we learn from Ahu llilian, was
established the Sri Marsha era, which was still prevalent
in Mathura and Kanoj in the beginning of the 11th century.
Considerin'; the exact agreement of the names and dates,
it is impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion that the
Marsha, who established an era in Kanoj in A. D. 607, was
the great King Marsha Vardhana who reigned at Kanoj
during the first half of the seventh century.

IlAVcn Thsang adds some particulars regarding the
family of Harsha Vardhana, which induce me to think it
probable that it may be identified with one of the dynasties
whose names have been preserved in the genealogies of the
IlAjavali. The names dilfer in the various copies, but they
agree generally in making HCtj Sing, who reigned only nine
years, the predecessor of Mara or Mari Sing, who is recorded
to have reigned for 41 or 45 years. Now, according to Hwen
Thsang, the predecessor and elder brother of Marsha Var-
dhana was lldjya Vardhana, who was assassinated shortly
after his accession. Hero both the names of these two Kings
and the lengths of their reigns agree so well together as to
suggest the probability of their identity. In most copies
of tiio llajavali, this dynasty of six Kings, of which Maja and
Mara arc the 3rd and 4th names, is made the immediate
predecessor of the Great Tomar dynasty, whose accession
has already been assigned in my account of the Kings of
Delhi to the year 736 A. D. The following lists give the
names of all the Kings of this dynasty according to the
various authorities in my possession :

Ml it u 11 java and .
Wald.

Panj.ib, M«.

Chundori, MS.

Sayid Ahmad.

Hwen Thsang.

Yrfi.

Yi.^.

YY's.

Yrs.

Dl]a Sinlia ..

Dips.

Dip Sing ..

IbuiafS.

22^

Kan S.

HanS.

14.V

Han Sing . .

Prakiira Vardhana.

Jbtja s

IMj S.

Ham S.

lUjSing ..

Hiljya ditto.

\ .IM S.

llaiiH. ..

MitrS.

Shir Sing . .

Harbha ditto.

N.ua8.

Of,

Xar S.

Bir S.

IJara Sing . .

Jiv.ma

20^

.1 iwau

.jiwaii

Jiwan sing.

Tota i. . .

151

....

137

....

107

....

105

According to Sayid Ahmad tho accession of Shir Sing, who is
the Mara or Mari of the other lists, took place in A. D. 611,

KANOJ.

283

or witliin four years of the date already obtained for Ilarsha
Vardhana.

In my account of Delhi I have jjiven my reasons for
hclioving that Kanoj was the capital of the Tomars down
to the invasion of Mahmud in A. D, 1021, immediately after
the defeat and death of Baja Jay BCil. Shortly after that
date, the small town of Bari to the north of Lucknow hc-
carac the capital, until about A. D. 1050, when tlio Tomars
retired to Delhi before the growing power of the Buhlors.
Once more Kanoj became the capital of a powerful kingdom,
and the rival of Delhi, both in extent and in raagniliccnce.
Ilere Jaya Chandra, the last of the AdZt/oj’5, celebrated tlio
Aswamedha, or “ llorsc-sacrifico and hero in open day
did Prithi Baja, the daring Chief of the Chohdns, carry oif
the willing dausrhter of tho Bdh/or King, in spite of tho
gallant resistance of tho two Jiandfar heroes, Alha and Tidal.
The fame of those two brothers, which is fully equal to that
of Prithi Baja himself, is still preserved in the songs and
traditions of the people amongst tho Chandcls of Malioba
and tho Balitors and Chandcls of the Doab. After the fall
of Delhi in January 1191 A. D., Muhammad Ghori marched
against Kanoj. Baja Jaya Chandra rctu-od before him as
far as Bandras, where he made his last stand, but was defeated
with great slaughter. Tho Baja eseapcal from the field, but
was drowned in attempting to cross tho Ganges. "When his
body was recovered by the conquerors, it was found that ho
had false teeth fixed with wires of gohl. With Jaya 'Chan-
dra ended the dynasty of tho Buhlors of the Doab, and tho
wealth and importance of the far-famed capital of Kanoj.
Only one hundred and fifty years later it is described by Ibn
Batuta as a “ small town,” and from that time down to the
present this ancient city has gradually lessoned in conse-
quence ; but as it was close to the high road of tho Doab,
'it still continued to be visited by numerous travellers who
where aitracted by its ancient fame. Tho final blow to its
prosperity has now been given by the diversion of the rail-
road to Et5,wa, which leaves Kanoj far aAvay to the cast, to
be visited for the future only by tho curious antiquary and
the civil officials of the district.

In comparing Ilwcn Thsang’s description of ancient
Kanoj with the existing remains of the city, I am, obliged
to confess with regret that I have not been able to identify

284 ARCniEOLOGICAL KEPORT, 18G2-G3.

even one solitary site with any certainty ; so completely has
almost every trace of Hindu occupation been obliterated by
the MusalmStns. According to tlic traditions of the people,
the ancient city extended from the shrine of Hdji Harmdyan
on the north near the Haj Gh^t, to the neighbourhood of
Miranka-Sara on the south, a distance of exactly three
miles. Towards the west, it is said to have reached to Kapatya
and Makarandnagar, two villages on the high road, about
three miles from Jldji Rarmdyan. On the east the boundary
was the old bed of the Ganges, or Chota Oangd as the
people call it, although it is recorded in our maps as the Kali
Nadi. Their account is, that the Kali, or Kdlindri Nadi,
formerly joined the Ganges near Sangirdmpur or Sangrdni-
pur ; but that several hundred years ago the great river took
a more northerly course from that point, while the waters
of the Kdli Nadi continued to flow down the deserted chan-
nel. As an open channel still exists between Sangrdmpur
and the Kdli iVarfi, I am satisfied that the popular, account
is correct, and that the stream which flows under Kanoj, from
Sangrdmpur to Mhendi Ghdt, although now chiefly filled
with the waters of the Kdli Nadi, was originally the main
channel of the Ganges. The accounts of Pa Hian and
Hwen Thsang, who place Kanoj on the Ganges, arc there-
fore confirmed, not only by the traditions of the people, but
also by the fact that the old channel still exists under the
name of tho Chota Gangd, or little Ganges.*

The modern town of Kanoj occupies only the north end
of tho site of tho old city, including the whole of what is
now called tho Kilah or citadel. The boundaries arc well
defined by tho shrine of Rdji Ilarmdyan on the north, the
tomb of Tdj Bdj on the south-west, and the Masjid and
tomb of Makhdum Jahdniya on the south-east. The houses
are much scattered, especially inside the citadel, so that
though the city still covers nearly one square mile, yet the
population barely exceeds 16,000 in number. Thf citadel,
which occupies all the highest ground, is triangular in shape,
its northern point being the sbrine of Rdji Rarmdyan, its
south-west point the temple of Ajay Pal, and its south-east
point tho large bastion called KsJiem Kali Burj. Each of
thu faces is about 4,000 feet in length, that to the north-

* Plate No, II. for the situation of Kaiioj in the Map of North-Western In<lia.

KANOJ.

285

west being protected by the bed of tho nameless dry Nala;
that to tho north-east by tho Chota Gangd ; while that to
the south must have been covered by a ditch, Avhich is now
one of tho main roads of the city, running along tho foot
of the mound from the bridge below Ajay Pal’s .temple to
the Kshem Kali bastion. On the north-east face tho mound
rises to 60 or 70 feet in height above the low ground on tlio
hank of the river ; and towards the Nala on tho north-west,
it still maintains a height of from 40 to 60 feet. On the
southern side, however, it is not more than 30 feet imme-
diately below tho temple of Ajay Pdl, but it increases to
40 feet below the tomb of Bala Bir. The situation is a
commanding one ; and before the use of cannon the height
alone must have made Kanoj a strong and important posi-
tion. The people point out tho sites of two gates, — the
first to the north, near tho shrine of Ildji JIarmdyan, and
the second to tho south-east, close to tho Kshem Kali Burj.
But as both of these gates lead to the river it is certain that
there must have been a third gate on tho land side towards
the south-west, and the most probable position seems to bo
immediately under the walls of the Hung Mahals and close
to the temple of Ajay Bdl.

According to tradition, the ancient city contained 84
wards, or Ilahalas, of which 25 are still existing within
the limits of the present toAvn. If we take the area of these
25 wards at three-quarters of a square mile, tho 8<Ji wards
of the ancient city would have covered just 2} square miles.
Now, this is the very size that is assigned to the old city by
Hwen Thsang, AAdio makes its length 20 li, or 3^ miles, and
its breadth 4 or 5 U, or just three-quarters of a mile, which
multiplied together give just 2.} square miles. Almost tho
same limits may be determined from the sites of the existing
ruins, Avhich arc also tho chief Jind-spots of the old coins
with which Kanoj abounds. According to tho dealers, the
old coins are found at Bala Bir and Bang Mahal, inside
the Port ; at Makhdum Jahdnia, to the south-east of tho
Port ; at Makarandnagar on tho high road ; and intermedi-
ately at the small villages of Singh Bhaiomi and KulMpur.
Tho only other productive site is said to be Bdjgir, an
ancient mound covered with brick ruins on the bank of the
Chota Gangd, three miles to the south-east of Kanoj.
Taking all these evidences into consideration, it appears to

280 ARCniEOLOGICAL KEPORT, 1862-03.

me almost certain that the ancient city of 11 wen Thsang’s
time must have extended from JIdji Harmdyan and the
Kshem Kali liilrj, on the hank of the Ganges (now the Cliota
Ganya), in a south-west dhection, to Makarandnagar, on
the Grand Trunk lload, a length of just three miles, with
a general breadth of about one mile or somewhat less.
Within these limits are found all the ruins that still exist
to point out the position of the once famous city of Kanoj.*

The only remains of any interest arc, 1st, the ruins of
the old palace, now called the Hang Mahal; 2nd, the Hindu
pillars of the Jdma Mnajid ; 3rd, the Hindu pillars of the
Masjid of Makliddm Jahdniya; and 4th, the Hindu statues
in tlie village of Singh Bhawdni. The other remains are
simple mounds of all sizes, covered with broken bricks,
traces of brick walls, and broken figures. These arc found
ill several places inside the citadel, but more particularly
at the temple of Ajay JPul, a modern building on an ancient
site. Outside the citadel they arc found chiefly about the
shrine of Makhddm Jahdniya on the south-east, and about
Malcraiulnagar on the south-west.

The ruins of the Bang Mahal, which arc situated in
the south-west angle of the citadel, consist of a strong
brick wall faced with blocks of hankar, 2X0 feet in length,
and 25 feet in height above the sloping ruins, but more than
40 feet above the level of the bazar. It is strengthened in
front by four toAvers or buttresses, 14 feet broad and 01 feet
apart. The Avail itself is 7 feet thick at top, and behind it,
at 10 feet distance, there is a second wall 5 feet thick, and
at 9-j feet farther back a third wall 3 3 feet thick, and a
fourth wall at 21 feet. The distances betAveen the Avails
most probably represent the Avidth of some of the rooms of
the old Hindu palace, which aa’^ouUI thus have a breadth of
56 feet. But the block kankar walls can bo traced for a
distance of 180 feet back from the south-east buttress to a
Avicket or small door Avhich would appear to have formed a
side entrance to the courtyard of the palace. As far as it
can be now traced, the palace covered an area of 240 feet
in length by 180 feet in breadth. It is said to have been built
by Bdl, to whom also is attributed a temple which

once- stood close by. Ajay Bdl and Mahi Bdl are said to

* Seo Plate No. XL VII. for a plan of the niiny of Kanoj.

KANO.T.

287

have reigned a short time heforc ./c/// Chvud, Imt the names
of the intervening Princes are not known. I think it highly
probable that Ajay l^dl is the Tomar Prince Joy Jal, who
was conquered by Mahmud of Gliazni, and aiterwards de-
feated and killed, in A. D. 1021, by a confederate army
under the leadership of the Chandel llnja of Kdlanjar.
dust outside the south-east buttress of the palace, the people
point out a spot where they affirm tliat 29 golden ingots
were discovered in 1834, of which 9 were made over to Mr.
■VVemyss, the Collector of CaAvnpoor, and tlie remainder were
seereted by the finders. Accounts differ as to the weight
of the ingots, but the general belief is that they wciglicd
about 1 sor, or 2 lbs. each. The coin dealers, however, affirm
that the 0 ingots which were taken to the Cawnpoor Treasury
weighed Us. 13,500, that is E,s. 1,500, or 18f sers each.

The Jihna, or JJma, Mmjkl of Ivanoj is cited by Mr.
Pergusson as a specimen of Hindu cloisters, which has been
re-arranged to suit the purposes of Muhammadan w'orship ;
and in this opinion I most fully concur. The inscription
over the entrance doorway is now much decayed, and several
portions are quite obliterated, but a copy has been
fortunately preserved by Haiab Ali, a teacher of
children, in the court of the Masjid. According to this
copy, the Masjid was built in the Ilijira year 809, or
A. i). 140G, in the reign of Ibrahim Shah (of Jonpur). It is
situated on a lofty mound in the very middle of the edd fort,
and this commanding position alone would bo sufficient to
show that it must originally have been the site of some
Hindu building of considerable importance. This conclusion
is partly confirmed by the traditions of the temple, who,
however, most absurdly call the place SitaJea Rasiii, or
“ Sita’s kitchen.” We know also that it was the usual prac-
tice of the Muhammadan Kings of Jonpur to raise their
■ Masjids on the sites, and with the materials, of the Hindu
temples which they demolished. On comparing, therefore,
this cloistered Masjid with those of Jonpur, which are
acknowledged re-arrangements of Hindu materials, M'e see at
once that the pillars are all Hindu, and that the domes
formed of courses of overlapping stones, and decorated with
Hindu symbols arc certainly not Muhammadan. When I
first visited Kanoj in January 1838 the an-angement of
the pillars was somewhat different from what I found it

288 AUCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

in November 1862. The cloisters which originally extended
all round the square, are now confined to the Masjid itself,
that is, to the west side only. This change is said to
have been made by a Muhammadan Tahsildar shortly
before 1857. The same individual is also accused of having
destroyed all the remains of figures that had been built into
the walls of the Jdma and Makhdum Jahdniya Masjids. It
is certain that there are none visible now, although in
January 1838, as recorded in my journal, I saw several
Hindu figures placed sideways and upside down” in the walls
of the Jdma Masjid, and three broken figures lying outside
the doorway of the Masjid of MaJehdum Jalulniya, The
inscription over the doorway of the last, which I saw in its
place in 1838, is said to have been removed at the same
time for the purpose of cutting off a Hindu figure on the
back of it. I recovered this inscription by sending .to the
present Tahsildar for it.

The Jdma Masjid, as it stands now, is a pillared room,
108 feet in length by 26 feet in width, supported on four
rows of columns. The roof is flat, excepting the centre and
ends, which are covered with domes formed by circles of
stones gradually lessening until they meet. In front of the
Masjid there is a court-yard 95 feet in width, the whole
being surrounded by a stone wall 6 feet in thickness. The
exterior dimensions are 133 feet from west to east, by 120J
feet. In 1838 there were still standing on the three sides
of the court-yard portions of the original cloisters formed
of two rows of pillars. The Masjid itself was then con-
fined to the five openings in the middle of the west side,
the seven openings on each flank of it being formed of
only two rows of pillars the same as on the other three sides.
The Masjid now consists of a single room supported on
GO pillars without any cloisters ; but originally the Masjid
itself was supported on 20 pillars, with cloisters on
each flank, and also on the other three sides of the court-
yard. The whole number of pillars was then 128. To
make up this number we have the 60 pillars of the present
Masjid, and no less than 58 spare capitals still lying in the
court-yard, which together make up 118, or within 10 of the
actual number required to complete the original design.

The pillars of the Jdma Masjid may, I think, be seen
in their original Hindu form at the sides of the small door

ICA^NOJ.

289

ways in the north and south walls of the court. Each pillar
is formed of five pieces, viz., a base and capital, with a middle
piece which divides the shafts into two equal portions, and
may bo called the upper and lower shafts. The shafts
are lO inches square and 3 feet 9 inches in height. The base
is 1 foot high, and the middle piece and capital are each 3
inches, thus making the whole height 9 feet 10 inches. But
tbo pillars, as re-arranged by the Muhammadans, are 14 feet
2 inches high, the extra height having been gained by adding
a picco io each portion of the shaft. These sftorter pieces,
which arc 2 feet 1 inch in height, are always placed above
the original shafts of 3 feet 8 inches. As there could
have been no diJJictiUy in purchasing a single shaft of the
required length of 5 feet 10 inches, it seems certain that the
whole of those made-up pillars must have been obtained
after the usual cheap Muhammadan manner — by the demoli-
tion of some Hindu buildings, either Buddhist or Brah-
manical.

TheMasjid and tomb of Mahhdnm, Jahauiya arc situated
on a lofty mound in the Sikhdna Mnliallu to tlic south-east
of the citadel, overlooking the Chota Gangd. The mound
is 40 feet in height above the fields, and is partly occupied
by weavers’ houses. The tomb of the Mahhdum, is a com-
}non-looking building, 35 feet square. Beside it there are
two other plain square tombs holding the remains of his des-
cendants, both male and female. The tomb itself, as recorded
in the mutilated inscription which formerly existed over
the doorway, was ’ erected over Sayid Jaldl Mahlidum
Jahdniya by his son Rdju in the Hijra year 881, or A. D.
1476. The Masjid was built in the same year, in the reign
of Husen Shah, of Jonpur, to whom Kanoj still belonged,
although some writers place his final defeat by Bahlol Lodi,
of Delhi, in this very year, A. H. 881, and others in
’ A. H. 883. The central dome of the Masjid has long ago
fallen in, and all the pointed arches are seriously cracked and
propped up by unsightly masses of masonry. There is
nothing peculiar about the building, save the decoration of
the panels of the back wall, which have the name of Allah
inscribed on a tablet suspended by a rope. The appearance
of the tablet and rope is so like that of the Hindu bell .and
chain that one is almost tempted to believe that the Muham-
madan architect must have simply chiselled away the bolder

290 ARCniEOCLOGICAL HETORT, 1802-63.

points of the Hindu ornament to suit his own design. But
whether this may have been the case or not, it is impossible
to miss seeing that the Hindu bell and cWn must have
been directly suggestive of the Muhammadan tablet and
cord. The Masjid and tombs are surrounded by a wall with
four small towers at the corners, and an entrance gate on the
south side. In the steps leading up to this entrance I found
in 1838 a broken figure of Shasti, the goddess of fecun-
dity, and a p, festal with a short inscription, dated in Samvat
1193, or A. *. 1136. The people also aflBrm that * a large
statue formerly stood under a tree close by. All of these are
now gone, but the fact that two of them were built into the
entrance steps is sufficient to show that the mound on which
the Masjid stands must once have been the site of some
important Hindu building.

The two statues in the village of Singh Bhcnodni wore
discovered about 100 years ago in a field close by the brick
liovel in which they are now placed. The people call
them Itdm and Lakshman, and the attendant Brahman
does so too, although the figures have eight arms each, and
although the Msh, Tortoise, Boar and Lion Incarnations of
Vishnu are represented round the head of one of them. Each
of the figures is 3 feet in height, but the whole sculpture
is 6 feet. Vishnu is also known by the discus fchakra), and
club ( gadd), from which he derives his well-known titles of
chakradhur and gadddhar. Along with these sculptures
there are some other figures, of which the most important is
a statue of the Tflntrika Buddhist goddess, Vajrd Vardhi.
The figure is 2^ feet in height, and has three heads, of which
ono is porcine, and the usual number of seven hogs is repre-
sented on the pedestal. Outside the building there are
figures of Durgd slaying tho Maheshdsur, or buffalo demon,
and of Sim and Bdrbati sitting on the bull Nandi. In the
neighbouring village of Kutlupur I found the lintel of a
temple door-way with a figure of Vishnu in the middle,
showing that tho temple had been dedicated to that god. He
is represented sitting on the Ciartida, or eagle, and holding
the club and discus.

The only remaining place of any note is the SuraJ-kund
or Tank of the Sun,” to the south-east of Makar cmdnagar.
It is now nearly dried up, and at the time of my visit its
bed was planted with potatoes. But it is one of the oldest

KANOJr

291

places of worship in Kanoj, and an annual fair is still held
on its bank in the month of Bh&don (August — Septomher).
Close beside it there is a modern temple of Maliddeva, which
is said to have replaced a ruined one of some antiquity. To
the south-west of Makarandnagar there are three mounds
covered with broken bricks and pottery ; and under a tree
on the south mound, arc collected a number of fragments,
of sculpture at a spot dedicated to Maoi'dri Devi.

Most of the ancient monuments of i||||||noj that arc
noticed by the Chinese pilgrims are of course jSiddhist ; but
numerous as they were, I am unable to do more than oiler
conjectures more or less probable regarding their sites, as
Muhammadan spoliation has not left a single place standing
to give even a faint clue towards identification. The posi-
tion of one of the most remarkable of the monuments is
rendered more than usually doubtful by the conflicting evi-
dence of the two pilgrims. According to Fa Hian, the great
Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, which was built on the
spot where Buddha had preached on the instability of humair
existence, was situated at 6 or 7 li to the west of the town, and
on the north bank of the Ganges. But according to II won
Thsang, this great Stupa was situated at Qovlli to the south-
east of the capital, and on the south bank of the Ganges.
Now, as the ground to the north of the Ganges, as it existed
during the first centuries of the Christian era, was very low,
and therefore liable to inundation, it seems highly improbable
that any monument would have been erected in such an
insecure position. I conclude, therefore, that Hwen Thsang’s
account is most likely right, but I failed in my search for
any remains of this vast monument in the position indicated,
that is, at rather more than one mile to the south-east of the
capital, and on the south bank of the Ckota Oangd.

To the north-west of the town Hwen Thsang places
another Stupa of Asoka ; but as he gives no distance, the mere
bearing is too vague to enable us to fix upon the site with
any probability. Perhaps the small village of Kapatga, or
Kapteswari, nearly opposite the burnt dMc bungalow, is the
most probable site ; but, although there are the remains of
brick buildings in its vicinity, there is nothing to indicate
the previous existence of any large Stupa. A smaller Stupa
containing the hair and nails of Buddha has also disappeared,
as well as the memorial monument to the four Buddhas.

292 AUCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-03.

To the south of tho town, and close to the Ganges, there
were three monasteries, with similar looking walls, hut differ-
ing gateways. In one of these monasteries there was a
Vihdra or chapel which possessed a tooth of Buddha preserved
in a casket adorned with precious stones raised on a high
pedestal. This tooth was shown daily to crowds of people,
although the tax charged for its exhibition was “ a largo
piece of gold.” Perfumes were burned before it by thousands
of votaries, Jipd the flowers whieh were strewn .in pro-
fusion over *wcro devoutly believed never to conceal tho
casket. Eight and left in front of the monasteries there
wore two Vihdras, each about 100 feet in height. Their
foundations were of stone, but their walls of brick. In
front of cacli Vihdra there was a small monastery. Tho
most probable site of the three monasteries and tho Vihdra
Avith tho tooth of Buddha seems to me to be tho • largo
mound immediately to tho south of the Kshen Kali Burj,
to tlie south-east of the town, and on tho the immediate bank
of tho river. This is now called the Ilahalla of Lala Misr
Tola. Tho mound is covered with broken bricks, but no
remains of any extensive buildings arc now visible.

At a short distance to the south-east of the three mo-
nasteries there was a lofty Vihdra, 200 feet in height, which
enshrined a statue of Buddha 30 feet high. The foundations
of the building AA’-cre of stone, but the Avails of brick. On
the surrounding walls of tho Vihdra, Avhich were of stone,
were sculptured all the acts of Buddha’s life until he became
a Bodlmalioa. The position of this lofty Vihdra was most
probably on the largo mound in tho midst of tho present
Bhatpuri Mahalla, wliich stands about 800 feet to the south-
east of the mound in the Mahalla of Ldla Misr Tola. There
are no remains now to be seen on this mound, but it is proba-
ble that excavations would be attended with success, as there
can be little doubt that this was once the site of some import-
ant buildings. At a little distance from the Vihdra towards
the south there wus a temple, and ft little further to the
south there was a- second temple dedieated to Siva. Both
of these temples were of the same form and size as the
Vihdras of Buddha. They were built of a blue stone which
was highly polished, and adorned with admirable sculptures.
The probable position of these Brahmanical temples was on
the high mound of Malchdtm Jahdniya, in the Sikhdua

KANO.T — A-YU-TO, OK ATOBIIYA.

203

Malialla, which is about 700 feet to the south of the last
mentioned mound in the Bhaipnri Mahalla. That this
mound was the site of one or more Brahmanical temples
seems almost certaui from my discovery of a figure of S/iaad,
the goddess of fecundity, and of a pedestal hearing the date
of Samvat 1193, or A. D. 1136, which is posterior to the
extinction of Buddhism in Kanoj. I think it probable that
( 5 x:cavations in this mound would bo attended with success,
as the two temples are said to have been built o^toiio, which
no doubt' furnished the whole of the materials 4lb the Masjid
and tomb of MalcJidihn Jahdniya.

XI. A-YU-TO, OB AYODHYA.

From Kanoj the two Chinese pilgrims followed dificrent
routes, Fa Ilian having proceeded direct to Slia-chi (the
modern Ajudhya, near Fyzabad on the Ohdghra), while Ilwen
Thsang followc'd the course of the Ganges to Prayag, or
Allahabad. The first stage of both pilgrims would, however,
appear to be the same. Fa Ilian states that he crossed the
Ganges and proceeded 3 yojans, or 21 miles, to the forest of
Iloli, where there were several Stupas erected on spots where
Buddha had “ passed, or walked, or sat.”* Ilwen Thsang
records that he marched 100 li, nearly 17 miles, to the town
of Nava-deva-lcula, which was on the eastern bank of the
Ganges, and that at 5 li, or nearly 1 mile, to the south-east
of the town there was a Slupa of Asoka, which was still 100
feet in height, besides some other monuments dedicated to
the four previous Buddhas, t I think it probable that the two
places arc the same, and that the site was somewhere near
Nobatgauj, just above the junction of the Isan Biver and
opposite Nanamoto Ghat. But as there are no existing
remains anywhere in that neighbourhood, the place has been
most likely swept away by the river. This is rendered almost
'certain by an examination of the Ganges below the junction
of the Isan. Formerly the river continued its course almost
due south from Nanamow for many miles, but some centuries
ago it changed its course first to the soulh-cast for 4 or 5
miles, and then to the south-west for about the same distance,
w'here it rejoined its old bed, leaving an island, some 6 miles
in length by 4 in breadth, between the two channels. * As
Hwen Thsang’s account places Nava-deva-kula on the very

* Beal’s Fa Hian, C. XVUI.

t Julicii’s Ilwen Thsang, II., 2C5.

294 ARCniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3.

site of this island, I conclude that the town as well as the
Buddhist monuments must aU have been swept away by the
change in the river’s course.*

On leaving Nava-deva-kula, Hwen Thsang proceeded
600 li, or 100 miles, to the south-east, and re-crossing tbo
Ganges he reached the capital city of A-yu-to, which was
20 U, or upwards of 3 miles, in circuit. Both M. Julicn and
M. St. Martin have identified this place with Ayodhya, the
once colebr||ed capital of llama. But though I agree with
them as to tno probable identification of tho name as that of
the country, I differ with them altogether in looking for the
capital along the line of the Ghdghra River, which is due
oast from Kanoj, whereas II won Thsang states that his route
was to tho south-east. It is, of course, quite possible that
the pilgrim may occasionally use the generic name of Ganges
as the appellation of any large river, such, for instance, as the
Ghdghra ; but in the present case, where the recorded bearing
of south-east agrees with tho course of the Ganges, I think
it is almost certain that the Ganges itself was the river
intended by tho pilgrim. But by adopting the line of the
Ganges we encounter a difficulty of a different kind in tho
great excess of tho distance between two such well known
places as Kanoj and Pray^g. According to Hwen Thsang’s
route, he first made 100 li to Nava-deva-kula, then 600 li to
Ayutho, then 300 li by water to REayamnkha, and lastly 700 li
to Praydga. All these distances added together make a total
of 1,700 li, or 283 miles, which is just 10^0 miles, or 600 li,
in excess of tho true distance. But as a part of the journey,
viz., 300 li, or 50 miles, was performed by water, the actual
excess may, perhaps, not be more than 85 or 90 miles;
although it is doubtful whether the distance of 300 li may
not have been the road measurement and not the river dis-
tance. It is sufficient for our purpose to know that Hwen
Thsang’s recorded measurement is somewhere about 100
miles in excess of the truth. The only explanation of this
error that suggests itself to me is, that there may have been
an accidental alteration of one set of figures, such as 600 li
for 60 li, or 700 li for 70 li. Supposing that the former

* If we might read 10 ^i ’insteivd of 100 li, this place might be identified with Deohali,
which is situated on the Cliotii Gunga about 2 miles below Kanoj. The two names are
precisely the same, excepting that the modern one has dropped tho two initial syllables nava,
or “ new,” which, however appropriate in the time of tho Cliincse pilgrim, would almost
corhiiiily have been dropped in tho course of a few centuries. — See Juliou’s Hwen Thsang,
11. 2G6.

A-YU-TO, Oil AYODIITA.

295

was the case, tlio distance would he shortened hy 54'0 U, or
90 miles, and if the latter, hy 030 li, or 105 miles. This
mode of correction brings the pilgrim’s account into fair
accordance with the actual distance of 180 miles between
Kanoj and Praydg.

By adopting the first supposition, Ilwcn Thsang’s dis-
tance from Nava-deva~knla to the capital of Aytitho will bo
only 60 U, or 10 miles, to the south-east, which would bring
him to the site of an ancient city named Kd^ipnr, just 1
mile to the north of SeorSjpoor, and 20 miles to the north-
west of Cawnpoor. If we adopt the latter correction, the
pilgrim’s distance to Ayutho of GOO U, or 100 miles, will
remain unchanged, and this would bring him vid Mdnilqmr,
which is also an ancient place. By the fii’st supposition the
subsequent route would have been from KdMpur to Daun~
diahhera by boat, a distance of exactly 50 miles, or 300 U,
and from thence to Traydg^ a distance of more tlian 100
miles, which agrees with the 700 U, or 116 miles, of the
])ilgrim. By the second supposition the subsequent route
would have been from Kham to Papemow by water, about
50 miles, and thence to Prayag, about 8 miles of land, which
agrees with the 70 U of the proposed correction. In favour
of this last supposition is the fact that tlie bearing from
Khara to Papmnoio of east by south is more in accordance
with llwen Thsang’s recorded east direction than the south-
east bearing of Daundiakhera from K&kfipur. I confess,
however, that I am more inclined to adopt the former correc-
tion, which places the chief city of Ayutho at Kilkfipur, and
the town of Hayamukha at Daundiakhera, as wo know that
the last was the capital of the Bais Bajputs for a consider-
able period. I am partly inclined to this opinion by a sus-
picion that the name of Kdlmpur may bo connected witli
.that Bdgud, or Vdgud, of the Tibetan books. According to
this authority a Sdkya, named Shdmpaka, on being banished
from Kapila retired to Bdgud, carrying with him some of
Buddha’s hairs and nail-parings, over which he built a
chaitya. He, was made King of Bdgud, and the monument
was named after himself Shdmpaka Stupa).* No clue is
given as to the position of Bdgud; but as I know of no other
name that resembles it, I am induced to think that it is

• Csoma de Kiiroa iu Asiatic Researches, XX., p. 88.

29G AKcn^TiOLOGTCAii REroiiT, 1802-G3.

probably the same place as the Ayutho of Hwon Thsang, which
was. also possessed of a Stupa containing some hairs and
nail-parings of Buddha. KdMptir is well-known to the
people of Kanoj, who affirm that it was once a large city
with a Baja of its own. The existing remains of Kdlmpur
consist of numerous foundations formed of large bricks, and
more particularly of a connected set of walls of some large
building which the people call “ the palace.” I have not
yet visited tliis place, which lay out of my line of route, but
I hope to have an opportunity of examining it hereafter.

XII. HAYAMUKHA OR AYOMUKHA.

From Ayutho the Chinese pilgrim proceeded a distance
of 300 li, or 50 miles, down the Ganges by boat to 0-ye-mtiAchi,
which was situated on the north bank of the river, M. Julien
reads this name as Ilayamuklm, equivalent to ‘f Horse
ffico,” or “ Iron face,” which was the name of one of the
Ddnavas or Titans.* Neither of these names, however,
gives any clue to the site of the old city ; but if I am right
in my identification of Ayutho with Kdkuptir, it is almost
certain that Ayomukha must be the same as Haundiakhera.
Havcu Thsang makes the circuit of the town 20 li, or up-
wards of 3 miles, but Daundikhera presents no appearance of
having ever been so largo. There still exist the ruins of an
old fort or citadel, 385 feet square, with the walls of two
buildings which are called the Baja’s and Bani’s palaces.
The foundation of this. citadel is attributed to Baja Jlaghu-
nath Sinh, but ho was apparently some comparatively modern
Thdkur, or petty Chief, as Haundiakhera is universally
allowed to have been the capital of the Bais Bajputs, who
claim descent from the famous Salivahan. As there are no
remains of any buildings which can bo identified with the
momumonts described % Hwen Thsang, the actual site of
Ayomukha must still remain doubtful.

XIII. PRAYAGA, OR ALLAHABAD,

From Ayomukha the pilgrim proceeded 700 li, or IIG
miles, to the south-east, to Praydga, the well known place of
pilgrimage at the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, whore

* Julioii’s IT won Thsang, II., p. 274. — Sec my “ Aiuient (Jougraphy of India,” j>. 3S7,
means simply a “drum-boator,” and was probably apjdiod to some mendicant,
who took up his abode on the kherUj or mound ; and as this name is not likely to have been
imposiHl on the jilacc until it 5 vas in ruins, the ditfercnce of name oilers no inji»cdiuicut to
the identification of Daundiakhera with llayamukha.

PEA.YAGA, OH ALLAHABAD

297

Akbar some centuries later built his fort of IldhaMa, or
AUdhdbM, as it was afterwards called by Sbalijahan. The dis-
tance and bearing given by Hwen Thsang agree almost
exactly with those of Praydga from Daundiakhera. The
distance is 104 miles by the nearest road to the south of the
Ganges ; but as the pilgrim followed the nqrth road, the dis-
tance must have been increased to about 115 or 120 miles.
According to him the city was situated at the confluence of
the two rivers, but to the west of a large sandy plain. In
the midst of the city there was a Brahmanical temple, to
which the presentation of a single piece of money procured
as much merit as that of one thousand pieces elsewhere.
Before the principal room of the temple there was a large
tree with wide-spreading branches, which was said to be the
dwelling of an anthropophagous demon. The tree was sur-
rounded with human bones, the remains of • pilgrims who
had sacrificed their lives before the temple — a custom which
had been observed from time immemorial. *

I think there can be little doubt that the famous tree
hero described by the Chinese pilgrim is the well known
Akahay Bat, or “ undecaying Banian tree,” which is still an
object of worship at Allahabad. This tree is now situated
underground at one side of a pillared court, which would
appear to have been open formerly, and which is, I believe,
the remains of the temple described by Ilw^en Thsang. ' The
temple is situated inside the fort of Allahabad to the east of
the Ellenborough Barracks, and due* north from the stone
pillar of Asoka and Samudra Gupta. Originally both tree
and temple must have been on the natural ground level ; but
from the constant accumulation of rubbish they have been
gradually earthed up until the whole of the lower portion
of the temple has disappeared underground. The upper por-
tion has long ago been removed, and the only access to the
“Akshay Bat now available is by a flight of steps which leads
down to a square pillared court-yard. This court has
apparently once been open to the sky, but it is now closed
in to secure darkness and mystery for the holy Big tree.

The Akshay Bat is next mentioned by Bashid-ud-din
jm the Jdmmt-tawdrikh, in which he states that the “ tree
of Brdg'’ is situated at the confluence of the Jumna*and

o 2

Julien’s Hwen Thsang, 11., p. 276.

298

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1802-03.

Ganges. As most of his information was derived from
Uihdn, the date of this notice may with great probability bo
referred to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. In the 7th century
a great sandy plain, 2 miles in circuit, lay between the city
and the confluence of the rivers, and as the tree was in the
midst of the city, it must have been at least one mile from
the confluence. But nine centuries later, in the beginning
of Akbar’s reign, Abdul Kadir speaks of the ‘Hreo from
which people cast themselves into the river.’’* From this
statement I infer that, during the long period that inter-
vened between the time of Hwen Thsang and that of Akbar,
the two rivers had gradually carried away the whole, of the
great sandy plain, and had so far encroached upon the city
as to place the holy tree on the very brink of the water.
Long before this time the old city had no doubt been deserted,
for wo know that the fort of IldMhds was founded on its
site in the 21st year of Akbar’s reign, that is, in A. II. 982,
or A. D. 1572. Indeed, the way in which Abu Rihan speaks
of the tree” instead of the city of Prag, leads me to believe
that the city itself had already been deserted before his time.
As far as I am aware, it is not once mentioned in any
Muhammadan history until it was refounded by Akbar.f

As the old city of Fraydg has totally disappeared, we
can scarcely expect to find any traces of the various Buddhist
monuments which were seen and described by the Chineso
pilgrim in the 7th century. Indeed, from their position to
the south-west of the city, it seems very probable that they
may have been Avashed away by the Jumna even before the
final abandonment of the city, as the course of that river for
three miles above the confluence has been due west and east
of many centuries past. At any rate, it is quite certain that
no remains of these buildings are now to be seen ; the only
existing Hindu monument being the well known stone pillar
Avliich bears the inscriptions of Asoka, Samudra Gupta, and
Jahangir. As Hwen Thsang makes no mention of this
pillar, it is probable that it was not standing in his day.
Even its original position is not exactly known, but it was
probably not far from its preseot site. It was first erected
by King Asoka about B. C. 240 for the purpose of inscribing

* Elliut’s Muhammadan Historians of India, p. 243.
t Uclaand, Fragments Aiubs, etc., p. 30J, und Dowsou’s Elliot, I., 55.

PRATA&A, OR, ALLAHABAD.

290

his edicts regarding the propagation of Buddhism. It was
next made use of by Samudra Gupta, about, the second
century of the Christian era, for the record of his extensive
sovereignty over the various nations of India— from Nepdbl to
the Dakhan, and from GujarM to Assam. Lastly, it was
re-erected by the Mogal Emperor Jaliilngir to commemorate
his accession to the throne in the year 1605 A. D. These
are the three principal inscriptions on the Allahabad Pillar,
but therp are also a number of minor records of the names
of travellers and pilgrims of various dates, from about the
beginning of the Christian era down to the present century.
Eegarding these minor inscriptions, James Prinsep remarks
that “ it is a singular fact that the periods at which the pillar
has been overthrown can bo thus determined with nearly as
much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the
epochs’ of its being re-ercctcd from the more formal inscrip-
tions recording the latter event. Thus that it was over-
thrown some time after its first erection by the great Asoka
in the middle of the third century before Christ, is proved by
the longitudinal or random insertion of several names in
a character intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in which
the tn, b, &c,, retain the old form.” Of one of these names
he remarks — “Now it would have been exceedingly difficult, if
not impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up and down at
right angles to the other writing, tahtle the pillar was erect,
to say nothing of the place being out of reach, unless a
scaffold were erected on purpose, which would hardly be the
case, since the object of an ambitious visitor would bo defeated
by placing his name out of sight and in an unrcadalde
position.” The pillar “ was erected as Samudra Gupta’s arm,
and there it probably remained until overthrown again by
the idol-breaking zeal of the MusulmAns; for wo find no
writings on it of the Fdla, or Sfirnath type {i. e., of tlio
■tenth century), but a quantity appears with plain legible
dates from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D. 1363, down to
1660 odd, and it is remarkable that those occupy one side of
the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was
in a prostrate position. A few detached and ill executed
Nagari names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd, “ show that
^ver since it was laid on the ground again by General
Garstin, the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity
(has been at work.”* In this last passage James Prinsep has,

* Bengal Aeiatic Society’s Journal, 1837, p. 967.

300 ARCn^OLOGIOAL EBPORT, 1862-63.

I believe, made a mistake in the nhme of the Vandal En-
gineer who overthrew the stone pillar because it stood in the
way of his new line of rampart near the gateway. It was
General Kyd, and not General Garstin, who was employed
to stengthen the Eort of Allahabad, and his name is still
preserved in the suburb of Kydganj, on the Jumna, im-
mediately below the city.

The pillar was again set up in 1838 by Captan EdwaM
Smith, of the Engineers, to whom the design of the present
capital is entirely duo. At first it was intended to have placed
a fancy flower as an appropriate finish to the pillar, but as
the people had a tradition that the column was originally
surmounted by the figtire of a lion, it was suggested by a
committee of the Asiatic Society that the design of the new
capital should be made as nearly as possible the same as the
original, of which the Bakra and Lauriya piilars were cited
as examples. The lion statues which crown the bell capitals
of these two pillars I have seen and admired, and I can
affirm that they are the figures of veritable lions. Both of
them are represented half couchaut, w ith the head raised and
tlie mouth open. Tlie bell cu{)ital swells out boldly towards
the top to receive a massive abacus, whicli forms the plinth
of the statue. In these examples tlie broad swelling capital
is in harmony with tin? stout and massive column. But the
new capital designed by Captniu' Smith is, in my opinion, a
signal failure. The capital lessens towiirds the top, and is
surmounted by an abacus of less diameter tlian that of the
pillar itself. The animal on the top is small and recumbent,
and altogether the design is insignificant. ludeed, it looks
to me not unlike a stuffed poodle stuck on the top of an
inverted flower pot.

According to the common tradition of the people, the
name of Brayhga was derived from a Brahman, who lived
during the reign of Akbar. The story is that when the
Emperor was building the fort, the walls on the river face
repeatedly fell down in spite of all the precautions taken by
the architect. On consulting some wise men, Akbar was
informed that the foundations could only be secured by being
laid in human blood. A proclamation was then made, when
a Brahman, called Prayflga, voluntarily offered his life on
the condition that the fort should bear his name. This idle j
story, which is diligently related to the pilgrims who visit /

EOSAM, OR KOSAMBI.

301

tho Akshay JBat, may at least serve one useful purpose in
warning us not to place too mucli faith in these local traditions.
The name of Praydga is recorded by Hwen Thsang in tho
7th century, and is, in all probability, as old as the reign of
Asoka, who set up the stone pillar about H. C. 240, while tho
fort was not built until the end of the 16th century.

XIV. KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI.

The city of Kosdmbi was one of the most celebrated
places in ancient India, and its name was famous amongst
Brahmans as well as Buddhists. The city is said to have
boon founded by Kmaniba, the tenth in descent from Puru-
ravas ; but its fame begins only udth the reign ol' Chakra,
the eighth in descent from Arjuna Pdudu, who made Kosambi
his capital after llastinapura had been swept away by the
Ganges. If the date of the great war (MahdbhdrataJ be fixed
at 1426 B. C., which, as I have already shown in my gccount
of Belli, is the most probable period, then tho date of Cliakra
will be about 1200 or 1160 B. C. Twenty-two of his descend-
ants arc said to have reigned in . KosAmbi down to
ICshemaka, the last of the dynasty ; but it seems almost
certain that some names must have been omitted, as tho
very longest period of 30 years which can be assigned to a
generation of Eastern Kin®s will place the close of tho,
dynasty about B. C. 600, and make the period of Uddyana
about 630 to 600 B. C. If wc take all the recorded names
of the different authorities, then the number of generations
will be 24, which will place the close of the dynasty in B. C.
410, and fix tho reign of Uddyana in 670 to 640 B. C.
As Udilyana is represented by the Buddhists to have been a
contemporary of Buddha, this date may be accepted as
wonderfully accurate for so remote a period of Indimi History.

Kosdmbi is mentioned in the RdmAyana, the earliest of
the Hindu Poems, which is generally allowed to have been
composed before the Christian era. The story of Uddyana,
King of Kosdmbi, is referred to by the Poet Kdli Ddsa in his
Megha-duta, or “ Cloud Messenger,” when he says that Avanii
(or Ujain) is great with the number of those versed in tho
tale of Uddyana.”* Now Kdli Bdsa flourished shortly ,aftcr

• H. H. Wilson, “ Mogha-duto,'* note 64.

302

ARCn^EOLOOICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

A. D. 500, In tho Vrihat Katha, of Somadeva, the story of
UdAyana is given at full length, but the author has made
a mistake in tho genealogy between the two Satdnikas,
Lastly, the kingdom of Koadmbi, or Kosdmba Mmdala, is
mentioned in an inscription taken from the gateway of the
fort of Khara, which is dated in Samvat 1092, or A. D. 1035,
at which period it would appear to have been independent of
Kanoj.* Kosdmbi, the capital of Vatsa Raja, is the-scene
of tho pleasing drama of Ratndmli, or the “nepklace,”
which was composed in the reign of King Harsha Deva,
who is most probably the same as Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj,
as the opening prelude describes amongst the assembled
audience “princes from various realms recumbent at his
fcct.”t This we know from Hwen Thsang to have been true
of the Kanoj prince, but which even a Rrahman could scarcely
have asserted of Harsha Leva of Kashmir. The date of
this notice will, therefore, lie between 607 and 648 A. D.

But the name of TJddyana, King of Kosambi, was per-
haps even more famous among the Buddhists. In the MahS,-
wanso, which was composed in the 5th century A. D,, tho
venerable Yasa is said to have fled from “ Vaisdli to Kosi\mbi,
just before the assembly of tho second Buddhist Synod.J
In tho Lalita Vistdra, which was translated into Chinese,
between 70 and 76 A. D., and which must, therefore, have
been composed not later than the beginning of tho Christian
era, Udslyana Vatsa, sop of Satilnika, King of Kosambi, is
said to have been born on the same day as Buddha. In other
Ceylonese books, Kosilmbi is named as one of tho 19 capital
cities of ancicut India. Udayana Vatsa, tho son of Satanika,
is also known to the Tibetans as the King of Kosambi. In
tlie Ratnavali he is called Vatsa Raja, or King of the Vatsas,
and bis capital Vaisa-paUana, which is, therefore, only another
name for Kosambi. In this celebrated city Buddha is said
have spent the 6th and 9th years of his Buddhahood. Lastly,
Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddlia
in red sandal wood, which was made by King UdA.yana
during the life time of the teacher, still existed under a stone
dome in the ancient palace of King Udayana.

* Asiatic Researches, IX., 433, and Journal, Asiatic Society’s, of Benijal, V., 731.
t Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, “Ratnavali,” prelude, II., 264.
t Turuour’a translation, p. 16.

KOSA.M, OR KOSAMBI.

303

Tlie site of this great city, the capital of the later
PS,ndu Princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of all
the statues of liuddha, has long been sought in vain. Tho
Brahmans generally asserted that it stood either on the
Ganges, or close to it, and the discovery of the name of
Kommbi mandala, or “ Kingdom of Kosamhi,” in an inscrip-
tion over tho gateway of the fort of Khara, scorned to contirm
the general belief, although the south-west bearing from
PrayAga or Allahabad, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points
unmistakably to tho line of the Jumna. In January 1801
Mr. E. C. Bayley informed me that he believed the ancient
Kosiimbi would bo found in the old village of Kosam, on
the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allahabad. In the fol-
lowing month I met Babu Siva Prasad, of tho Educational
Department, who takes a deep and intelligent interest in alt
archaeological subjects, and from him I learned that Kosam is
still known as Kosdmhi-nagar, that it is even now a great resort
of the Jains, and that only one century ago it was a large and
flourishing town. This information was quite suHicient to
satisfy me that was the actual site of the once famous

K(jsambi. Still, however, there was no direct evidence to
.show that the city was situated on tho Jumna; but this #
missing link in the chain of evidence I shortly afterwards ^
found in tho curious legend of Bakkula.* Tho infant Bakkula
was born at Kos^mbi ; and while his mother was bathing
in the Jumna, ho accidentally fell into the river, and being
swallowed by a fish was carried to Banaras. There the fish
was caught and sold to tho wife of a nobleman, who, on
opening it, found the young child still alive inside, and at
once adopted it as her own. The true mother hearing of
this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to BamVas,
and demanded tho return of the child, which was of course
refused. The matter was then referred to tho King, vidio
•decided that both of the claimants were mothers of the child
— the one by maternity, the other by purchase. Tlio child
was accordingly named Bakula ; that is, of “ two hulas, or
races.” He reached the age of 90 years without once hav-
ing been ill, when ho was converted by tho preaching of
Buddha, who declared him to be “ the chief of that class
of his disciples who were free from disease^.” After this

* Hardy, » llauusd of BuddLum,” p. oOl.

304

ARCn^EOLOGIOAL REPORT, 1862-63.

he is said to have lived 90 years more, when he became an
arhat, or Buddliist saint.

But the negative kind of merit which Bakkula acquired
by bis freedom from disease was not appreciated by
Asoka, as we learn from a very curious legend which is pre-
served in the Divya Avadtlna.* In the first ardour of his
conversion to Buddhism the zealous Asoka wished to do
lionour to all the places which the life and teaching of
Buddha had rendered famous, by the erection of Stvpas, and
the holy TJpagupta volunteered to point out the sacred spots.
Accordingly the goddess of the SM tree, who witnessed Bud-
dha’s birth, appeared to Asoka and vouched for the authenti-
city of the venerated tree, which had given support to M6.ya-
Devi, at the birth of the infant Sdkya. Other holy sites
are also indicated, such as the Bodhi-drum, or sacred Pipal
tree at Buddha-Gaya, under which Buddha sat for six’ years
in meditation ; and the Ssll trees at Kusinagura, beneath
which he obtained Nirvdna, besides various spots rendered
famous by the acts of his principal disciples, Sfi,riputra,
Maudgalyfiyana, Kllsyapa, and Ananda. To all these holy
places the pious King allotted large sums of money for the
erection of Stupas. TJpagupta then pointed out the holy place
of Bakkula at Kosdmbi. “ And what was the merit of this
sage?” asked Asoka, “He lived,” answered TJpagupta,
“ to a great age without once having known disease.” “ On
him,” said the King, “ I bestow one farthing ('KdJcaniJ.'’i
In Burnouf’s version of this story Bakkula is said to bo the
disciple who had encountered the fewest obstacles, from
w'hich Asoka rightly argued that the fewer the obstacles the
less the merit. The same idea is even more tersely expressed
by the old author of the “ Land of Cockaigne” in describing
the sinlessness of its inhabitants :

Very virtuous may they be
“ Who temptation never see."

As this legend of Bakkula is sufficient to prove that the
famous city of KausS,mbi was situated on the «J umna, it now
only remains to show that the distance of Kosam from
Allahabad corresponds with that between Prayaga and

* .Burnovif, “ Budilhisttie Indien,” p. 391.

t The* Kakani was the fotjrth part of the copper panttf rikI was. therefore, worth only
20 cowries. Its weight was 20 raklikas, or ratis of copper, or x 2U = 3G grains..

KOSAM, OR KOSAMBf.

{}06

Kos^mibi, as recorded by Hwen Thsang. Unfortunately this
distance is differently stated in the life and in tho travels of
of the Chinese pilgrim.* In the former, the distance is
given as 60 li, and in the latter as 600 li, whilst in tho
return journey to . China the pilgrim states that, between
Pray^g and Kos&mbi, he travelled for seven days through a
vast forest and over bare plains. Now, as the village of
Kosa^ is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, the last
statement would seem to preclude all possibility of its iden-
tification with the ancient Kosilmbi. But, strange to say,
it affords the most satisfactory proof of their identity ; for
the subsequent route of tho pilgrim to Sankissa is said to
have occupied one month ; and as the whole distance from
Pray^g to Sankissa is only 200 miles, the average length of
the pilgrim’s daily march was not more than 6 J miles. This
slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by tho fact
that the march from PrayAg to Sankissa was a religious
procession, headed by the great King Harsha Vardhaiia of
Kanoj, with a train of no less than 18 tributary Kings,
besides many thousands of Buddhist monks, and all tho
crowd of an Indian camp. According to this reckoning,
tho distance from PrayAg to Kosambi would bo 38 miles,
which corresponds very closely with the actual road distance
as I found it. By one route on going to Kosam, I made tho
distance 37 miles, and by the return route 35 miles. Tho
only probable explanation of Hwen Thsang’s varying dis-
tance of 60 li and 600 li that occurs to me is, that as he
converted tho Indian yojanas into Cliinesc li at tho jate of
40 li per yojana, or of 10 li per kos, he must have written
150 li, the equivalent to 15 kos, which is the actual distance
across the fields for foot passengers from Kosam to the fort
of Allahabad, according to the reckoning of the people of
Kosam itself. But whether this explanation be correct or
not, it is quite certain that the present Kosam stands on the
actual site of the ancient Kosdmhi; for not only do the
people themselves put forward this claim, but it is also dis-
tinctly stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which
is , recorded on tho great stone piilai*, still standing in the
midst of the ruins, that this is Kausdmbi pura.

The present ruins of Kosflmbi consist of an immense
fortress formed of earthen ramparts and bastions, wi?h a

* Sue Juliun’s HwenThsaug, L, 121, 2G0 p., and II., 283.

1 - 2 ’

306 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3.

circuit of 23,100 feet, or exactly 4 miles and 3 furlongs.*
The ramparts have a general height of from 30 to 85 feet
above the fields, but the bastions are considerably higher ;
those on the north face risings to upwards of 50 feet, while
those at the south-west and south-east angles are more than
60 feet. Originally there were ditches all round the fortress,
but at present there are only a few shallow hollows at the
foot of the rampart. The parapets were of brick and gtone ;
but, although the remains of these defences can be traced
nearly all round, I could not find any portion of the old
wall with a facing sufficiently perfect to enable me to deter-
mine its thickness. The large size of the bricks, which are
19 inches long by 12^ by 2-|, shows that these are the ruins
of very old walla. In shape the fortress may be described
as an irregular rectangle, with its longer sides running
almost due north and south. The length of the different
faces is as follows : —

North front
South
East
West

Total ... X3,100 feet.

... 6,000 „
... 7,500 „
... 5.100 ,.

The difference in length between the north and south
fronts is due to the original extension of the fortress on the
river face ; but the difference between the east and west
fronts is, I believe, chiefly, if not wholly, due to the loss of
the south-west angle of the ramparts by the gradual en-
croachments of the Jumna. There are no traces now left
of the western half of the ramparts on the southern face,
and the houses of the village of Oarhawd are standing on the
very edge of the cliff overhanging the river. The reach of
the river also from the Pakka JBurj at the south-west angle
of the fortress up to the hill of Prdbhdsa, a clear straight
run of four miles, bears 12 degrees to the north of east,
whereas in the time of Hwen Thsang there were two Stv^aa
and a cave at a distance of miles to the south-west of
Kosdmbi. Prom all these concurring circumstances, I con-
clude that the west front of the fortress was originally as

* See Plate XLVUI. for a map of the mins of Kosam.

KOSAM, OB KOSAMBI.

307

nearly as possible of the same length as the east front. This
would add 2,400 feet, or nearly half a mile to the length of
the west front, and would increase the whole circuit of the
ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlong, which is within one
furlong of the measurement of 6 miles, or 30 li recorded
by Hwen Thsang. In three main points therefore of name,
size, and position, the present Kosam corresponds most
exactly, with the ancient Kos4mbi, as it is described by the
Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century.

• Viewed from the outside, the ruins of Kosdmbi present
a most striking appearance. My previous enquiries had led
me to except only a ruined mound some 20 or 30 feet in
height covered with broken bricks. What was my surprise,
therefore, when still at some distance from the place on the
north-east side, to behold extending for about 2 miles a long
line of lofty earthen mounds as high as most of the trees.
I felt at once that this was the celebrated Kosilmbi, the
capital of the far-famed Raja Ud^yana. On reaching the
place I mounted one of the huge earthen bastions, from
whence I had a clear view of the interior. This was very
uneven but free from jangal, the whole surface being thickly
covered with broken brick%. In many places the bricks
were partially cleared away to form fields, but in others the
broken bricks were so thickly strewn that the earth beneath
was scarcely discernible. But I was disappointed to find
that there were no prominent masses of ruin, — the only
object that caught the eye being B modern Jain temple.
I recognized the positions of six gates by the deep depres*
sions in the lines of rampart. There are two of these open-
ings on each of the three land faces of the fortress.

The present village of Kosam consists of two distinct
portions, named Kosam Indm and Kosam Khirdj, or “Rent-
free” and “ Rent-paying” Kosam, the former being on the
west, and the latter on the east side of the old fortress.
Inside the ramparts, and on the bank of the Jumna, there
are two small villages called Garhawd Bard and Garhatod
Chota^ their names being.no doubt derived from their posi-
tion within the fort or garh. Beyond Kosam Indm is the
large village of Pdli, containing 100 houses, and beyond
Kosam Khirdj on the bank of the Jumna stands the hamlet
of Oop-Sahasa. To the north there is another hamlet
called Amhd-Kua, because it possesses a large old well

308 AUCniEOLOGICAL REPOUT, 1862-63.

surrounded by a grove of mango trees. All these villages
together do not contain more than 350 or 400 houses, with
about 2,000 inhabitants.

The great object of veneration at Kos^mbi was the
celebrated statue of Buddha in red sandal wood, which was
devoutly believed to have been made during the life time
of Buddha by a sculptor whom King Udiiyana was permitted
to send up to the Trayastrima heaven, while the •- great
Teacher was explaining his law to his mother Mdy^. The
statue was placed under a stone 'dome, within the precincts
of the palace of Udayana, which is described by Hwen
Thsang as being situated in the very middle of Kos^mbi.
This description shows that the place must have occupied
the position of the great central mass of ruin, which is
now covered by a small Jain temple. The temple is said
to have been built in 1834, and is dedicated to Pdr&sndth.
By thg people, however, it is generally called Deora or
the Temple, which was the old name of the mound, and
which, therefore, points immistakably to the position of the
ancient temple that once hold the famous statue of Buddha.
The foundations of a large building are still traceable
both to the cast and west of j;he temple ; but there arc
no remains cither of sculpture- or of architectural ornament.
But in the village of Bara Garhawh., distant 1,500 feet to
the south-west, I found two sculptured pillars of a Buddhist
railing, and the pedestal of a statue inscribed with the well-
known Buddhist profession of faith, beginning with Ye
dharmma lietu prabltmd, &c., in characters of the 8th or
9th century. In the village of Chota GarhawH, distant half
a mile to the south-east, I found a small square pillar
sculptured on three faces with representations of Stupas.
The discovery of these undoubted Buddhist remains is alone
sufidcient to prove that some largo Buddhist establishment
must once have existed inside the walls of Kosdmbi. 1
would, therefore, assign the two pillars of the Buddhist rail-
ing and the inscribed statue to the great Vihar in the palace,
which contained the famous sandal wood statue of Buddha.
The third pillar I would assign to the Stupa which contained
the hair and nails of Buddha, as it was situated inside the
south-east corner of the city, on the very site of Chota
Garhawa, where the pillar itself was found. The two rail-
ing pillars found at Barh Qarhaw^ are sculptured with figures

KOSAM, OR KOSAMRI.

309

[of a male and female ; and as both of these figures exhibit
'the very same scanty clothing as is seen in those of the
bas-reliefs of the Silncbi Tope, near Bhilsa, I would refer
tlie Kositmbi pillars to the same age, or somewhere about
the beginning of the Christian era.

The only other existing relic of Buddhism inside the
fort is a large s tone monolith similar to those of Allahabad
and Belhi, excepting only that it bears no ancient inscription.
This coljimn is now standing at an angle of 5°, about onc-
lialf* of the shaft being buried in a mound of brick ruins.
The portion of the shaft above ground is Id feet in length,
and close by there arc two broken pieces, measuring respect-
ively 4 feet 6 inches and 2 feet 3 inches. I made an ex-
cavation completely round the pillar to a depth of 7 feet
4 inches, without reaching the end of the polished portion of
the shaft. All those figures added together give a total
length of 28 feet ; but tlie pillar was no doubt several feet
longer, as the shafts of all the five known monoliths exceed
30 feet. Tlie smallest diameter is 29| inches, or nearly the
same as that of the Lauriya-Ara-Raj pillar, and as the dia-
meter increases in nearly the same proportion, I presume
that the Kostlmbi pillar most probably had about the same
height of 30 feet. According to the villagers, this pillar
was in one piece as late as 50 years ago ; but it was leaning
against a large Nimh tree. The tree was old and hollow, and
some cowherds having accidentally set fire to it, the top of
the pillar was broken by the heat.** Several dilfcrcnt per-
sons affirmed that the shaft was originally nearly double
its present height. This would make the height above
ground somewhat less than twice 14 feet, or say about 27
feet, which, added to the ascertained smooth portion of
7 feet 4 inches under ground, would make the original height
of the smooth shaft upwards of 34 feet.* I found numerous
foots of the old tree in my excavation round the pillar. Tho
statement of tho people that the KosAmbi pillar has been
leaning in its present position as long as they can remember,
is ciiriously corroborated by tho fact that an inscription dated
in the reign of Akbar is cut across tho face of the shaft at
an angle of about 60° but parallel to tho horizon. It seems

• All excavation was nude in 1B70 by Mr. Ncriliitt, District Engineer, which exposed

a toivl lengtli of 31 feet, when the work was suspeiidotl. Mr. Nesbitt supposes the length
to exceed dd feet.

310 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

certain, therefore, that the pillar was in its present leaning
position as early as the reign of Akhar ; and further, as this
inscription is within reach of the hand, and as there are also
others engraved beneath the present surface of the soil, I
conclude that the pillar must have been buried as we now
see it for a long time previous to the reign of Akbar.

The inscriptions recorded on the Kosdmbi pillar range
from the age of the Guptas down to the present day. - The
only record of the earliest period is the name of a pilgrim
in six letters, which I have not sueceeded in reading. ‘ At
the top of the broken shaft there is an incomplete record
of three letters ending in prabhdra, which I would ascribe
to the 4th or 6th century. The letters, which are three
inches in length, are boldly cut, but the line which they
form is not parallel to the sides of the pillar. The next
inscription in point of time consists of six lines in characters
of the Gth or 7th century. As this record is placed on the
lower part of the shaft, from 3 to 4 feet beneath the present
ground level, and as the lines are perpendicular to the sides
of the shaft, I infer that at the time when it was inscribed,
the pillar was still standing upright in its original position,
and that the surrounding buildings were still in perfect
order. This inference is fully home out by Hwen Thsang’s
account of the ancient palace of TJd^ana with its great
Vihara, 60 feet in height, and its stone dome forming a
canopy over the statue qf Buddha, all of which would seem
to have been in good- order at the date of his visit, as he
carefully mentions that the two dilferont bath-houses of
Buddha, as well as the dwelling-house of Asanga Bodhisatwa
wore in ruins. Just above this inscription there are several
records in the peculiar shell-shaped letters which James
Prinsep noticed on the Allahabad pillar, and which I have
found on most of the. other pillars throughout Northern
India. The remaining inscriptions, which Me comparatively
modern, are all recorded on the upper part of the shaft.
That of Akbar’s time, which has already been referred to,
is in NA,gari as follows : —

Mogal Pdtiadh Aibar Patisdh Gaji ; for

Mogul Padshah Akbar Padshah Ghdzi,

This is followed by a short record of a aoni, or goldsmith, in
three lines, below which is a long inscription dated in Samvat

KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI.

311

|1621, or A. D. 1664, in the early part of Akbar’s reign,
letailing the genealogy of a whole family of goldsmiths. It
in this inscription that the name of Kosdnibipura occurs,
|he founder of the family, named Anand Mm Dils, having
lied at Kosam. The monolith is called Bdm-ka-eharri,
[“ Eam’s walking stick,” by some, and by others Jihim-aeii-
or “Bhim-sen’s club.” Inside the fort also, about
midway between the two villages of Garhawd, I found a
!argo‘7j«5ram, bearing four heads, with three eyes. each, and
wit^ the hair massed on the top of each head. The dis-
covery of this costly symbol of Mahadeva shows that the
worship of Siva must have been firmly established at
KosS,mbi at some former period ; and as II wen Thsang men-
tions the existence of no less than 50 heretical (that is
Brahmanical) temples at the time of his visit, I think it
probable that the large lingam may have belonged to one of
those early temples.

To the south-west of Kosdmhi, distant 8 or 9 U, or 1^-
miles, Hwen Thsang describes a lofty Stupa of Asoka,
200 feet in height, and a stone cavern of a venomous dragon,
in which it was devoutly believed that Buddha had left his
shadow. But the truthful pilgrim candidly says that this
shadow was not to be seen in his time. If Ilwon Thsang’s
south-west bearing is correct, the holy cave must have been
carried away long ago by the encroachment of the Jumna,
as the clear reach of the river above Kosclmbi, as far as the
hill of Prabhdsa, a distance of 4 miles, now bears 282° from
the south-west, of the old city, or 12° to the north of west.
The hill of Prabh4sa, which is on the left bank of the
Jumna, is the only rock in the Antarved or Doab of the
Ganges and Jumna. In a hollow between its two peaks
stands a modern Jain temple, but there is no cavern, and
no trace of any ancient buidings.

At a short distance to the south-east of Kosdnibi, there
was an ancient monastery containing a Stupa of Asoka, 200
feet in height, which was built on the spot where Buddha
had explained the law for many years. Beside the monas-
tery, a householder named Kiu-shi-lo, formerly had a garden.
Pa TTiftTi nnlls it the garden of Kiu-ase-lo ; but by the Bud-
dhists of Ceylon it is called the Ghosika garden. M. J^ien
renders the name doubtfully by Goahira, but it appears to
me that the true name was most probably the Sanskrit

312 ARCITiROLOGlCAL TIEPOIIT, 18G2-03.

Gosirsha, and the Pali Ooma, which I believe to bo still
preserved in Gopsahsa, the name of a small village close to
Qhota Garliawd. This name is now written Gopshmaf
but as the well known name of Janamejaya is written Jag-
medaut and also Jalmedar, by the half educated people of
Kosam, I do not think that the slight dilferenoe of spelling
between the ancient Gosisa and the present Gopshasa, forms
any very strong objection to their identification, more espe-
cially as the position of the Gosisa garden must have" bcf*n
as nearly as possible on the site of the Gopshasa village.
There are no ancient remains about this village ; nor, indeed,
could we expect to find any traces of the garden. But in
the neighbouring village of Kosam Khirdj or Hisdmdbdd, the
vestiges of ancient occupation are found everywhere, and
this village I believe to have been the site of the monastery
with its lofty Stvpa of 200 feet, built by Asoka, and its similar
Slnpa containing the hair and nails of Buddha. The position
of this village, -within one-quarter of a mile of the south-
east comer of the ancient fort, agrees precisely with the site
of the monastery as described by Hwen Thsang, ‘‘dtme
petite distance au snd-est de la ville.” In this village sqixarcd
stones of all sizes may be seen in the walls of most of the
houses, and after a little search I succeeded in finding four
plain pillars of txvo diiferent sizes which had once liclonged
to two different Buddhist railings. Two of these pillars arc
4 feet 9 inches ip height, with a section of 12-|^ by 7 inches,
which are also the eyact dimexxsions of the largest railing
pillars that have been found at Mathura. The other twO’
pillars are 2 feet 9 inches in height with a section of 7 by
3^ inches, which are the exact dimensions of the smallest
sized railing pillars that have been found at Mathura.
The larger pillars I would assign to the Buddhist railing,
which in all probability once surrounded the lofty Stupa
of Asoka, and the .smaller pillars I would assign to the
smaller Stupa, which contained the hair and nails of
Buddha.

I found also the fragment of a corner pillar with the
mortice holes for the reception of the rails on two adjacent
sides at right angles to each other. I conclude, therefore,
that this pillar must have belonged to the entrance doorway
of one of the railings, although its face of 9 inches does not
agree with the dimensions of either of the other pillars.

KTrSAPTJBA.

313

XV. KUSAPURA.

From KosS,mbi the Chinese pilgrim travelled to the
north-east, through a vast forest as far as the Gauges, after
crossing which his route lay to the north for a distance of
700 Uy or 117 miles, to the town of Kia-she-pit-lOy Avhich
M. Julien correctly renders by Ketsapttra. In searching for
the site of this place the subsequent route of the pilgrim to
Visdhhdy a distance of 170 to 180 U, or from 28 to 30 miles,
to ‘the north is of equal importance with the bearing and
distance from Kos^mbi. For as the VisdkhA, of ilwen
Thsang, as I will presently show, is the same place as the
Sha-chi of Fa Ilian, and the SAketa or Ayodhya of the
Hindus, we thus obtain two such well fixed points as Kosilmbi
and Ayodhya to guide us in our search. A single glance
at the map will be sufficient to show that the old town of
Sultdripur on the Goniati (or Gumti) lliver is as nearly as
possible in the position indicated. Now the Hindu name of
this town was Kusahhavanapuray or simply Kmapuray which
is almost the same name as that of Hwen Thsang. licmom-
bering Mr. Bayley’s note of information derived from Baja
Mdn Sinh that there was “a lope near Sultdnpur,” I pitched
my tent on one side of the now utterly desolate city, and
searched the whole place through most carefully, but all in
vain : I could neither find the trace of any tope, nor could I
oven hear of ancient remains of any kind. On the following
day, however, after I had left Sultdnpur, I heard that the
village of Mahm fid pur, about 5 miles *to the north-west., was
situated on an ancient mound of somewhat larger size tlian
that of Sultfinpur, and on my arrival at Faizabad, I learned
from Lieutenant Swetenham, of the Boyal Engineers, tliat
there is an old tope to the north-west of Sultfinpur, .not far
from this village. I conclude, therefore, that Sultfinpur, the
apeient Kusapura, is the same jdaco as the Kasapura of
Hwen Thsang, and this identification will be made even
more certain on examination of the recorded distances.

On leaving Kosfimbi, the pilgrim proceeded first in a
north-cast direction to the Ganges, after crossing which ho
tinned to the north to Kasapura, the whole distance being
li7 miles. Now, the two great ghfits on the Gange.s to the
north-east of Kosamareat Mau-Saraya and Pfipamau,*tho
former being 40 miles, and the latter 43 miles distant.
But as these two ghfits are close together, and almost

Q 2

314i ARCHiEOLOGieAL REPORT, 1862-63.

immediately to the north of Allahabad, the total distance to
Kasapura will be the same whichever place of crossing be
taken. Prom P&pamau to Sult^lnpur the direction is due
north, and the distance 66 miles, the whole line from Kosam
to SuMnpur being 109 miles, which is within 8 miles of
the round number of 700 U, or 116| miles as given by Hwen
Thsang, while both of the hearings are in exact accord-
ance with his statements,* Prom Kasapura to Vtsukho,. the
direction followed by the pilgrim was to the north, ^and the
distance was from 170 to 180 1% or from 28 to 38 miles.
Now the present city of Ajtidhya, the ancient Ayodhya or
S4keta, is almost duo north from Sultdnpur, the distance
being 30 miles to the nearest point, or just six miles in
excess of the distance given by II wen Thsang. As the
former of these distances is in default, while the latter is in
excess, I would suggest, as a possible alternative, that our
measurements should be taken from the village of Mahnud-
pwr, which would make the route from Kosam to the Bud-
dliist establishment near Kasapura up to 111 miles, or witliin
three miles of the number stated by Hwen Thsang, and
lessen the subsequent route to Ayodhya from 36J;o 31 miles,
which is within one mile of the number given by the Chinese
pilgrim. As all these bearings are in perfect accordance, and
as the names of the two places agree almost exactly, I think
that there can be little hesitation in accepting the identi-
fication of Sultdnpur to Kusapura, with the Kasapura of
Hwen Thsang.

Kusapura or Kusa-hhavana-pura is said to have been
named after Rdma’s son Kusa. Shortly after the Muham-
madan invasion it belonged to a Bhar Baja Nand Kunwar,
who was expelled by Sultan Alauddin Ohori (read Khilji).
The defences of the town were strengthened by the con-
queror, who built a mosque and changed the name of the
place to Sultanpur. The site of Kusapura was, no doubt,
selected by its founder as a good military position on account
of its being surrounded on three sides by the Bivor Gomati
or Gomti. I’he place is now utterly desolate; the whole
population having been removed to the new civil station on
the opposite or south bank of the river. The ruined fort
of StiltAnpur now forms a lax’gc mound, 750 feet square.

* Julieu'b Uwcu TlwuDg, II. , 290.

KTTSAPURA — DnOPAPAPURA. 315

witli brick towers at the four corners. On all sides it is
surrounded by the huts of the ruined town, the whole toge-
ther covering a space of about half a mile square, or about
two miles in circuit. This estimate of the size of SuMnpur
agrees very closely with that of Kusapura given by Hwen
Tlisang, who describes the place as being 10 li, or 1| miles,
in circuit.

. XVI. DHOPAPAPURA.

• Before accompanying the pilgrim to the ancient city of
Sdketa or Ayodhya, I will take the opportunity of describ-
ing the famous place of Hindu pilgrimage called Dliopdpa^
p%i,ra, which is situated on the right or west bank of the
Gomati Hiver, 18 miles to' the south-east of Sultslnpur, and
immediately under the 'walls of the fort of Oarhd, or Shirka-
Garhi. The legend of the place is as follows : — After
Rama Cliandra had killed the giant RAvana he w'andered
about trying to obtain purification for his guilt in having
thus extinguished a portion of the spirit of Brahmil
( Brahmd-ka-ans) ; but all liis efforts w'cro ineffectual, until he
met with a white crow, when he w’as informed by the Muni
Vasishtha that the crow had become white from having
bathed in the Gomati River at a particular spot. Rama
proceeded to bathe at the same spot, and was immediately
purified, or “ cleansed” from his sin. The place was ac-
cordingly named Bho-pdpa, or “ cleanser of sins” and the
town w^hicJi soon sprang up beside it was called Bfwpdpapura.
In Sanskrit the form is Dhnta 2 )dpa, which is given 'in the
list of the Vishnu Purana as the name of a river distinct
from the Gomati; but as the name immediately follows
that of the Gomati, I think it probable that the term may
have been intended only as an epithet of the Gomati, as
the BhUapdpa, or “ Sin-cleanser,” in allusion to the
legend of Rama’s puiification. An annual fair is held hero
on the 10th day on the waning moon of Jyeslh, at which
time it is said that about fifty thousand people assemble to
bathe in the far-renowned pool of Dhopdpa.

The site of Bhopdp is evidently one of very consider-
able antiquity, as the whole country for more than half a
mile around it is covered wiih broken bricks and pottery.
The place is said to have belonged to the Bhar Rajas of
Kmabhamnapura or SulUnpur, but the only name that 1

316 AUCHiEOLOGICAL EEPOKT, 1862-63.

could hear of as specially connected with Dhopdp, was that
of llaja Ilel or Kela. The village of Dhopdp-pur is now a
very small one, containing less than 200 houses ; hut they
arc all built of burnt brick, and numerous formdations are
visible on all sides near the Gomati River. Several carved
stones have been collected by the people from the ruined
walls of the fort of Garhd. Amongst them I observed the
following : — a broken pilaster with two human figures ;
%idy a stone bracket ; Zrd, a square capital of pillar 44/i,
a four-bracket capital of a pillar; hth, two stories with
socket holes for iron cramps. All of these stones point
unmistakably to the existence at some former period of a
large temple at Dhop^p, which was probably situated imme-
<liatoly above the bathing gh4t. It seems almost certain,
however, that there must once have been a considerable
number of temples at this place, for the whole of the eastern
wall or river front of the fort of Garhd has been built or
faced with square stones, which, by their carvings and
cramp-holes, show that they belonged to Hindu temples.

The fort of Garhd is situated to the north of the village
on a lofty natural mound overhanging the River Gomati on
the east. To the north and south the place is defended by two
deep ravines supplied with running water, and to the west
by a deep dry ravine. The position is, therefore, a strong
one ; for, although the neighbouring mounds to the north
and Avest rise to nearly the same height, yet they once form-
ed part of the city, which can only be approached over much
low and broken ground. The strength of the position would
seem to have early attracted the notice of the Muhammadan
Kings of Delhi, as the fort is stated to have been repaired
by Salim Shah, whilst a very old ruinous masjid stands on
the Avest mound. The fort itself is a sm^l place, its northern
face being only 550 feet long, its eastern and western
faces 560 feet each, whilst its south face is but 260 feet.
The greater part of the stone work of the south-east tower has
fallen into the river, where many of the stones are now lying,
and much of the eastern wall has also disappeared, the stones
being very valuable in a stoneless country for the sharpening
of tools of all kinds. The entrance gate was on the south
side, jicar the river bastion just mentioned. I obtained coins
of many of the early Muhammadan Kings, from Naser-
uddiu Mahmud GUori down to Akbar, but not a single

piT^teXLiy

/; 'fenlar^d Flam

file

MANl -PAR BAT

Litl.o i\z .'e '?i:vr Geiu’i« Oitice Cat. ?. tlun/ocr USyi

DnOPAPAPUUA — SAKETAj OR AJUDHYA. 317

specimen of any Hindu coinage, although I was informed
that coins bearing figures are found every year during the
rainy season.

I may here mention that I heard of another place of
Hindu pilgrimage on the north hank of the Gomati Eiver,
at a spot called Set-Bardh, that is Sioela- Vardha, or “ the
wliito Boar,” 15 kos, or 30 miles, from Sultilnpur towards
Lucknow. Two annual fairs are held there, — Is^, on the ninth
day of the waxing moon of Chaitra, and the 2ud, on tlio
fifteenth day of the waxing moon of Kartik, when it is said
that about fifty thousand people assemble to bathe. Tho
former period is connected with the history of Bilma Chan-
dra, as it is commonly known as the Bdm-navami Tirath or
“Buma’s ninth (day) place of pilgrimage.” I could not
learn anything regarding the origin of the name of SetBardh,

XVII. SAKETA, Oil AJUDHYA.

Much difficulty has been felt regarding the position of
Fa-Hian’s “ great kingdom of Sha-chi, and of Hwen Thsang’s
Visdkhd, with its enormous number of heretics,” or Brah-
manists ; but I hope to show in the most satisfactory manner
that these two places are identical, and that they are also
the same as the Sdketa and Ajudhya of the Hindus. Tho diffi-
culty has arisen chiefly from an erroneous bearing recorded
by Fa Hian, who places Shevoei, or Srdvasti, to the south of
Sha-chi, while Hwen Thsang locates ft to the north-east, and
partly from his erroneous distance of 7 -1- 3 -I- 10=20 yojms,
instead of 30, from the well-known city of Sankisa. Tho
bearing is shown to be erroneous by the route of a Hindu
pilgrim from the banks of the Godavery to Sewef, or Srd-
vasti, as recorded ip. the Ceylonese Buddhist works.* This
pilgrim, after passing through Mahissati and Ujani, or
Maheshmati and Ujain, reaches KosS,mbi, and from thence
passes through Sdketa to Sewet, that is, along the very
route followed by Hwen Thsang. We have, therefore, two
authorities in favour of Sewet being to the north of S4kct.
With regard to the distance, I refer again to the Buddhist
books of Ceylon, in which it is recorded that from Sakespura
(or Sangkewyapum, now Sankisa^ to was a jourpey of

Hardy, “Mauiudof Buddhism,” p. SSi.

318 ARcn^EOLOGiCAL heport, 18G2-G3.

30 yojans. Now, Fa Ilian malccs the distance from Sankisa
to Kanoj 7 yojans, thence to the forest of Holi, on the
Ganges, 3 yojans, and thence to Shaehi 10 yojam, or alto-
gether only 20 yojans, or 10 less than the Ceylonese books.*
That Fa Ilian’s statement is erroneous is quite clear from
the fact that his distance would place Shaehi in the neigh-
bourhood of Lucknow ; whereas the other distance would
place it close to Ajudhya, or Faizabad, or in the very .position
indicated by Ilwcn Thsang’s itinerary. Here, again, we
have two authorities in favour of the longer distance. I have
no hesitation, therefore, in declaring that Fa Hian’s recorded
bearing of She-wei from Sha-chi is wrong, and that “ north”
should be read instead of “ south.”

I have now to show that Fa Hian’s Slia-chi is the same
as Hwen Thsang’s Visdkha, and that both are identical with
Sdketa or Ajudhya. With respect to Sha-chi, Fa Hian
relates that, on “ leaving the town by the southern gate, you
find to the cast of the road the place where Buddha bit off a
piece of his tooth brush, and planted it in the ground, where
it grew to the height of seven feet, and never increased or
diminished in size.” Now this is precisely the same legend
that is related of Visdkha by Hwen Thsang, who says that
“ to the south of the capital, and to the left of the road
(that is, to the cast as stated by Fa Hian), there was, amongst
other holy objects, an extraordinary tree 6 or 7 feet high,
which always remained the same, neither growing nor decreas-
ing.t This is the celebrated tooth-brush tree of Buddha, to
wMch I shall have occasion to refer presently. Here I
need only notice the very precise agreement in the two des-
criptions of this famous tree, as to its origin, its height, and
its position. The perfect correspondence of these details ap-
pears to mo to leave no doubt of the identity of Fa Hian’s
Shaehi with the VMkha of Hwen Thsang.

With respect to the identification of Vis^lkha with the
Sslketa of the Hindus, I rest my proofs chiefly on the fol-
lowing points : — Is^, that Visdkha, the most celebrated of all
females in Buddhist history, w'^as a resident of Sfbketa before
her marriage with Purnna Varddhana, son of Mrigdra, the
*

* Boivl’s ** Fa Ilian,’* pp. 71-72 ; and Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 301.

t Beal’s Fa Hian, c. XIX ; and Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 291,

SAKETA, OE AJUDHYA.

319

Hch mercliant of Srdvasti ; and 2nd, that Buddha is re-
corded by Hwen Thsang to have spent six years at VUsdJeha,
while by the Pali annals of Turnour ho is stated to have
lived 16 years at Sdketa.

The story of the noble maiden Visdkha is related at
great length in the Ceylonese books. According to Hardy,
she ereqted a Furmdrdma at Srdvasti, which is also mentioned
by, Hwen Thsang. Now there was also a Purvvdrdnm at
Silkpta, and it can hardly bo doubted that this monastery was
likewise built by her.* She was the daughter of Dliananja,
a rich merchant, who had emigrated from PajagrilM to
Sdketa. Now, amongst the oldest inscribed coins which
have been discovered only at Ajudhya, we find some bearing
the names of Dhana Dem and Visdkha-Datta. I mention
this because it seems to me to show the probability that the
family of Dhmmnja and Visdkhd was of great eminence in
Siikcta or Ayodhya ; and I infer from the recurrence of their
names, as well as from the great celebrity of the lady, that
the city may possibly have been called Visdkha after her
name.

The other proof whieh I derive from the years of Buddha’s
residence is direct and convincing. According to the Cey-
lonese annals, Buddha was 36 years of ago when he attained
Buddhahood ; he then led a houseless life for 20 years,
preacliingin various places in Northern India, all of wdiich are
detailed ; and of the remaining 25 years of his life he spent
9 in the Jetavana monastery at SrA.vasti, and 16 in the
Fuhhdrdmo monastery at Saketapura. Now, in the Burmese
annals, these numbers are given as 19 years and 6 years, and
in the last figure we have the exact number recorded by
Hwen Thsang. Nothing can be more complete than this
proof. There were only two places at which Buddha resided
for any length of time, namely, Srdvasti, at which ho lived
cither 9 or 19 years, and Sdketa, at which he lived cither 6
or 16 years ; and as according to Hwen Thsang he lived for 6
years at Visdkha, which is described as being at some distance
to the south of Srdvasti, it follows of necessity that Visdkha
and Sdketa were one and the same^ place.

* Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 227 ; and Julien’K Hwen Thsang, I., B05. See ako
Pubhdrdmo meutiougd by Tiuuour iu Bengal Asiatic Society’s JouruaJ, VIB; 700.

320 ARCHiEOLOGICAL EEPOET, 1862-63.

The identity of SdJceta and Ayodhya has, I believe,
always been adnaitted ; but I am not aware that any proof
has yet been offered to establish the fact. Csoma-de-koros,
in speaking of the place, merely says “ Saketana or- Ayo-
dhya,” and H. H. Wilson, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, calls
Sdketa “ the city Ayodhya.” But the question would appear
to be set at rest by several passages of the Bamayana and
and Baghuvansa, in which Sdketnagara is distinctly called
the capital of Baja Dasaralha and his sons. But the fol-
lowing verse of the Barndyana, which was pointed out to me
by a Brahman of Lucknow, will be sufidcient to establish the
identity. Aswajita, father of Kaikeyi, offers to give his
daughter to Dasaratha, Bajah of Saketanagara

Sdketam nagaram llaja ndmna BasaratJto hali,

Tdsmai degd magd Kangd Kaikegi ndnia tojand.

The ancient city of Ayodhya or Saketa is described in
the Bamayana as situated on the bank of the Sarayu or
Sarju Biver. It is said to have been 12 yojans, or nearly
100 miles in circumference, for which we should probably
read 12 kos, or 24 miles — an extent which the old city, with
all its gardens, might once possibly have covered. The distance
from the Guptar Ghat on the west, to the Bam Ghat on the
east, is just 6 miles in a direct line; and if we suppose that
the city with its suburbs and gardens formerly occupied the
whole intervening space to a depth of two miles, its circuit
would have agreed exactly with the smaller measurement of
12 kos. At the present day the people point to Bam Ghat
and Guptar Ghat as tho eastern and western boundaries of
the old city, and the southern boundary they extend to
Bharat-Ktmd near Bhadarsd, a distance of G kos. But as
these limits include all the places of pilgrimage, it would
seem that the people consider them to have been formerly
inside tho city, which was certainly not the case. In tiio
Ain Akbari, the old city is said to have measured 148 kos
in length by 36 kos in breadth, or in other words it covered
the whole of the Province of Oudh to the south of the
Ghaghra Biver.* The origin of tho larger number is obvious.
The 12 yojans of the Bamayana, which are equal to 48 kos^
being considered too small for tho great city of Bama, the
Brahmans simply added 100 kos to make the size tally with

* QladNviu’s translation, II., 32.

SAKETA, on AJITDIIVA.

32]

tlicir own extravagant notions. The present city of Ajiulhya,
which is confined to the north-cast corner of the old site, is
just two miles in length by about thrcc quarters of a mile in
breadth; but not one-half of this extent is occupied by
buildings, and the whole place wears a look of decay. There
are no high mounds of ruins, covcrcil with broken statues
and sculptured pillars, such as mark the sites of other
ancient cities, but only a low irregular mass of rubbish heaps,
froiii which all the bricks have been excavated for the houses
of the neighbouring city of Eaizabad. This Muhammadan
city, which is two miles and-a-half in length, by one mile in
breadth, is built chiefly of materials extracted from the ruins
of Ajudhya. The two cities together ogcupy an area of
nearly six square miles, or just about one-half oi* the probable
size of the ancient Cajiital of Hama. In Eaizabad the only
building of any consequence is the stuccoed brick tomb of
the old Bhao Begam, whose story was dragged before tbo
public during the famous trial of Warren Bastings. Eaiza-
bad was the capital of the first Nawabs of Oudh, but it was
deserted by Asaf-ud-daolah in A. 1). 1775.

According to the llfimayana, the city of Ayodhya was
founded by Manu, the progenitor of all mankind. In the
time of Dasaratha, the father of Hama, it was fortified with
towers and gates, and surrounded by a deep ditch. No traces
of these works now remain, nor is it likely, indeed, that any
portion of the old city should still exist, as the Ayodhya of
llama is said to have been destroyed after the death of
Vrihadhala in the great war about B. C. 142G, after which it
lay dfeserted until the time of Vikramaditya. According to
popular tradition this VikramMitya was the famous SttkA-ri
Erince of TJjain, but as the Hindus of the present day attri-
bute the acts of all Vikramas to this one only, their opinion
on the subject is utterly worthless. We learn, however, from
llwcn Thsang that a powerful Erince of this namo was
reigning in the neighbouring city of Sravasti, just one hun-
dred years after Kanishka, or close to 78 A. D., which was
the initial year of the Sake era of Sdlivdhana. As this
VikramS,ditya is represented as hostile to the Buddhists, ho
must have been a zealous Brahmanist, and to him therefore
I would ascribe the re-building of Ayodhya and the restora-
tion of all the holy places referring to the history of Hama,
Tradition says that when Vikramaditya came to Ayodhya, he

r. 2

322

AUClIiEOLOGICAL TvErOET, 18G2-G3.

found it utterly desolate and overgrown with jangal, l)ut be
was able to discover all the famous spots of lUma’s history
by measurements made from Lakshman Gluit on the Sarjii,
according to the statements of ancient records. lie is said
to have erected 360 temples, on as many different spots,
sacred to Baum, and 8Ud his wife, to his brothers Lakslmana,
Bharata, and Salrnglina, and to the monkey god Eanmidna.
The number of 360 is also connected with Sulimham, as .his
clansman the Bais Bajpnts assert that he had 360 wives, ,

There are several very holy Brahraanical temples about
Ajudhya, but they are all of modem date, and without any
architectural pretensions whatever. But there can be no
doubt that most <>f them occupy the sites of more ancient
temples that were destroyed by the Musulmans. Thus
Bdtrtkot, or Ilanumdn Qarhi, on the cast side of the city, is
a small walled fort surrounding a modern temple on-tlic top
of an ancient mound. The name Bfimkot is certainly old,
as it is connected with tlio traditions of the Mani Bnrbat,
which will be hereafter mentioned ; but the temple of llanu-
man is not older than tlio time of Aurangzib. Bara GhAt,
at the north-cast corner of the city, is said to be the spot
where llama bathed, and Sargdwdri or Swargadwdri, the
“ Gate of Paradise.” On the north-west is believed to be the
place where his body was burned. Within a few years ago
there was still standing a very holy Banyan tree called Asok
Bal, or the “ Gridless Banyan,” a name which was probably
connected with that .of Swargadtedri, in the belief that
people who died or were burned at this spot were at once
relieved from the necessity of future births. Close by is the
Lakshman Ghat, where his brother Lakshman bathed, and
about one-quarter of a mile distant, in the very heart of the
city, stands the Janam Asthdn, or “ Birth-place temple” of
llama. Almost due west, and upwards of five miles distant,
is the Gupldr Ghdt, with its group of modem white-washed
temples. This is the place where Lakshman is said to have
disappeared, and hence its name of Gvptdr from Gupta,
which means “ hidden or concealed.” Some say that it was
llama who disappeared at this place, but this is at variance
with the story of his cremation at Swargadwdri.

„ The only remains at Ajudhya that appear to be of any
antiquity, arc three earthen mounds to the south of the city,
and about a quarter of a mile distant. These arc called

SAKETA, OR A.TTTRTtYA.

•.m

Mcmi-Tarhat, Kul)er~]?urhat, and Sttgrih-Tarhnl,^ The first,
wliicli is nearest to the city, is an artificial mound, 05 foot
in height, covered with broken bricks and blocks of lamha-.
The old bricks arc eleven inches square and tlirec inches
thick. At 40 feet above the ground on the west side, there
arc the remains of a curved wall faced with hthkar blocks.
The mass aj; this point is about 40 feet thick, and this Avas
probably- somewhat loss than the size of the building Avhieh
once crovAcned this lofty mound. According to the Jlrahmans
the Mani-l^arhat is one of the hills Avdiich the monkeys made
use of when assisting llama. It was accidentally dro])])od
here by Sugriva, the monkej'^-king of Kishhindhijn. 1 hit the
common people, who know nothing of this story, say that thci
mound was formed by the labourers shaking their baskets on
this spot every evening on their return home from the building
of llam'kot. It is therefore best known by the name of
Jhoioa-Jhdr or Ora Jhdr, both of Avhich mean “ basket-
shakings.” A similar story is told of the large mounds near
Banaras, Nimsdr, and other places.

Five hundred feet due south from the large mound
stands the second mound called Kuher-Farhal, Avhicli is only
28 feet in height. The surface is an irregular heap of brick
rubbish, Avith numerous holes made by the people in digging
for bricks, Avhich are of large size, 11 inches by 7.] by 2. It
is croAvned by two old tamarind trees, and is covered with
jangal. Close by on the south-Avest there is a small tank,
called Ganes-Kuud by the Hindus, and JImeu Kund oxjntdin
Talao by the Musulmans, because their Tdzias arc annually
deposited in it. Still nearer on the south-east there is a
large oblong mound called Siignb-]?arbat, which is not more
than 8 or 10 feet above the ground level. It is divided into
two distinct portions ; that to the north being upwards of
300 feet square at top, and the other to the south upwards of
200 feet. In the centre of the larger enclosure there is a
ruined mound containing bricks 8 a inches square, and in tho
centre of the smaller mound there is a well.

Between the Mani and Kuber mounds there is a
sniall Muhammadan enclosure, 64 feet long from east
to west and 47 feet broad, containing two brick tombs,
Avhich are attributed to Sis JPaighambar and Ji^ub
PuigJianibar, or the "prophets Seth and Job.” Tho

Plate Nu. XLTX. fur a map of the ruins of Ajudhy i*

321

ARCniEOLOGTCAL RErORT, 18G2-G3.

first is 17 feet long and the other 12 feet. These tombs are
mentioned by Abul Pazl, who says — “ Near this city are two
sepulchral monuments, one seven and the other six cubits in
length. The vulgar pretend that they are the tombs of Seth
and Job, and they relate wonderful stories of them.”* This
account shows that since the time of Akbar, the tomb of
Seth must have increased in length from 7 cubits, or 101-
feet, to 17 feet through the frequent repairs of .pious
Musulmdns.

The mounds arc surrounded by Musulm^ln tombs, and as
it is the Muhammadan practice to bury the dead along the sides
of the higli roads close to their cities, I infer that the road
which now runs close to the westward of the mounds, is one
of the ancient high ways of the district. Tliis is confirmed
by the existence of an old masoniy bridge of three arches
over the Tildhi nala, to tlio north-west of the Mani-Parhat,
as well as by the direction of the road itself, which leads
from the south-end of the city straight to the Bharat-kund,
and onwards to SultA,npur or Kmapura, and Allahabad or
Prdydga. I notice this road thus minutely, because the iden-
tifications which I am about to propose arc based partly on
its position and direction, as well as on the general agreement
of the existing remains with the holy places described by the
Chinese pilgrims.

According to Pa Ilian the place where Buddha planted
the holy trees was to the east of the road, on issuing from
the town by the southern gate. 11 wen Thsang’s account
agrees with this exactly in placing the “ extraordinary tree”
to the south of the capital and to the left of the route.
This tree was the celebrated “ tooth brush,” or twig used in
cleaning the teeth, which having been cast away by Buddha,
took root and grew to between 6 and 7 feet in height. Now,
it will bo observed, that the ruined mounds that still exist,
as well as the tombs of Seth and Job, are to the south of
the city and to the east or left of the road. The position,
therefore, is unmistakably the same as that described by the
Chinese pilgrims, and as the actual state of the ruins agrees
well with the details given by II wen Thsang, I think that
there can bo no reasonable doubt of their identity.

' Hwen Thsang describes the city of Vlsdkha as being IG U,
or 2^ miles in circuit. In his time, therefore, the capital of

* Ul.ulwiu’te “ Aili Akbai’i,” II., UJ.

SAKETA, OH AJETinVA.

325

Kama was not more than half of its present size, although it
probably eontained a greater population, as not above one-third,
or even perhaps less, of the present town is inliabited. The
old city then possessed no less than twenty monasteries with
three thousand monks and about fifty Brahmanieal temples,
with a very largo Brahmanieal population. Brom this
aecount w'o learn that sccarly as the seventh century more than
three hundred of the original temples of Vikramilditya had
already, disappeared, and wo may therefore reasonably infer
that the city had been gradually declining for some time
previously. The Buddliist monuments, however, would
appear to have been in good order, and the monks were just
as numerous as in the eminently Buddhist city of Banaras.

The first monument described by Jlwcn Thsang is a
great monastery without name, hut as it was the only notable
monastery, it was most probably cither the KalaJedrdma
of Saketa, or the Purvvdrdma, both of which arc mentioned
in the Ceylonese Mahilwanso. The monks were of the
school of the Samatthjas, and their monastery w as famous
for having produced three of the most eminent Buddhist
controversialists. This monastery I would identify with the
Sitgrih Farhcit which I have already described as being about
500 feet long by 300 feet broad. The great size and rect-
angular form of this ruin arc sufficient to show that it must
have been a monastery, hut this is placed beyond all doubt
by the existence of an interior well and by the remains of
cloistered rooms forming the foul* sides of the enclosure.
Its position to the south of the city, and to the east «r left
of the road, has already been specially noticed as agreeing
with the recorded position of the monastery.

Beside the monastery there was a Shipa of Asoka, 200
feet in height, built on the spot where Buddha preached the
la^v during his six years’ residence at Sfikota. This monu-
ment I would identify with the Muni-Farhat, which is still
G5 feet in height, and which with its masonry facing must
once have been at least as high again, and with the usual
lofty pinnacle of metal may easily have reached a height of
. 200 feet. Ilwcn Tlisdug ascribes the erection of this monu-
ment to Asoka, and I see no reason to question the accuracy
of his statement, as the mixed structure of half earth and
half masonry must undoubtedly be very ancient. The ear-
liest Stupas, or topes, were simple earthen mounds or barrows,

320

AUcn^iOLonTCAJj nEfonT, 1802-03-

similar to those that still exist in England. There are many
of these harrows still standing at Lauriya-Navandgarh to
the north of Bettiya, hut tins is the only place where I have
yet scon them. They are undoubtedly the most ancient
momrmcnts of the Indian population, and I iirmly believe
that even the very latest of them cannot bo assigned to a
lower date than the fifth century before Christ. I base this
belief on the known fact that all the monuments of Asoka^s
ago, whether deseribed by II won Thsang, or actually, opened
by myself near Bhilsa, arc cither of stone or brick. The earthen
barrows are therefore of an earlier ago; but such as arc
Buddhist cannot possibly be earlier than the beginning of
the fifth century before Christ. In the case of the Mani-
J?arhat at Ajudhya I infer that the earthen barrow, or lower
portion, may belong to the earlier ages of Buddhism, and
that tlio masonry or upper portion was added by Asoka.
At the foot of the mound I picked up a broken brick with
the letter sh, of the oldest form, stamped upon it ; but as this
is almost certainly of later date than Asoka, it most pro-
bably did not belong to the Mani-Parhal building.

Ilwen Tlisang next describes the sites of the tooth-
brush tree and of the monument where tho four previous
Buddhas used to sit and to take exercise, as being close to
the groat Slupa. These places I would identify with the
court-yard containing tho tombs of Seth and Job, which
touches tho south side of. tho Mani-JParbat. Tho two tombs
I take to bo the remains of the scats of the four previous
Buddhas, and the paved court-yard to bo the scene of their
daily walks, although I was unable to trace their foot-marks,
which were seen by the Chinese pilgrim.

Tho last monument described by II wen Thsang is a
Slupa containing the ‘hair and nails of Buddha. This Ti^as
surrounded by a number of smaller monuments which seemed
to touch one another, and by several tanks which reflected
tho sacred buildings in their limpid waters. Tho Stupa I
would identify with the Kviber-Parbat, which touches tho
south side of tho enclosure round thd tombs of Seth and.
Job, and is close to the west side of the ruined monastery.
One of the tapks described by tho pilgrim may be tho Ganes-
Kmd, which has already been noticed ; but all tho smaller
monuments have disappeared long ago, as they aflbrdcd

SAKETA, OTl AJUDHYA — IIATILA, OR ASOKHIR. 027

I cheap and ready materials for the construction of the numer-
ous Muhammadan tombs, as well as of the neighbouring
bridge and mosque. If I am right in my idcntiUcation of
: this mound as the •remains of the Sinpa containing tho hair
and nails of Buddha, I think that an excavation in the
centre of the mound might, perhaps, verify tho accuracy of
my conclusions.

. Tho people are unanimous in their assertion that tho
old city, to the north of these mounds was called Barela.
Ayodliya or Ajudhya, they say, was tlio capital of llama, but
tho later city was called Barela. As this name has no simi-
larity either to Sdkela or Visdkha, I can only set it down as
another appellation of the old town, for which wo have
no authority but tradition. I was disappointed when at
Ajudhya in not hearing even tho most distant allusion to the
legend of the tooth-brush tree of Buddha, hut the tradition
still exists, as I heard of it quite unexpectedly at two dilfcr-
ent places immediately afterwards, first at Jldlila, distant 1 5
miles, and next at Gouda, 29 miles to the north of Ajudhya.

XVIII. IIATILA, OR ASOKPUR.

The ancient territory of Ayodhya was divided by tho
Sarju or Glidghra llivcr into two great provinces, — that to
the north being called Ullara ATosato, and that to the south
fianaodha. Each of these was again sub-divided into two
districts. In Banaodha these are called Bachhan\-rdt and
J?urab-rdt, or tho western and eastern districts, with reference
to their bearing from Ajudhya; and in Uttara Kosala they
arc Gauda (vulgarly Gonda) to the south of tho llapti, and
Kosala to the north of tho llapti, or lluwati, as it is univer-
sally called in Oudh. Some of these names are found in the
Puranas ; thus in the Vayu Purana, Lava, the son of llama,
is said to have reigned in Uttara Kosala ; but in the Matsya,
Linga, and Kurma Purans, Srdvasli is stated to bo in Gauda.
These apparent descrepancics arc satisfactorily explained
when we learn that Gauda is only a sub-division of Uttara
Kosala, and that the ruins of Sravasti have actually been
'discovered in the district of Gauda, which is the Gonda of
the maps.* Tho extent of Gauda is also proved by the old

* Set; riaW No. I., luai* of the O’augctic rroviuccd,

328 ATlCnJEOLOOICAL REPORT, 1802-03.

name of BaMmpur on the Rapti, which was formerly
Udmgarh Gauda. I presume therefore that both the Gauda.
Brahmans and the Gamda Tagas must have belonged to this
district originally, and not to the mediaeval eity of Gauda in
Bengal. Brahmans of this name are still numerous in
Ajudhya and Jahangirabad on the right bank of the Ghdghra
River in Gonda, PAkhapur, and Jaisni of the Gonda District,
and in many parts of the neighbouring Province of Gorakh-
pur.

The small village of Bdlila derives its name from the
sister’s son of Sayid Ssilar. The old Hindu name was
Asokpur, so called from a largo temple of Asokndth Mahadeo.
Hatila was killed in an assaidt on the temple, and his tomb,
a low-domed building only 20 feet square, is still much
frequented as the shrine of a Ghdzi or martyr for the faith.
It is built entirely of large bricks from the ruins of the old
temple of Asokndth. The remains consist of a low mound,
700 feet long by 600 feet broad, with three prominent masses
of ruin on the north side. I made an excavation in the
north-west ruin near the base of a large Mahwa tree, but
without any result, as a small Muhammadan tomb on the
top prevented me from digging in the centre. But the
coolies employed on the work voluntarily informed me that
the Mahwa tree had been the “ tooth-brush” of a Raja who
stuck it in the ground and it grew to be a tree. Prom this
tradition, which also exists at Gonda, I infer that it was
usual to make cuttings, and to take seeds from the famous
danta-dhdwan or “ tooth-brush tree” of Sdketa for distribu-
tion to religious establishments, just as cuttings from the
Bodhi tree at Gaya were made for the same purpose. Both
Pa Hian and Ilweu Thsang agree in stating that the Danta-
dhdwan of Saketa. was only seven feet high, and that it
never grew any higher, w'hich would seem to show that it
was only a small tree or shrub ; and this, indeed, is actually
the case with the Datton, or “ tooth-brush tree” of Gouda,
which is a Chilbil, or shrub eaten by goats, that never exceeds
8 or 10 feet. I conclude therefore that the original tooth-
brush tree of Hatila has disappeared, and that the name
has been applied to the Mahwa^ which is the only tree now .
remaining on the mound.

The north-east mound is a mere undistinguishablc mass
of broken bricks, but the central mound is still covered

TIATILA, OR ASOKPUR

with tho ruins of ' the temple of Asolcnath Mahadco
containing a large broken lingain. Portions of tho hriek
walls, whioh still remain, show that the temple was only
12 feet square ; but tho whole has been lifted up by
the roots of a gigantic Pipal tree, which still hold tho
bricks together by their interlacings. Tlicso remains
attracted the attention of Buchanan Hamilton during his
survey , of Gorakhpur, who remarks that “a wild fig tree
haying taken root on the linga will soon cover it.”* This
actually’ took place, and the linga was almost completely
hidden by the matted roots of tho Pipal, until the tree was
cut down by the Tahsildar of the neighbouring village of
Vazirganj in A. D. 1862. As the cut stem of the Pipal
shows 84-9 annual rings, tho tree must have been planted in
A. H. 1013, during the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni. This,
iiidccd, is about tho date of the temple itself, which is said
to have been built by Suliri-dal, llaja of Asokpur, and tho
antagonist of Sayid SAlilr. The Raja is also called Suhal-dhar,
Sohil-dal, and Soldi Deo^ and is variously said to have been
a Thorn, a Bhar, a Kdlaliansa, or a Buis Itajpnt. Tho
majority, however, is in favor of his having been a Thuru.
Tlie mound witli tho 3Ia1aoa tree is called lioja Soldl-dal-lca-
Idialanga, or Sohil-dal’s scat.” Ilis city of Asokpur is said
to have extended to Domariya-Bih, 2 kos to the north, and
to Sarega Dih, half a A'osto tho south of the temple. At both
of these jdaccs there arc old brick-covered mounds, in
which several hundreds of coins Ijavo been lately • found.
Most of the coins belong to the early Musulmtln Kings of
Delhi, the Ghoris and Kbiljis ; but there wore also a few
Hindu coins, in base silver and copper, with the Boar
incarnation of Vishnu on one side, and tlio legend of Srd
mad-Adi- Vardlia on tho reverse in mcdimval characters. As
these coins arc referred to by name, in an inscription of
A. 'D. 920, as Sri-mad- Adi- Varaha drammas, or “ Boar in-
carnation drachmas,” the mounds in which they have b(;er)
discovered must be of still earlier date. Tradition gives the
genealogy of the llajas of Gauda as follows ;

A. D. 900 1 Mora-dhaj, or Mayura-dhwaja

926 2 Hans-dhaj, or Hansa-dhwaja.

950 3 Makar-dliaj, or Makara-dhwaja.

975 4- Sudhanwa-dhaj.

1000 5 Suhridal-dhuj, contemporary of
Mahmud.

^ ‘ Ivi-jtoiii Imli.i,” II , j80.

330 ARCHyEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

I give this genealogy with the probable dates, as it may,
perhaps, bo of uso hereafter in fixing the age of other
rrinccs and their works.*

XIX. SAHET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTI,

The position of the famous city of Srdvasti, one of the
most celebrated places in the annals of Buddhism, has long
puzzled our best scholars. This was owing partly to.thc con-
tradictory statements of the Chinese pilgrims themseLves,
and partly to the want of a good map of the Province of
Oudh. In page 317 I have compared the bearings and
distances recorded by Fa Ilian and II wen Thsang with those
preserved in the Buddhist annals of Ceylon, and I have
shown conclusively that Fa Ilian’s distance from Sankisa
and his bearing from Shachi or Sdket are both erroneous.
We know from Hwen Thsang and the Buddhist books in
Ceylon that Srdmsti was to the north of Sclhet or Ayodhya, or
in other words, that it was in the District of Gauda or Vttara
Kosala, which is confirmed by the statements of no less than
four of the Brahmanical Purilnas, As Fa Hian also says
that SImoei or Sewet was in Kosala, there can be no doubt
whatever that SiAvasti must be looked for within a few days’
journey to the northward of Saket or Ayodhya. According
to Fa Ilian the distance was 8 yojanas, or 56 miles, which
is increased by Hwen Thsang to 500 li, or 83 miles. But as
the latter pilgrim redueed the Indian yojana to Chinese
mcasux*e at the rate of 40 U per yojana, I would correct his
distance by the nearest round number of 350 li or 58 miles
to bring it into accordance with the other. Now, as this is
the exact distance from Ajudhya of the great ruined city on

* Since this account was written, I have found the name of Mora-dhaj attached to several
other places, especially to an old ruined fort in Rohilkhand, which is still named Mora-*dhaj,
and which will be described in Volume II. In Sir Henry Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians,
Volume II., I). 513, will be found a detailed account of the mad expedition of SaUr Musaud,
which, although a late compilation of the traditions current in the reign of Jahangir, is pro-
bably correct in its general outlines. According to this account sSlitr Musaud, after an
cngjigoment with the Hindus, rested under the shade of a Mahiioa tree, on the bank of the
Suraj-kund, close to the idol temple of Bdldrukh. The place was several marches distant
from Bahraich, as he returned to Bahraich from the Suraj-kund ** by regular stages.”
As ho had taken a gi’eat fancy to the spot, he ordered a platform of masonry to be built
under the shade of the Mahioa tree to serve him for a scat. Apparently, this was the scene
of his death, as, during the battle, he directed his followera to throw the bodies of the dead
b('.lieveK. into the Suraj-kund, while the few troops that remained stood round him in the
garden. Ilis chief opponent in this last battle was Rai SaJtar i)co, who is clearly the
same as Sahri Dal or Sohil Deo, of my informants. Musaud’a tomb is at Bahraich, but tlii.s
was not built until two centuries later. The tomb at Asokpur, may, I think, be that of
his relative Salar Saifuddin, who was killed in the same battle.

t Beal’s Fa Hlvin, c. XIX., XX. ; and Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 2U2.

«'f tlio Klims of

ETAVANA MONASTERY

S A N E T ’ M A H E T .

•T i

i b Sfjifut nf Prasnin/tf

C ij/’ P) t, i

0 K.f Stl.lrffo

E .if ilir .loijxit Hhift/zis

GG Ttt*t Sfn)it‘ i'l’hrrs
H. or the Strk llh'kshu

K. Sluya of Mtof,/ttf<iyu(ro

L. fi <7/ vf liuthifoi

M. f^tnyo of Asoka

P (inlf of .Dri'tolidftf
^ ^ S. Bto/ii/iisf Vthoy'

' T, Brnhtnttiiuuti Ttnyph'

_ ’ ' V Slttyt! of Soriyutro

W Purrv<irojiUf

^ ! X. Bhfp.t of Pisitkho

, j Y J//T,V.V(ri /*£' xif o('l'

\ '‘f fit'ii'fho k\t

‘W/ ^ a

■I 1*

]A V A S T \

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N\«Jll£lst4*l*\

A H t T

n/ ' ^

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MAH E. T V >/ /y H ,

'?'p

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*Zw**U 1 ^ ‘ 5

A ('^»nnii\pE,UdLti* v\<*l

r «

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fit'

3 L.

SAHET-MAITET, or sravasti.

M •» T

rl«)l

the south bank of the Rapti, called Sahel Mdhet, in vvliicli
I discovered a colossal statue of Buddha with an inseriptioil
containing the name of Srilvasti itself, I have no hositatioJ'
in coiToeting Ilwen Thsang’s distance from 500 li to 350 li
as proposed above.

The ruined city of Sdhet Mahct is situated between
Akaona and BalrAmpur, at 5 miles from the former and 12
nyTcs from the latter, and at nearly cqui-distanccs from
Bahraich and Gonda In shape it is an almost semi-circular
crc'sent, with its diameter of one mile and a tliird in length
curved inwards and facing the north-east, along the old bank
of the llapti llivcr. The western front, which runs duo
north and south, for three-quarters of a mile, is the only
straight portion of the enclosure. The ramparts vary con-
siderably in height ; those to the west being from 35 to 40
feet in height, while those on the south and east arc not more
than 25 or 30 feet. The highest point is the gn'at north-west
bastion, which is 50 feet above the fields. 'I’ho north-cast
face, or shorter curve of the cresent, was defended by the
llapti, which still flows down its old bod during the annual
floods. The land ramparts on the longer curve of the cresent
must once have been defended by a ditch, the remains of
which yet exist as a swamp, nearly half a mile in length, at
the south-west corner. Everywhere the ramparts arc
covered with fragments of brick, of the large size peculiar
to very ancient cities ; and, though I was unable to trqco any
remains of walls except in one place, yet the very presence
of the bricks is quite sufficient to show that the earthen
ramparts must once have been crowned by brick parapets
and battlements. The portion of the parapet wall, which I
discovered still standing in the middle of the river face, was
10 feet thick. The whole circuit of the old earthen ramparts,
according to my suiwey, is 17,300 feet, or u])wards of Si-
miles. Now, this is the exact size of 20 U or 33- miles which
Ilwen Thsang gives to the palace alone; but as the city was
then derserted and in ruins, he must have mistaken the city
itself for the palace.* It is certain at least tliat the
suburbs outside the walls must have been very limited, indeed
— as the plaee is almost entirely surrounded with the remains

* See jiUto No. L. fora map of the rums of Si4v.iisti, ami couij'.uc Julicu.. llwc
Tiio.ing, II , ya.

332 AnCIIyEOLOOICAL REPORT, 1862-G3.

Jof large religious buildings, which would have left hut little
Iroom for any private dwellings. I am therefore quite satisfied
*tliat the city has been mistaken fot the palace ; and this
mistake is sufficient to show how utterly ruined this once
famous city must have been at so distant a period as the 7th
century, when the place was visited by Hwen Thsang. As Fa
Ilian describes the population as already very inconsiderable
in A. D. 400, while the Ceylonese annals* speak of 'KhtrU-
dhdra. King of SawattJdpura, between A. D. 275 and 3Cf2,
the great decline of Sravasti must have taken place during
the fourth century, and we may, perhaps, not be far wrong in
connecting it with the fall of the Gupta Dynasty in A. D.
319.

Sravasti is said to have been built by Kaja Srdvasta, the
son of Ymandstoa of the Solar race, and the tenth in descent
from Surya himself. Its foundation therefore reaches to the
fabulous ages of Indian History, long anterior to Hama,
During this early period it most probably formed part of the
kingdom of Ayodhya, as the Vayu Purjina assigns it to Lava,
the son of Rama. When Sinlvasti next appears in history,
in the time of Buddha it was the capital of King Prasenajit,
the son of Maha Kosala. The King became a convert to
the new faith, and during the rest of his life he was the
firm friend and protector of Buddha, But his son Virudhaka
hated the race of Sakyas, and his invasion of their country
and subsequent massacso of 500 Siikya maidens, who had
been selected for his harem, brought forth the famous pre-
diction of Buddha, that within seven days the King would
bo consumed by fire. As the story has been preserved by
Buddhists, the prediction was of course fulfilled, and upwards
of eleven centuries afterwards the tank in which the King
had sought to avoid the flames was pointed out to the cre-
dulous Hwen Thsang,

We hear nothing more of Srdvasti until one century after
Kanishka, or five centuries after Buddha, when, according
to Hwen Thsang, Vikramaditya, King of Snlvasti, became
a persecutor of Buddhists, and the famous Manorhita,
author of the Vibhdsha Sdstra, being worsted in argument
by the Brahmans, put himself to dcath.t During the reign

* Aiai.itic Society Jouriiul, 183^, l*. 805.

t lI\sou Thsaiijr. IL, 110,

SAIIUT-MAIIET, OR SRAVASTI.

iof his successor, whoso name is not given, the Brahmans,
were overcome by Vosnhandhti, the eminent, disciple of
\MmorhUa. The probable date of these two Kings may be
fset down as ranging from A. D. 79 to 120. For the next two
[centm’ios Srdvasii would seem to have been under the rule
! of its own Kings, as wo find Khirddhdra and his nephews
mentioned as Itajas between A. D. 275 and 319. But
there can be little doubt that during the whole of this time
Srhvastrwas only a dependency of the powerful Gupta Dynasty
of Magadha, as the neighbouring city of Saketa is specially
said to have belonged to them. “ Princes of the Gupta race,”
says the Vayu Purhna, “ will possess all those countries, —
the banks of the Ganges to Prayfiga, and Shketa, and Maga-
dha.”* From this time SrA,vasti gradually declined. In
A. D.^ 400 it contained only 200 familcs, in A. D. 032 it was
<5ompletcly deserted, and at the present day the whole area
of the city, excepting only a few clearances near the gahnvays,
is a mass of almost impenetrable jangal.

Before attempting to identify the existing remains of
Sdhet-IIdhet with the famous monuments of Srilvasti, it
will bo as well to compare and reconcile the few discrepant
statements of the Chinese pilgrims, so that the description of
the holy places may not be interrupted by discussion. Of
these discrepancies, perhaps the most notable is the difference
in the name of the city itself, which Fa Ilian gives as She-wch
while llwcn Thsang writes it, as coBrcctly as it is possible to
do in Chinese syllables, She-lo-fa~si-ii, or Sravasti. But
this difference is more apparent than real, as there can be
little doubt that She-wei is only a slight alteration of the
abbreviated Pali form of Seioet for Sdwalthi, which is found
in most of the Ceylonese books. Similarly the modern name
of Sdhet is evidently only a variation of the Pali Sdml.
The other name of Mahel I am unable to explain, but it is
perhaps only the usual rhyming addition of which the
Hindus are so ,fond, as in uUa-puUa, or “ topsy-turvoy,”
which many of the people say is the true meaning of SdJiet-
M&het, in allusion to the utter ruin of the whole place.
But some say that the name was originally Set-mett and as
this form seems to be only a corruption of Sewet, it is pro-
bable that Sahel'Maliel, or Sdhei-Mdhct is simply a

^ 11. II. Wilson'': r uaiid, i> ITU, nuU-.

334.

AIlCn^EOLOGICAL KEPORT, 1862-03.

Icngtlicncd pronunciation of Set-met. One man alone, and
he, strange to say, was the Musulman in charge of the tomb
of Pir-Bardna close to the ruined city, affirmed that the
true name was Sdvitri, which is so close to the correct Pali
form of Sawatthi as to leave but little doubt that it preserves
the original name of the place.

The next point of difference is the distance of the cele-
brated monastery of Jetamna from the south gate of Jho
city. According to Pa Hian this was 1,200 paces, or aljout
half a mile, which is increased by II wen Thsang to 5 or 0 li^
or nearly one mile. But as the only mass of ruins which,
can possibly bo identified with the Jetamna is cxaetly half a
mile from the nearest opening in the south rampart of the old
city, there is clearly some mistake in the distance given by
II won Thsang, unless we may suppose him to have approached
the monastery by a somewhat longer route through the
multitude of holy places, of which the remains still exist to
tho cast of the Jetavana ruins. By this route the distance
would be increased to three-quarters of a mile, or 4-^- U, which
is sufficiently close to tho number given by II wen Thsang.

Both pilgrims begin their account of Srdvasti at tho
old palace of King Frasenajita, and as both, after describing
the surrounding buildings leave the city by the south gate, it
is certain that the palace was inside the city. Its exact posi-
tion I was unable to determine, as tho greater part of tho
interior is covered with ‘dense jangal ; but as the cast half is
comparatively clear, and the jangal low, I was able to satisfy
myself that no large building had ever existed in this part,
and consequently that the place must have been in tho west
half of tho city. This conclusion is confirmed by the posi-
tion of the two stupas of Sudatta and tho Anguli-mhlyas,
which II wen Thsang places to tho cast of the palace ; for as
tho only existing mounds that -can be identified with these
stupas are near the middle of the river face of the city, tho
palace must have been to tho west of them, and therefore in
tho west half of the city.

The two principal places inside tho city, which are meni-
lioned by both pilgrims as being to tho cast of the palace,
were the dwelling-house and stupa of Sudatta, tho builder
of the Jetamna, and tho great stupa of tho Anguli-mabjas.
These stupas I have already identified with the two existing

SAHET-MAIIET, OR SRAVASTI.

335

mounds near tlio middle of the river face of the ramparts.
The smaller one, which is about 25 feet in height, corresponds
with the stnpa of Sudatta, and the larger one, which is 35
feet in height, with the other stupa, winch is particularly
stated to have been a larger one. The Angxili-malyas were
the followers of a particular sect which was established by a
converted brigand who had received the name of Anguli-mdla
ov finger garland,” from his practice of cutting off the
fingers of his victims to form a garland which he wore
roupd hi's neck.

On leaving the city by the south gate, both pilgrims wont
at once to the eastern gate of the great monastery of Jeiamna,
which was one of the eight most celebrated Buddhist build-
dings in India. * It was erected during the life-time of
Buddha by Sudatta, the minister of King Prasenajita, and
it received its name of Jeiamna, or *' Jeta’s garden,” because
the garden in which it was built had been purchased from
Prince Jeta. The story of the building is given by Hardy
from the Ceylonese annals.t According to them tlio Prince,
who was unwilling to part with his garden, demanded as its
priceas many gold masurans as would cover it, wliich Sudatta
at once promised. When the garden was cleared, and all the
trees, except Sandal and Mango, were cut down, the money
was brought and spread out over the ground until the whole
was covered, when the sum was found to bo 18 kotis, or 1 80
millions of masurans. The garden in said to have been 1,000
cubits in length and the same in breadth, or d<,000 cubits in
circuit. Extravagant as the sum may seem, it is still too
small to have covered the garden, if we arc to take Mr.
Hardy’s cubits at 18 inches, as each masuran would be one
inch and eight-tenths in length and breadth, which is about
three times the size of the old Indian silver coins. Unfortu-
nately the dimensions of the Jetavana arc not stated either
by Pa Hian or Hwon Thsang ;* but the ruined mound of the
monastery still exists, and its dimensions do not exceed 1,000
feet in length by 700 feet in breadth. Now, it is curious

* In llemusat’s translation of|Fa Hian’s travels, it is stated that “ the town luis two gates, —
o»ie facing the east, and the other the north.*’ As the south gate w mentioncil by both
j)ilgrims, it was certain that tliis statement was emmeous. Mr. Bears more accurate trans-
lation shows that the two gatc.s thus described )>olong to the Viliara and not to the city.
Ttic position of the north gate'is distinctly indicated by a depresbiou in the ceutref of that
hide.

t Hardy, Manual of Buddhism,” p. 21C.

33G

AUCII^EOLOGTCAL TIEPOTIT, 1802-G3.

that these numbers give an area which is only one-third ot
the size of that recorded in the Ceylonese annals, and which
therefore would bo exaotly covered by 180 millions of old
Indian silver coihs, allowing rather more than half an inch
for the length and breadth of each coin. The amount said
to have been paid for the garden is of eoursc only the usual
extravagant stylo of Indian exaggeration, for the sum of 18
kolis, even if taken at the lowest value of gold as ten timps
that of silver, would be equal to 45 krors of rupees, or 45
millions sterling.

The Jetavana is described in the Cevlonose annals as

consisting of a cchtral 'oihdr^ or temple, with surrounding
houses for priests, rooms for day and night, an ambulatory,
tanks, and gardens of fruit and llowcr trees, and around the
whole a wall 18 cubits in height. Aceording to this descrip-
tion the Jetavdna must have included not only the great
ruined mound now called Jogini-haria^ but all the ruins to
the oast and north of it, unless it extended to the westward,
where there are no remains at present existing. But as I can
show that most of the ruins to the cast correspond with the
descriptions which Fa Ilian and Ilwcn Thsang have given of
many of the holy places outside the Jetavana, it is certain
that the original monastery must have been confined to the
Joginirharia only, and that the other buildings, with the
tanks and gardens, were outside the walls of the Jetavana
itself, although it is most probable that many of them wore
conneeted together by dill'crcnt enclosing walls. When the
Jetavana was completed by Sudatta, the Prince Jeta expended
the whole of his purchase-money in adding a palace, seven
storeys in height, to each of the four sides of the garden.
It is probably to these palaces that Ea Hian refers when he
states that “ the temple of Shi-hioan” (read Shi4o-liwan, or
Jetavana) “had originally seven storeys. Canopies and
streamers were hung up, flowers were scattered, perfumes
burned, lanterns supplied the place of day, and even in day
time were never extinguished. A rat having taken into its
mouth the wick of one of these lanterns, set fire to the
flags and to the* drapery of the pavilions, and the seven
storeys of the temple were utterly consumed.” This occurred
some, time before A. D. 400, as Ea Ilian adds that “they
re-constructed the temple, and when they had completed the
second storey, they installed the statue in its former place.”

RAllET-MATIET, Oil SU.WASTI.

n37

Prom this account I infer, though somewhat doubtfully,
that the new temple was not more than two storeys in height.
I conclude also that the place was already on the decline^ as
a little more than two centuries later, when visited by Hwen
Thsang, it was found utterly ruined and deserted.

The great mound of ruins, which I propose to identify
with the Jetevana, is situated just half a mile distant from
the south-west corner of the old city. It is rectangular in
form, being 1,000 feet long from north-east to south-west,
and 700 feet broad. It is worth noting, as it is most pro-
bably not accidental, that the central line of the rcctangh^
falls upon a lofty mound, inside the south-west angle of tlu;
city called Sohhndth, which is the name of one of the
Jain hierarchs. The shape of the monastery is defined by a
gentle* rise all round the edge of the mound, which I take to
represent the ruins of the monks’ cells that once formed the
surrounding walls of the enclosure. The highest part, which
is the south side, is not more than 12 feet above the neigh-
bouring ground, while the other sides arc not more than
eight or ten foot. But the whole area was so thickly covered
with jangal, that I found it dillicult to take oven a few
measurements. During my stay at Silhet I cut pathways to
all the ruined eminences within the enclosure, and after
clearing the jangal around them, I began an excavation in
each to ascertain the nature of the original building. With
the largest mound, which was ncjy the south end ,of the
central line of the enclosure, I was unsuccessful. It was
1 5 feet in height, and looked the most promising of all ; but I
found nothing but earth and broken bricks, although I was
assured by the people that numbers of largo bricks had been
carried away from it at diflbrent times. Both from its size
and position, I am inclined to look upon this mound as the
remains of the original temple of tho Jetamna. In a lower
mound, close by to the west, my excavations disclosed the
walls of a small temple, not quite 6-| feet square inside, with
a doorway to tho north, and the remains of a semi-circular
brick pedestal against the south wall. The walls were up-
wards of three feet thick, but the whole building was only
a little more than 13 feet square, from which, taking
the altitude at three and a half times the side, !• con-
clude that the temple could not have exceeded 40. feet in
height.

338 AROniEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63.

Near this temple there are three brick wells : the largest
to the north is octagonal, above with a side of 4^ feet, and
circular below at a depth of 12 feet. The second, to the
south which is circular, is only 3 g feet in diameter ; and the
third, still farther to the south, is also circular, with a dia-
meter of 6f feet. It is curious that all these wells, which
are the only ones known to the people, are in the south-west
corner of the enclosure. ♦

A third mound near the north end of the central line*
of the enclosure gave promise of a better result than* the
others, as a previous excavation had disclosed the head and
shoulders of a colossal figure, which from its curly hair and .
long split ears I knew to bo that of Buddha. I was assured,
however, that the Jains, who come annually to Sahet in
great numbers during the months of MS-gh and Baisakh,
look upon the statue as belonging to themselves. Ilut my
experience having taught me that Jains are no more parti-
cular than Brahmans as to the figures that they worship, I
began to dig in the certain expec^tion of finding a very old
Buddhist statue, and with a strong hope of discovering some
inscription on its pedestal that might, perhaps, bo of value in
determining the name and probable date of these long
deserted ruins. After a few hours’ work the four walls of
the temple were brought to light, and the figure was seen to
bo loaning against the back wall. The interior was only 7f
feet square, but the walls wore upwards of 4 feet thick, with
a projection of 6 inches in the middle of each face. The
front wall to the east was thicker than the rest by one foot,
which was the breadth of the jamb of the doorway. The
extreme outside dimensions were 19 feet by 18 feet, which
would give a probable height of between 60 and 70 feet.
As the excavation proceeded it was seen that the statue was
a standing figure which had been broken off a few inches
above the ancles by the fall of 4he temple. After the figure
was removed with much difficulty on account of its great
weight, and the floor of the temple had been cleared, it was
seen that the pedestal of the statue was still standing erect
in its original position. The floor was paved with large
stones, and immediately in front of the pedestal there was a

* Baal’s Fa Hian. c. XX, p. 79.— As the ** chapol” of the Jetavana is said to have been

id.iccd “ in the exact centre of it/* I think that this temple must be the famous Vihara of
iSudatta. lu the plan of the ruins the Jetayaoa is marked with the letter F.

SAnET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTI. 339

long flat slab 3f feet by 1^ foot, with a pair of hollow foot-
marks in the centre and two sunken panels on each side. At
the back of the incised feet towards the pedestal there was a
rough hollow, 3^ feet long by 4 inches broad, which, judging
from what I have seen in Burma, must once have hold a long
stone or metal frame for the reception of lights in front of
the statue. But all this arrangement was certainly of later
date than tl/l statue itself, for on opening up the floor it was
found that the Buddha-pad slab concealed the lower two
lines of an inscription, which fortunately had been thus
preserved from injury, while the third or uppermost lino had
been almost entirely destroyed.

The statue is a colossal standing figure of Buddha the
Teacher, 7 feet 4 inches in height. His left hand rests
on his hip, and his right hand is raised in the act of teach-
ing. The right shoulder is bare as in all Buddhist figures,
and there is the usual aureole or nimbus round the head ;
close to the neck there are two small holes cut through
the nimbus which, being wger in front than behind, were
evidently intended for metal cramps to fix the statue to the
wall. Unfortunately the head is broken, as well as both
arms, but the body of the figure is uninjured. The attitude
is stiff and restrained, the two feet being exactly in the same
position and somewhat too far apart. The statue is of spotted
red sandstone, such as is found in the quarries near Mathura
and Fatehpur Sikri ; and as we know from recent discoveries
that the sculptor’s art was in a very flourishing state at
Mathura during the first centuries of the Christian era, I
feel satisfied that the Srdvmti colossus must have been
brought from that city. The inscription is imperfect at the
beginning just where it must have contained the date. It
now opens with the figure 10 and some unit of the Gupta
numerals, which must be the ,day of the month, and then
follow the words etaye purmaye, which Professor Dowson
thinks must mean “ on this notable occasion,” or some equi-
valent expression.* Then come the names of the donors
of the statue, three mendicant monks, named Bushpa^ Siddhya-
Mihira, and Bala-Trepitaka ; next follow the title of
Boddhimtwa, the name of the place, SrdvasH, and the name
of Buddha as Bhagavata. The inscription closes with the

Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1863, p. 427.

310

AKCIT^OLOOICAL REPOBT, 1S62-G3.

statement that the statue is the “ accepted gift of the Sarvas-
iidina teachers of the Kosamba hall.”* Judging from the
old shapes of some of the letters in this record, the ago of
the statue may be fixed with some certainty as not later
than the first century of the Christian ora. The characters aro
exactly the same as those of the Mathura inscriptions, which,
without doubt, belong to the very beginning of the Christian
era, and as the Srdrvasti statue was in all probability executed
at Mathura, the correspondence of the lapidary characters sho,ws
that the inscriptions must belong to the same period. As tlicrc
is no mention of this statue in Fa Ilian’s narrative, I con-
clude that the temple in which it stood must have fallen
down in the great conflagration which destroyed the seveu-
storyed pavilions. But the account of Fa Hian is not very
intelligible. He states that the original image of Buddha
was “ the head of an ox carved in sandal- wood ; ” that on
Buddha’s approach the statue “ rose and went to meet him,”
and that when Buddha said “ return and be seated,” the
statue “ returned and sat down.” The origin of this rather
puzzling account must, I belicw, be traced to a mistake,
either of Fa Ilian himself, or of his translator. In Sanskiit
Gosirsha or “ Bull’s head” is the name of tho most fragrant
kind of sandal-wood, and as we know that tho famous early
statue of Buddha at Kosambi was made of this very wood,
it is natural to conclude that the earliest statue at Si’Avasti
may have been made of the samo material. As this is the
only figure of Buddha noticed by Fa Hian, I infer that the
colossal stone figure which I discovered must have been
buried beneath the ruins of its own temple some time before
A. D. 400, and most probably, therefore, during the great
fire which destroyed the whole monastery. It was concealed
also at the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit in A. D. 632, as
ho specially mentions that the only temple then standing
amidst tho ruins of the monastery was a small brick liouse
containing a statue of Buddha in saudal-wood. The statue
now discovered was therefore not visible in his time.

Both pilgrims entered the garden of the monastery
by the cast side, and although I was unable to find any ccr-.
tain trace of an opening, I am quite satisfied that there must

* 'I'hi.s inscription lias been trauijlattHl by IVotVs.^sor Dow^ou ijt tin* Ivnysl Asiatic
u'U s Jouriul b)r 1370.

SAIIET-MAIIET, OR, SllAVASTI.

3J.1

have been a gate to the east, as all the oxistiiig ruius arc ou
tliat side. On issuing from the gate the first monuments
noticed by both pilgrims are two lofty stone pillars, one on
each side of the road. Hwen Thsang says that they had
been erected by Asoka, that they were 70 feet high, and that
the left column was crowned by a cupola or dome, and the
other by an elephant. But Fa Ilian, on the contrary, des-
cribes .these figures as a wheel and an ox. I feel satisfied
tha|t Fa Ilian is right as to the first, as the wheel is fre-
qucptly represented in the Sanchi sculptures as crowning
the capitals of columns, and we know that it was also used
as a typo of Buddha himself as the Chakravartti Baja, or
King who “ turned the wheel” of the law, or, jn other words,
who made religion advance. With regard to the animal
that crowned the other pillar I am unable to offer any remark,
except the obvious explanation that the trunk of the elephant
must have been broken olf before the time of Fa Ilian, other-
wise it is impossible to conceive how he could have mistaken
the figure for that of an ox. But this discrepancy in the
accounts of the two pilgrihis is the best argument that I can
otter for the mistake which I believe them both to have made
regarding the animal that crowned the Sankisa pillar.*
There are no remains of these pillars, but there are two slight
eminences only 300 feet distant from the monastery which
may have been the basements on which the pillars stood,
as the pathway leading to the ruined mound on the cast side
runs bctM’’een them. ,

To the north-east of the monastery of Jetavana, and
therefore to the north of the pillars, there was a shpa built
on the spot where Buddha had washed the hands and feet
of a sick monk and had cured his sickness. The remains
of this stupa still exist in a mass of solid brick-work, to the
north of the presumed pillar basements, and at a distance of
550 feet from the Jetavana monastery. This ruined mass,
which is 24i-} feet in height, is built entirely of large bricks,
24) by 10 by 3 1 inches, which is a sufficient proof of its anti-
quity. I made an excavation from the top, to a depth of
20 feet, without any result save the verification of the fact
that the ruin was a mass of solid brick- work, t

• Jaoo ante [)p. 276-277. The auppoaed of tlicae pillars aro markwl OG. in

ilif* pi. in.

t The oito of this stuiffi is inarkal H. in the plan.

‘^1.2 Alien J30L0GICAL XlEPOllT, 1802.G3.

To the cast of the monastery, at a distance of 100 paces,
or 250 feet, there was a lai^e deep trench, which was said
to be the spot where the earth had opened and engulfed
Devadatia, the cousin and implacable enemy of Buddha.
Ba Hian calls the distance only 70 paces, or less than 200
feet, in a northerly direction from the cast gate of the monas-
tery. But as the two pillars and the shtpa, which have just
boon described, stood in the very position here indicated by
Fa Ilian, it is certain that wc must read “southerly.”
accuracy of this correction is confirmed by the existence of
a largo deep tank within 200 feet of the south-east comer
of the ruined monastery, called Bhuldnan. This tank is
COO feet lonff and 250 feet broad, and is now filled with
water. Close oy, on the south side, there was another great
liollow, in which it was said that the mendicant monk KuMli,
a disciple of Devadatta, had been swallowed up nliVo for
calumniating Buddha. This is represented by the Lanibdha
Tdl, a long narrow tank only 200 feet to the south of the
Devadatta gulf. The third groat fissure or hollow is des-
cribed by Hwen Thsang as being ^ 800 paces, or 2,000 feet,
to the south of the second. According to the legend this
was the spot in which a Brahmani girl, named ChancM,
had been engulfed alive for falsely accusing Buddha of incon-
tinence. This Chanchd gulf is represented by a nameless
deep tank, 600 feet long by 400 feet broad, which lies 2,200
feet to the south of the Kukiili gulf. The exact corre-
spondence of position of wthese three tanks with the three
great fissures or gulfs of the Buddhist legends offers a very
strong confirmation of the correctness of identification of
the Jogini-haria mound with the great Jetavana monastery.*

The pilgrims next describe a pair of temples of the
same dimensions, of which one was situated to the cast
and the other to the west of the road, which should there-
fore bo the main road that led 'from the city towards the
south. Ilwcn Thsang says that the first temple was only
70 paces to the cast of the monastery, wliile Fa Ilian places
it at the same distance from the eastern gate, but towards
the north. The position of these temples is doubtful, as .
I was unable to discover any remains in the immediate
vicinitij of the monastery that corresponded with *tho

Thcsic ttiiiko arc meu-ked P, Q, and 11 in the plan.

SAnET-MAHET, OE SEAVASTI, 813

description. There are, however, in another position the
remains of two temples which answer the description so
accurately as to leave but little doubt that they must be the
buildings in question. The first, or west temple is described
by both pilgrims as containing a seated figure of Buddha,
while the second or east temple belonged to the Brahmans.
Both were 60 feet in height, and the Brahminical temple was
called the “ shadow-covered,” because, as the credulous Bud-
dhists asserted, it was covered by the shadow of the Buddhist
temple when the sun was in the west, while its own shadow,
when the sun was in the cast, never covered the Buddhist
temple, but was always “ deflected to the north.” Now, the
two ruins which I would identify with th^so temples are
situated to the cast and west of the road loading from the
city, and due cast and west from each other.* They corre-
spond, therefore, exactly as to the relative position with eacli
other ; but instead of being only 70 paces, or 176 feet, from
the monastery, the nearest is nearly 700 feet from the groat
mound of ruins. It is highly probable, however, that the
surrounding walls of the inonastery may have extended as
far as the two stone pillars on the east, in which case the
nearest temple mound would be within 250 feet of the walls,
and the wWe enclosure would then very nearly correspond
in size with the dimensions recorded in the Ceylonese annals.
As this increased size would also bring two tanks within
the limits of the monastery, which, according to the Cingalese,
were actually included within the walls, I feel inclined
to adopt the larger measurement of 1,000 cubit§ side, or
4,000 cubits circuit, as the true size of the Great Jetavana
Monastciy.

To the north-west of the monastery 11 wen Thsang
places a well and a small sin pa, which marked the spot
where Maudgala-pnlra tried in vain to unloose the girdle of
Sdrlputra. As the distance' is not mentioned it may be
inferred that the stupa was close by, and therefore I would
identify the site witk tliat of the shrine of I^ir-Bardna in
the small village of Ilusen Jot, which is within 700 feet
qf the north-west corner of the monastery.! Near the
same place there was also a stupa of Asoka, and a stone

* Those sites .ire marked S and T in the plan,
t Marked K in the plan.

\TXiT;r:oLOOTCAi. nEronT, lS02-0n.

'ViA^

which the King had raised to note the spot where
.Huddha and his right-hand disciple Sariputra had taken
exorcise and explained the law. I could find no trace of
any of these monuments, and I conclude that the stupas,
as usual, must have furnished materials for the erection of
IHr-Bardna’s shrine.

The situation of the next holy place, which both pil-
grims call the “ Wood of the llecovcred Eyes,” is fixed at
fj li, or two-thirds of a mile, to tlie nortJi-wcst of tho monns-
teiy.* This position is now I’cprcscntcd exactly by tlio village
of Bdjgarh Gnlariya, which is situated in tho midst of a
very large grove of trees. The present grove is said to have
been planted only two generations back, but the trees about
the village itself arc of great age, and tho name of Gnlariya
])oints to some remarkable Quktr tree as moi*o ancient than
the village itself. The legend attached to this spot is sulTi-
<nently marvellous. Eivo hundred brigands having been
blinded by order of King Prasenajita, attracted the com-
miseration of liuddha, who restored their sight. Tho five
hundred men who had thus recovered their eye-sight, threw
away their staves, or, according to Ea ITian, planted them
in the ground, when they immediately took root, and grow
to be a large grove, which wms called the “ Wood of the
lleeovcrcd Eyes.” Tho monks of Jelavana were in the
habit of repairing to this grove for exercise and meditation,
and all tho spots which holy Buddhists had made famous
by their meditations were marked by inscriptions or by
stupas. There is one snrall brick mound to the cast of the
grove, but I could find no trace of any inscriptions, although
row'ards were offered for even a single letter.

Wo now come to the second great monument of Srdnastt,
the celebrated JPurvvdrdma, or “ Eastern Monastery,” which
was built by tho lady Visdkhd, who has already been men-
tioned in my account of Silkct, or Ayodhya. Ea Ilian places
this monument at 6 or 7 li, or rather *more than a mile, to
the north-cast of tho Jetavana. But this, bearing is certainly
wrong, as it would carry us right into the middle of
the old city. I would therefore read “south-east,” which

IumJ’.s Ri Ilian, p. 78, .'Ultl Julicii’.'; llwon IT., SthS.-- - in instnnro, flu*

,.iis rim li:is (•niil.ti'il lo gist' n.-mal «»f tin' name in li.ihh-

JM. .lulirn projxv^o.'^ and ; Tint) prefer aptdki^hlcdna, or dptdnl.humini, ulihli ]

linnk may l»e i.i eniMl name of the iieigUl muring town nf AkUwam m .tl/ni/te/u/, nliieh
1 .. only lUux unl< 5- vli tvint.

>S\nET-M,VITF,T, OF RFAVASTT.

ntr»

is ilio direction of a very lar^e mound, called Orn-jlmr
or “ Basket-shakings,” that is ujnvards of a mile from tin;
Jelavana* Ilwen Thsang places the Vihard and dujxi of
Visakhii at more than 4 li, or upwards of I}, 500 feet, to the
east of tlio “ shadow-covered temple” of the -Brahmans.
Now, the Om-jhdt' mound is just d-,000 feet to the south-east
ol‘ the ruined mound, which I have already ideutilled with
lire Brahminical temple. I am therefore quhe satisliod that
it is the remains of the great llhdm of the Tnmunnma, or
Eastern Monastery, llwcn Thsang’s account oi’ this famous
monastery is meagre ; his whole description being limited to
the fact that “in this place Buddha overcame the Brahmans
and received an. invitation from a lady named Visakha.” Ea
Ilian’s notice is ecpially brief. We must therefore turn to
t,ho Ceylonese annuls for an account of the lady and tier
works.'t According to them Yisakha was the daughter of
Dhananja, a wealthy meiadiant of iSdhcl. At 15 yciars of
age she was married to Purnua- Vaj'dhana, the son of Mhjdm, a
ricli merchant of Srdvasll, and from that time her whoh; life
Avas spent in the observance of the religious rites of Buddhism.
Slu> was the means of converting luir father-in-law Migara,
and “ she was called in consecpicncc” Ilhjdra-Mdldnd, and
heeame the mother or chi('f of the Ujxtuekaitxrs, or female
lay-diseiplcs of Buddha. 'J'owards the (md of her career she
d(!tcrmiued,to sell her wedding ornaments to obtain funds for
the erection of a Vihdrn, “ hut there was no one in
who had Avcalth enough to purchasf! them.” She therefore
bought a garden at tJic cast side of the city, and /^x])ended
immense treasures in the erection of a Viluh'a, Avhi(;h was
called I*urvmi'dmci, or the Eastern Monastery, from the phu !0
in which it stood.”

The great mound, now called Ora-jhdr, is a solid mass
of earth 70 feet in height, which was formerly crowned by a,

* Mr. Boal thiiiLs that Fa Ui;in is pn>)uhly cuncft, :u' llu‘ D.nrioof Purrviirihnu “woiilil
indicate cast from the city.” — Fa Ifi.in, jKi'j;e 73. } have rin vcyed the^e mins-, and li.ivc llu-
plan now bcf«»rc me, and i can otBy ivj>e.it ih.it Fa IU.ih'k hiMrini^ of N. F. is imdouht-
edly wrong, as 6 or 7 //to tlie noilh-o.iht would pl.ice llie /bo’i /'(hvoau in i.lie midst of tlui
Uiviii' dtic 'iiurtk of fjii‘ ('(Ijj. I take tho najiie <d' Piirvr'iviii.t i., oi Ivirlern Moiia''t(‘iy,
to it'iVr to its jio.sition, A\ith i i-gual to the Jiin. .Mojj.-toiV, iiom v. hn )i the Om-jlulr
nil )iind lit's south-east hy e.isl. d'iioie are rm joins to t! <* rt tie* old eity, and the

can only ho lodkial i«ri .•^ouievilu lo hefcweeji ei,^taiif] .-fictla ,i-l of tli
--/SW' Fl.ito No. L. J have now eoji-id* red tin, whole snhjext ovi;i a.^.iin, and I .idlieie. to m/
tii.t id( 111 ifi al ion. T’he inoiiml marked No. (i would ,in’\\f*r live h- 1 h

jaligiii.'is ; hut ills v»')\ low, v\’hile the great iiioiiikI .'>eems niin-h inoio 'll f ty to 1,* ili»-

iem unsol Ih** git’it monastery hnilt hy tlic \vi .vlthio.il lady iii the laud.— Nia W in the j»lan

llaidy Mauibvl oi' liuddij. in,"’ p.

340 Aiicn;i!OLOOiCAL REronT, 1802-63.

brick temple. Within the last century a Musulm&n fakir,
who had lived under the trees at the foot of the mound, was
buried in a tomb on the very top of it, which was built with
the bricks of the ruin. Some years later his successor was
buried beside him, and their two tombs at present’ preclude
all hope of making any excavation from the top of the
mound. I cleared the north face completely, and the other
three faces partially, until I readied the paved brick flooring
which surrounded the original Huddhist temple, at ,a height
of 55 feet above the ground. The wall of the' temple on, the
north face is only 20 i'eot long, and, although I failed to reach
the other two corners of tlie building, I was satisfied that it
must have been square. Its height, at 3^ . times its side,
would not therefore have been more than 70 feet, but as its
floor is 55 feet above the ground, the total height of the
temple would have been 125 feet. The wall of the ' north
face is divided into four panels by pilasters six inches thick.
The bases of these pilasters, wliicli are still very perfect, arc
of the same style as those at Gaya and Baragaon in Bilislr,
and of Milnikyjlla and Shall Dheri in the Panjab. The style
would therefore seem to bo one that was peculiar to early
Buddhism. The other faces of the temple I was unable to
examine, as the foundations of the Muhammadan tomb,
which arc only 2,} feet above the broken walls of the temple,
project 16 feet beyond its cast and west faces,. Unfortu-
nately the doorway of the temple must have been towards
the cast, as there are traf'es of steps at several places down
the slope of that side. Tlicre is an old Mell also amongst
the trees on the cast side of the mound, but I could find no
traces of cloisters for tlie resident monks who ministered at
the . temple. The mound, however, is still surrounded by fine
trees, and there • are two small tanks at the very foot of it,
w^hich would of course have been included within the limits
of the monastery.

The stupa mentioned by Ilwcn T|isang as belonging to
the Purvedrdma may perhaps bo represented by a small
ruined mound close to the north-east corner of the Ora-Jhdr.
The mound is only 8 feet high, but an excavation which
I made to the depth of 11 feet, showed it to be made of
solid «brieks of large size, 12 by 9 by 3 inches. It is 40 feet
in diameter, and w^hen complete wdth its pinnacle it must
have been about 50 or 00 feet in height. Prom its vicinity

SAHET-MAHET, OR SEAVASTI. 317

to the Purvv^ma I have little doubt that this is the stupa
which Visdkhd built on the spot where Buddha had overcome
the Brahmans in argument.*

The last place mentioned by the pilgrims is the spot
where King Virudhaka halted with his army to converse
with Buddha, and out of respect for the teacher gave up his
expedition against the Sdkyas, and returned to his capital.
Hwen Thsang states that this famous spot was close to the
monastery of Vis&kha on the south side, while Fa Ilian says
that it was 4 li, or two-thirds of a mile, to the south-west of
the city. The former is the more probable position, as it is
to the south-east and on the high road to Kapilanagara, the
capital of the Sakyas. Close by there was a siupa to mark
the spot where 500 Silkya maidens were afterwards massacred
by Virudhaka for refusing to enter his harem. Near the
stupa there was a dry tank, or gulf, in which Virudhaka had
been swallowed up.f . According to the legend, Buddha had
predicted that Virudhaka would bo destroyed by fire within
seven days after the massacre. When the seventh ! day
arrived, the King, accompanied by his women, proceed gaily
to a large tank u'here he entered a boat, and was rowed to the
middle of the water. But flames burst forth from the waters
and consumed the boat, and the earth opened beneath the
tank, and Virudhaka “ fell alive into hell.” The only large
piece of water that I could find is a nameless tank close to
the south side of Visakha’s temple, and therefore in the very
position indicated by n wen Thsang'; biit there are no exist-
ing remains near it that could be indentified with the stupa
of the 500 Sakya maidens.

The monuments of Snhasti hitherto described by the
pilgrims are directly connected with the personal history of
Buddha. The places where he sat and walked, where he
taught liis law, and where he worsted the Brahmans in argu-
ment, were all'specially holy in the eyes of devout Buddhists.
But these sacred monhments formed only a small portion of
tlie Buddhist buildings of the great city of Sril-vasti, where,
according to Hwen Thsang, the monuments were counted by
hundreds. Fa Hian, however, quotes a tradition which

* Marked X in the plan,
t Marked Y and Z in the plan.

APvCn.TlOLOfilCAL REPOUT, 1802-G3.

limited their number to ninety-eight, at a period not remote
from his own time, and us ho visited the place nearly two
eciituries and a half earlier than Ilwcn Thsang, when most
of the monasteries wore in ruins, we may he satisfied that
their nuraher never reach(;d one hundred even at the most
flourishing period of Buddhism. I traced the ruins of nine
monasteries in the immediate nciglibourhood of the old
city, and there arc probably as many more Avithin a range.' (U*
l.wo miles. I found also the foundations of at least ten
tcmiples of various sizes, hut they Avero all in too ruinous a
state to bo of anv interest. But Avhen I remember that 'the
Jelavana itself, as well as nearly the Avholo of the nincty-
oiglit monaslei'ieis ol‘ S]-aA'asti, Avore in cornjdeto ruins npAvards
of twelve eoiAturies ago, 1 think it is more Avoinhn'ful that
so miieh should sf lll he hd't for the use of the archmologist
lhau that so little should remain of all the magnilicent'build-
iiigs of this f)ne famous eif.y. Sahet is said to have been the
eapilal of Baja Suhir-dal, Avhosc aiicestcd' llansa BliAvaja was
n'igning in Ibo time of the iVuidus, Avhen the city Avas called
Chdudiufuf-piiri.

XX. TAN DA, t)]?. TADWA.

h’rom Srdcas/.i both pilgrims proceeded to visit the birth-
place of Kasyapa Buddha, at To-ioai, AA'hich h’a Jlian phuics
at 50 U, or miles to the AAU'st. llwen Thsang does not
name the town, but lie *:lafes that it was about (50 Ji, or 10
niiles, to the iiorth-Avost of Siuvasti.* The bearing and
distance ])oint to the village of, Tudwa, Avhieh is just 0 mih's
to the wes't of l^dhel-Mdhcl. Some ])eople refer this name to
Tmuld, because for the last hundred years the Banjaras have
been in the habit of hailing, or of making their Tandu, at
this place. But the peo])le fbemselA'es spell the name of
1 heir village and not Tanda, Avhieh properly means

the whole venture of goods belonging to a party of Banjaras,
hut Avhieh is also a])piicd to the idaei's at AA'hich tlu^y halt.
1 think, therefore, that the name of Tadwor may possibly refer
to the old name of To-woi as it is AA’rittcn by Ba Ilian.
There can, however, bo no doubt as to the identity of the
tw o places, as Tudwa is a very old site, Avhich is still covered

jh.iT. I'a LImu. t \X, i». yj ' .aul JuUcu'. Ilwcn Tli 11.. Lloll.

TANDA, on TAinVA,

ni!)

wll.li brick ruins. According to tradition, the town belonged
to llaja Suhir-clal, after whose death it was destroyed by "the
Muhammadans, and remained uninhabited until about one
Inuidred years ago, when a liairdr/i, named Jjudhtfa Das,
('stablished himself under the Eanyan tree and discovered
the female figure which is now worshipped as Sita Mai. The
present village is situated amongst brick ruins one-quarter
.of a mile to the north of the road leading from Akaona to
liahraich. All the fields around are strewn with broken
brkks, and within 1,000 foot of the village to the north- w('st
there is a mound of brick ruins 800 feet long from east t,o
west, and 300 feet board. IJoyond the mound, and to the
north of the village, there is a large irregular shaped shoe;!
of water, nearly half a mile in length, called Sita-i)cva I'al.
lint tills name cannot bo older than the discovery of the
statue which is attributed to Sita.

The west end of the mass of ruins is very low, hut it is
covered with broken walls and fine trees, and was therefore
most probably the site of tho monastic establishment. Tho
g('ueral height of the cast end is 10 feet above the fields, but
rises to 20 feet at the south-west corner. At this point tho
mound is formed of solid brick-work, wdiich, after close
examination, I discovered to bo the remains of a large
stupa. As two difierent measurements gave a diameter of
not less than 70 feet, this stupa must have been one of tho
largest and most important in the famous Province of Utlara
Kosala. Ilwcn Thsang mcntions'only two sl?i2)as at this
place, — one to tho south of the town being built on the spot
wliere Kusyopa Buddha ^ad performed his meditations
under a IJanyan tree, and the other to the north of tho town,
containing tho complete bod.v of Kasyapa. This is also con-
firmed by its size, as Pa Ilian calls this stupa a great one.
The stiq)a on the mound must certainly represent the latter
monument, because the tank’ precludes the possibility of any
other having existed to the northward of it. I wished very
much to have made an excavation in this mound, but the
presence of a Uilyaui of Mahadeo on tho top of it, which
with Sita-Mdi shares tho devotions of tho villagers, was an
eficctual check against any excavations. This is the }nor(i to
b(3 regretted, as Ihc stupa is said to have been bpilt by
Asoka, an attribution which might have boon verified by an
exploration of its interior.

350

AUCn^EOLOOICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3.

Tlio figure which* the ignorant villagers worship as Slid
is in reality a statue of Mdyd Devi, the mother of Sahjd
Buddha. She is represented standing under the Sal tree,
with her right hand raised and holding one of the branches,
which is the well known position in which she is said to
given birth to Sakya. Her left hand is placed on her hip,
and there is a parrot perched on her shoulder. The statue
is 3 feet •! inches in height.

XXL NIMSAll, OR NIMKAR.' * ^

Nimsar is a famous place of pilgrimage on the left bank
of the Gumti (or Gomati) lliver, 45 miles to the north-west
of Lucknow. The Eralunans derive the name from
Nimisha, a “ twinkling of the eye ; ” hence Naimisha-saras or
Nimsar means the pool where in tlie twinkling of an eye the
sage Ganra-Mukhu destroyed the Asuras. The place is also
called Nimkhdr, which is formed from Naimisha, pronounced
Naimikha, and aranya a forest, which becomes Naimikharan
and Nimkhdr. Tlic Vishnu Purtlna declares that “ he who
bathes in the Gomati at Naimisha expiates all his sins.”*
Its popularity is therefore very great. It is noticed in the
Ain Akbari as “ a famous large fort, with a great number of
idolatrous temples, and a reservoir.”} This reservoir is called
the Chakra-lirtha, and is said to be the place w'here the
Chakra, or “ discus,” of Vishun fell during the contest with
the Asuras. The shape of the pool is nearly hexagonal with
a diameter of 120 feet. The water spruigs up from below and
flows out by the south side ijito a swampy rill about 20 feet
broad called the Godaveri Nala\ Tliepoolis surrounded with
a number of shabby brick temples and dhannsdlas, and
though the water is clear, yet the place looks dirty and unin-
viting.

The fort of Nimsar is situated on a precipitous mound to
the north of the holy pool, about 1,100 feet long, from east to
west, between 300 and 400 feet broad, and 50 feet high. The
west cud is a high cliff called the Shah •Bdrj, or King’s
Tower, which overhangs the Gumti. The gate of the fort,
which is at the east end, is arched and therefore of Muham-'
madan construction. But it is built of Hindu materials.

If. If. Wilsoii’h Translation, p. 323.
t Gladwin’s Traiiblatioii, li., 31 & 310.

NniSAR, OR NIMKAR — BARIKITAR, OR VATRATRRRB A. 351

partly brick and partly blocks, which betray their

origin by their carvings and by the presence of the Swastik€6
symbol, or mystic cross. The Myalls were originally of brick,
but they have long ago disappeared, and the only parts of the
old fort now standing are the gateway and the Shah Biirj.
The foundation of the latter is, however, of Hindu construc-
tion, and as there are many carved bricks lying about, I pre-
sitme that it was a temple. The fort is provided with a well
8^ feet broad and 51^ feet deep to the w^ater level.

I Tlie tradition of the place is, that the building of the
was finished on Friday, the 9th of the waxing moon of
Cheti^ra, in the Snmvat yea*’ 13G2, or A. D. 1305, by Ildhd-
Jdl, a^enegade Hindu, who is said to have been the Vazir
of Ala-ud-din Ghovi. For Gliori we must read Khilji to bring
the King’s name into agreement with the date, and as the
people are in the habit of styling all the Patlians as Ghoris,
the alteration is perfectly allowable. But who Avas Ildhdjdl ?
As a renegade Hindu and the Vazir’of Ala-ud-din, ho might
perhaps be the same person as Kafar, Avho iu A. D. 1305 was
appointed as Malik Naib to the command of the army for
the conquest of the Hakhan. T yn’oeured sevei’al of Ala-
ud-din’s coins at Nimsar, and in his reign I conclude that
the fort passed from the liands of the llindus into those of
the Musulnnins. The original fort is said to have been as
old as the Filndus ; and if the derivation of the name of the
place has been truly handed down, it miAst have been occu-
pied even earlier than the time of the Fandus.*

XXTI. BARIKIIAIi/oil VAIRATKIIERA.

Barikhar is the name of a village on the top of an
extensive old mound called Vairdlkhern, which is situated on
the high road between Nimsar and Pilibhit, at 42 miles from
the former, and 68 miles from the latter place. Barikhar is
said to be a corruption of Barit/ukhera, or Vairdt-khera, and
its foundation is attributed to Vairdt Baja in the time of the
Pandus. The ruined mound is 1,000 feet in length at top
froni cast to 'west by 600 feet in breadth, and from 16 to 20
■feet in height. But the dimensions at the base are much
more, as the slope is very gentle, being 200 feet in length on

* On the lank of the Oirniti tlioro is an old nimuid callfd aud

Oradi/i, as well as Baiunajar, wliicli is said to have been the residence of l>enu Kaja.

‘>y2 AT!fJIIvT:0L00Tf;A7i TiKPOnT, lRr»2-r>r}.

llic north sido, where I measured it. This would make the
base of the mound about 1 ,400 fe('t by 1,000 feet, whidi
agrees with the size of 50 biguhs, or 1,400,000 square feet,
wbicii is popidarly attributed to it by the villagers them-
selves. Hut the fields are strewn Mith broken bricks for
upwards of 1,000 feet to the northward, ajul for 500 or 000
f(j(!t to the eastward, where there are the rcmtdns of several
f emplcs. The area actually covered by ruins is not less tlrfiix
2;0OO feet square or iq)wards of 1.} miles in eireuit, which
shows that Barikhar must once have been a gobd sizc'd to^n,
but 1 sti'ongly doubt the story ol‘ the Brahmans which attri-
butes its foundation to Vairat Baja. The name is writtcefljy
the ]»eople tluanselves although it is proimmced

Jldi-ikku)', and I Ixdievc that similarity of sound abme has
led f,o the identification of Barikhar with Bariyakhera and
Vairat Baja.

XXIII. DkORYIA AN13 DEWAL.

I couple these two places together because they actually
form parts of tiro old nameless capital of the 'BucIiIkiI
Bajas, wh(} ruled ov'er Eastern Bohilkhaud and Western Oiidb
Ix'fore the time of the K.ulchr}f)(is. Ihnval itself is a small
village which has received its name from a temple in wbich
is deposited a veiy perfect insci’iption dated in Samvc.t 10 M),
or A. B. 05)2. 'J'ho opposite village is called [hlhdhds by the
]\r uhammadans, hut this name is scarcely known to the
jxjople, who usually call if* (jurh-Gdjium. The inscription is
cbielly remarkabh; for the clean and beautiful manner in
which the letters have bcum cu^v'"i'''t’d ; and its perfect state
3)iakes it the more valuable, as it furnishes us with a cora-
])leto specimen of the alphabet of the Knlila character in
which it is said to be engi-avcd. James Prinsep gave a speci-
men of the characters along with a translation of the inscrij)-
lion in the Asiatic Society’s .Tournal for 1837, page 777.
But the copy from which he framed hi^ alphabet was made
by hand, and althoxigh it is wonderfully accurate as a mere
transcript of the words, yet it is vojy faidty as a>copy of the
individual letters. This is the more to he rc'gretlod as~ the.
alphabet thus framed from an inaccurate copy has become tlnj
standavd specimen of the Knlila characters. Isow the lerm
Knl'ila means “ bent,” and as all flic letters of the inserijitiou
have a bottom stroke or tail, which is turned, or “ bent,” ^to

DEORYTA AND DEWAL.

tlie right, I infer that the alphabet was named KutUa from
this pecularity in the formation of its letters. Eiit tins peen-
liarity was unnoticed by the original transcriber, and cons»'-
quently the print types of the Kritila cliaracters, which have
been prepared both in Germany and in England, are entirely
wanting in this special characteristic which gives its name
to ‘the alphabet. The letter ^ and the attached vowels are
.{jorbapa-ti^e most faulty.*

Thd villa^ of Dcwal is situated IG miles to the south
soAh-east of Pilibhit, on the west hank of the Kau, or
Nala. There are two or three plain brick rooms wliich
are lja^d temples, and in one of these the inscription is
depomld ; but it is said to have been found amongst tlie ruins
of Garn^Gajana, or Ilahabas, on tlxc opposite bank of tlic
stream. Garh-Gajana isalai’go ruined mound, about 800 feet
square, which includes two small tanks on the cast side ; hut
although it is called a Oarh, or fort, it was most jwohahly only
the country residence of Raja Lalla, wlio fouude-d it. 'J'ho
small modern village of Ilahslbjls is situatcid close to the
south-east corner or Garh-Gajana, and near it on the the south
side arc the ruins of a very largo temple, amongst which the
inscription is said to have been discovered. Tlxc figure of
the Vai’xiha Avatar of Vishnu, Avhich is now in the J^enral
temple, was found in the same place. Tin; mound of ruins is
200 feet square at base, hut the walls of the t(3m])lc arc no
longer traceable, as the bricks and kankar blocks have Ixxen
carried away by the villagers. I traced the remains of at
least six other temples around Uie piancipal mass of" ruin, hut
there was nothing about them worth noting. To the south
there are two larger mounds, which appear to he the remains
of an old village.

The Kau or Kalni Nala continues its course to the south
for three miles, until opposite the largo village of Dcoriyci,
when it turns sharply to the east for two miles to the soutli
end of a largo ruined fort with is now called G arha-K/tcra,
or the “fort ixioiiud.’' The Katni Nala here turns to the
no rth nn d.i-rrffer rixnning round the thi*eo other sides of the
ruined fort returns to within a few hundred yards of the
point from whence it took its northerly course. It thus foi’uis

* See Plate No. TjT. for a photogr.Tpli far-simile of thi.s inscription. Tin* traiislatiuii by
Pliubcp Wii8 publislictl iu the licugai Asiatic Society’s JouiuaJ, page 777.

"."i AKCIIJCOLOGICAL REPOUT, 18G2-G3,

a natural ditch to tlio old stronghold of the BAchhal Hajas,
■which is only approacdiahlc on the southern side. The fort
has been deserted for many centuries, and is covered with
dense; jungle, in which several tigers have been killed within
the last few years. A single cart tract leads to the nearest
j)oriions of the ruins which have afforded materials for all
the buildings in the large village of Beoriya. The exact cx-
huit of the fort is not known, but the position enclosctt-by*ni»
Katni Nala is about 0,000 feet in length froin„^wffh .to south
and 4,000 feet in breadth, and the fort is said to be somen^at
less than half a kos, or just about half a mile in length. ' Ohe
bricks arc of large size, IG by 9 by 2 inches, whiclj’ sh'ows
considerable antiquity, but the statues of kankar are ail dlfah-
manieal, such as the goddess Deni, Sica and Iris' 'J. g' fe, as
Ganri-Snukar, and two aryhas of Ungams. These figures are
said to ho discovered only in the foundations of the buildings,
which, if true, would se(;m to show that the existing remaiuH
are the ruins of Muhammadan works constructed of llindu
materials.

The ICatni Nala is an tiitificial eanal drawn from the
IldJa iiivs'r near SoiaU, 10 ;niles to the south-east of i’ili-
bhit, and G iiii'cs to the noviii of Dcwal. Its general course
is iVoni nortli tosoutli, ex<!(q>ling where it winds round the
old fort of Gat'Iui- Kliera-, after which it I’osumcs its southerly
(lourse and lalls into the luinkaut iS’ala, about. 3 miles to the
souili of the Vidus. Its, Avholo course is just 20 ndles in
Icngtii. All the maps av(' wrong in giving the name of
K:itni Nala to tin; Mdhi liwer, instead of to the artificial
canal which joins the Udki ana Katihaat llivers. The canal
varies in width from 30 and 40. feet to 100 feet, and even
more at the places where it is usually forded. Its veiy name
of Katni Nala, ortho “cut stream,” is sufficient to prove
that it is artillcial. Ihit this fact is distinctly stated in the
in.scri])tion, which n'cords that Jlaja Lalla “ made a beautiful
and hoi}'' Kat/m-Nadi.” That tins was the Katni Nala,
Avhich is drawn from tlu> iMfila lliver, is prnyed by the pre-
vious verse, which records that the Ilaja prcaented to the
Brahmans certain vi'ihiges “ sliaded by pleasant trcesj'and
watered by the Nirniala Nadi.” ' This name is correctly
translated by James I’riusep as “pellucid stream,” which,
though perfeclly applicable to tlie limpid waters of the 31dla
iliver, is eyideu4y the name of the stream itself, and not a

>rs. And
f, so tlio
j M'alerGd

and his
ces, and
n* cxion-
'itancliliK.
nmonost
ho great,
to ]in\'o
on hnilt
loscribc'd
nd verso
3pod to-
st bo tlio
) mourul
s of tlio

ncplicw

wlu and
oly sago
married
. lie is
s appro-
Aswiiii
tliat is
hcreforo
ima, the
•nioiit of
>. Now
wlioso
:r Vi.rdt
-^arintna
ited the
'tIi, and
1 of fbe
911 d tho
•Avn and
drkhcra

(■^i^ Vj(?{ ^ 5j«^V(?TW ^ {‘^iq ■\i}^JjC^rj^:^ .1

JJK/)<}^ q m m ^<^»^5l{^^.’<f;?(;f Pf5f^ni7'^^ t' i^i6 >^i
'^'%f.i ^ (<5^/ r-T/c^ Jj i (4''^fG):3 •9<, '^l^'^^ifj /%,'/

qiisVd/^r

y _1 ' j/^o{ ^ '4/f 4 $.mi[^^jj)fri'^h^!,i-^

3g(4;^xv7i:5( 74

sf srfl'i ; 'i'^/o].?' cc,

TO'Or>TIA AXTI DrAVAT/.

055

more epithet descriptive of the clearness of its wfJ^ers. And
as tlic canal was drawn from the, Nirinala Tliv.'r, so the
villages on its banks arc correctly described as beiu j watered
by it.

The inscription goes on to say that Ilaja Lalla and his
w'ifc Lakshmi “made many groves, gardens, lakes, and
temples.” Priusep has given the last as “many other exten-
sive wmrks,” hut the term in the original is dcvcditi/afaiic'ilin
c//ri5, “ and temples,” being one of the commonest

names for a temple of any kind. In the 27th verse the great
teinplc to which the inscription was attached is said to have
been dedicated to Siva by the Paja, while the quetm built
another fane to Parvati. In the next verse they are described
as “ tw’'o divine temples” (mra-(jrilia) ; and in the 32ud verse
it is stated that the god aitd goddttss were worshipped to-
gether under the title of Dfivapnlli. This then must be the
origin of the name of Idcmd, and the gn'at temple mound
to the south of Garh-Gdjana must bo the remains of the
two temples dedicated to Devopalli.

In the inscription Ilaja Lalla calls himself the nephew
of 3I(im Chandra Praldpa, and the grandson of Vira
Varmma, who is said to bo of the race of Chhindu and
descended from the great llishi Chyavana. This holy sage
is mentioned in the Vishnu Purana as haAdng married
Sukanya, the daughter of Saryati, the son of Mauu. lie is
also noticed in the Ilhilgavata and Padina Purauas, as appro-
])riating a share of the marriage olferings to thb Aswiiii
ivuraaras, which entailed the (piarrel with Indra, that is
alluded to in verse 4 of the inscription. Tlu? family thcrc'fore
was reputed to be of ancient descent; but if Vira Varmma, the
grandfather of Lalla was the first Ilaja, the eslablishment of
the dynasty cannot be dated earlier than A. 1). 900. Now
the lidchhal Ilajputs claihi descent from Ilaja Vena, whoso
son W'as Viral, the reputed founder of Barikhar or Viral
Khcra, and whom I believe to he the same as Vira A'annnia
of the insci’iption. To Raja VcMa, or Ben, is attributt^d the
erection of the great forts of C arha-khera, and Sdhf/arh, and
to his queen, Keluki ltdni, is assigned the excavation of the
lidni Tdl at the old town of Kdbar. GnrJi Gujana ^tml the
temples of Dew'al were built by Ilaja Lalla. The town and
fort of Maraori are attributed to Muradhimj , and Bar khcra

66 iAllCH/EOLOGICAL REPOKT, 1862*63.

to ; but ncitlier of these names appears in the

very imp/vlcct and scanty list of their family which the
Bdchhals now possess.

It is admitted by every one that the Katehriyas suc-
ceeded the Bdchhals, but the Katehriyas thcraselves state
that they did not settle in Kaiehar until Sammt 1231, or
A. 1). 1171. Up to this date, therefore, the Bdchhal Rajas may
be suy)posed to have possessed the dominant power in Rastern
Rohilkband boyoud the Ramganga, while western Robil-
khand was held by the Bhiddr, Gwdla, and other tribes, from
wliom the Katcliriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually
the Bdchhals must have retired before the Katehriyas until
they bad lost all their territory to the west of the Rcolia or
Pilibhit River, ifero they made a successful stand, and
though frequently afterwai’ds liarried by the Muhammadans^
they stiJl managed to hold their small tenitory between the
Dcoha River and the primyeval forests of Pilibhit. When
hard pressed tliey esca])cd to the jangal, which still skirts
their ancient possessions of Garh Gdjana and Garha Khera.
But their resistance was not always successful, as their des-
cendants con loss that about 300 or 100 years ago, when their
cajiital Niffohi was taken b;^ the King of Delhi, the twelve
sons of Raja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to death.
The twelve ccnolaphs of these Princes arc still shown at
Nigohi. Shortly after this catastrophe Chham Bdna, the
gi’andson of one of the murdered Princes lied to the JLakhi
jangal, where ho supportedSumsclf by plundering, but when
orders were given to exterminate his band, ho presented him-
self before the King of Delhi, and obtained the District of
Nigohi as a jdghir. This place his descendant Tarsam Sing
still holds, but the jdghir is reduced to the town of Nigohi
with a few of the surrounding villages.

The Qotrdchdrya of the Baikal Rajputs declares them
to be Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested
by their daughters being taken in marriage by Chohans,
Riihtors, and Kachwahas. According to Sir H. Elliot,
Bachhal Zamindars are found in the Districts of Aligarh
and Mathura, as 'well as in Budaon and ShahjahUnpur of
Rohill<Jiand. But the race is even more widely spread than
the Gangetic I3:lchhals are aware of, as Ahul Ea/d records
that “ the port of Ai-amray (in the peninsula of Gujarat)

PARASTIA-KOT.

357

is a VGi’y stron" place inhabited by the tribe of Sacbbal.”*
Of the origin of the name nothing is known, but it is pro-
bably connected with hdchhna, to select or choose. The
title of which is given in the inscription, is also

utterly unknown to the people, and I can only guess that
it may bo the name of one of the early ancestors of tbo
race.

XXIV. PARASUA-KOT.

Pour -miles to tbo westward of Balai-Ivbera there is a
long lofty mound lying east and west called Farasm-kol,
which is said to ho the ruins of a temple and other
ediJices that Bali Baja built for his AMr servant, named
Barasua. The mound is about 1,400 feet long, and 300 fe(4
broad at base, with a height of 35 feet at its loftiest point
rfear the eastern end. On this point tliere are the In-ick
foundations of a large temple, 42 feet sciuare, with the
remains of steps on the oast face, and a stone lintel or door
stop, on the west face. I conclude tlieroforc that tlio temple
had two doors, — one to the cast and other to the W(!st,--andas
tills is the common arrangement of Ihujam temples, it is
almost certain that the building must have been dedicated to
iSiva. Towards the west, the mound gradually declines in
height until it is lost in the fields. Forty feet to the west of
the temple there are some remains of a thick wall which
would seem to have formed part of the enclosure of tlie
temple, which must have been no.t less than 130 feet square.
Five hundred feet further wesB there* are the remains of
another enclosure, 100 feet square, wliich most propably once
surrounded a second temple, bat the height of the ruins at
this point is more than 10 feet above the ground. Although
the Parasua mound is well known to the people for many
miles around, vet there are no traditions attached to the
})Iace save the story of Parasua, the Ahir, which has
already been noticed. When wc consider that a temple
24 feet square could not have been less than 3.^ times its
base, or 147 feet in height, and that its floor being 35 feet
above the ground the whole height of the building would
have been 182 feet, it is strange that no more detailed tradi-
tions should exist regarding the builders of so magnifiqent an
edifice. I am of opinion that the temple must have been

* Gladwin’s TraublatioU; II., C‘d.

yr )8 / Ar.CII.P^OLOfilCAL REPOPT, 1802 -^ 3 .

the work « one of the earlier Bdchlial Rajas, but unfortu-
nately the records of this race arc too imperfect to alford any
clue to the ancient history of the country.

XXV. BALAI-KIIEllA.

BaUija, or Balai Khera, is a large ruined mound about
1,200 feet square, or nearly one mile in circuit, and not less
than 20 feet in height at the southern end. The mound is
situfitcd close to the Muhammadan town of JahdiuWdd, which
is just 6 miles to the westward of Pilihhit. It .is covered
wdth broken bricks of large size, and from its square form I
infer that it must once have been fortified, or at least walled
round. Near the south-east corner there is a very old Banyan
tree, and the ruins of a hriek temple. To the west there are
two tanks and six ruined heaps which are said to be the
remains of temples. There is nothing now standing tln^t
can give any clue to the probable age of the town, as the
bricks arc moved to Jahdndbdd as soon as they arc discovered.
But the large size of the bricks is a proof of antiquity whicli
is suiiported by the traditions of the people, who ascribe the
foundation of Balpnr or Baliya to the well known Baitya
or demon, named Ball.

XXVI. KABAR, OR SlIIRGARII.

The old town, Kdhar is situated on a lofty mound, 20
miles to the north of Bareli, and 2(5 miles to the west of
I’ilibhit. The ruins consist of a cireidar mound, 000 fc'et in
diameter and 25 fect^n he'Ns^d., which is still surrounded by
a deep ditch from 50 to 100 feet in width. This was the old
fort of Kiihav in tlie time of the Hindus, and there arc still
some remains of the walls of a large oblong building on the
top of the mound, which the people say was a temple. The
old city, which surrounded the fort on all sides, is now divided
into four separate villages, /'called Kdhar, Islumpur,
Bonfjarpur, and Shirgarh. All these are situated on old
mounds, which arc nearly as lofty as the fort mound itself.
The place is usually called Kdhar by the Hindus, and
Shirgarh by the Musulmans. It is said to have been taken
from the Hindu Rajas 550 years ago, or in A, H. 1313,
during the reign of Ala-ud-din Khilji.* Railing again into the

Sir lloury Klliv)t in liis Glu.^sary. aiticlo Ofs, p. 115, ^>lak“S that Kdhar -ivas tlift
iiovtluM*n bnuudiry of cultivatiou iu the ivjjjiiof JaUliRUlm Firuz, who the prcdcces!»or
of ALi-ud'tUn.

KA1W.R, OR sniRGARn,

850

hands of the Hindus after the death of Firuz Tnghlak, it
iyas again captured hy Shir Sliah, wlio built tlic fort of
Wiirffcirh to the south of the old fort, for the purpose of
Is^eping the townspeople in check. To the south of Shirgarh
Icre is a fine tank called Khaiods-Tdl, Avhieh no doubt be-
longs to the same period, as Kbawas Khan was the name of
|iiir Shah’s most trusted general. That portion of the town
^llcd Isirimpiir is said to have been built by Isblm Shah, the
i|on of Shir Shah, but it was more probably only re-named
®y Kbawas Khan in honour of his master’s son, during the
pfo time of Shir Shah himself. On the north side there is a

t jallow sheet of water called the 11 am Sagar, and on the
orth-west there is an old tank called Ibliii Tal, which is
Attributed to Ketakhi llani, the queen of llaja Ben, the
’founder of the dynasty of Bdchhal Itajputs. The extreme
Idngth of the whole mass of ruins from east to west is 3,500
feet, and the breadth 2,500 foot, the complete circuit being
{>,800 feet, or nearly 2 miles. The long continued Muham-
‘inadan occupation of five centuries has most olTcetually
swept away all traces of Hinduism ; but old coins are occa-
sionally found, of which a few belong to the later nindu
dynasties of the ninth and tenth centuries. From the great
size of the place, as well as from its evident antiquity, I
should have expected that very old Hindu coins w'ould occa-
sionally bo found; but all my enquiries W’crc fruitless, and
the only actual traces of Hindu occupation that I could hear
of were two small stone llgures, of. which one was a repre-
Iscntation of Durga slaying the Mahesasur, or “Bulfalo-
Hemon,” and the other a broken statue of some god which
was too much injured to be recognized.

END OF VOLUME I.

INDEX

ARCil^OLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.

S LMJ J E C T .

Abu Ililiaii. Silence of — as to DilU ...

■ — Zaid, tlie authority of Ibu Wabab, calls “ Kaclugo a^^rcat city
ill the Kingdom of Gozur” ...

Account given in the Mirat-i-Asrar as to later Kings of Delhi

Accounts given by Shanis-i-Siraz of the removal of two stone pillars
from their original sites to Delhi

Acliarya Sri Yognnanda, an inscription on tlio door of the great cave
in the -Nagarjuni Hill

Actual builder of the Kutb Miuar ,,,

Adi Kajah. Tho legend of — ...

Adilabad, or Mohammadabad. The fort of —

Adina Masjid. The great mosque of Kutbuddiii called —

Adisadra, the name given to Ahichhalra by Ptolemy

Alial^^a Bai. Temple on the Pretsila llill at Gaya eroefeod by —

Aliiebhalra, or llainuagar. An account of the city of —

- Tho name of — written a‘j Ahi-kshetra

mentioned b}' Ptolemy as Adisadra

the capital of North Panch ala ...

— ■ Description of — given by Hweii Thsang

Page.

115

279

101

4-9 & 50
202
256
217
185

255
4

256
ih.
ib.
ih.

• 250

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Ahichhatra. Ruins of — first visited by Captain Hodgson
■ ■■ Brahmaiiical temples at — ...

^ — Buddhist remains at —

Alii-lvshetra. The name of Ahichhatra written as —

Ain Akbari. Date of Anang Pal in the — ...

Ajatasatru, the contemporary of Buddlia
Ajayapura, the ancient name of Bakror
Ajydliya. Fa Ilian’s route to —

■ - or Saketa. An account of the city of —

— idcMiilfiod with Saketa ...

■ Remains of antiquity at — ,,,

' ■« Ilttara Kosala, the Northern part of —

— — Banaodha, the Southern part of —

Aksliay B.at, or “ undccayiug Baman tree” at Prayaga
Alai Darwa/a. or Gate of Alaiiddin ...

Alauddin Khiliji, Mosque of Kutbuddin enlarged by —

— Unfinished luinar of — stands North from the Kutb Minar

Alha, a Banalar hero... ... ... ... ,,,

Allahabad, or Prayaga. An account of tiic city of — ...

Altainsh. INlosquc of Kutbuddin enlarged in the reign of — ,,,

An account of the tomb of —

Ainara Sinha. Temple near the Pipal tree at Buddha Gaya supposed
to have been built by — ...

■ identified with Amara Deva

Deva identified with Amara Sinha

Amir Khiisru’s description of the work carried on by Alauddin Khiliji
in the groat mosque of Kutbuddin ...

Anand Tila. A mound at Mathura called —

Anang Pal. Re-building of Dilli by — ... ,,,

256

258

260

255

142

293

317

322

ib.

327

ib.

297

205

188

205

283

296

187
204

ib.

188
234
141

INDEX.

Ill

Subject. j Page.

Anang Pal Date of — in the Ain Akbari ... ... ... | 1

■■ Date of — in the Kumaon and Garhwal maiius('ripts ... 1 1,3

Date of— ... ... ui

An anecdote of — given by Mir IChusru

• Dilli re-built by — owing to the loss of Kanoj ... 151’

— Ad account of the tank called — to tlio North-West of

Kutb Miliar ... ... ... ... 152

- — Anckpur, a village supposed to have been built

by— ... ... ... ... ib.

* — Erection of a certain temple close to the iron pillar of

Dilli attributed to — ... ... ... 15.3

— Accounts of the sons of — ... ... ... ib.

— Extent of the dominions of — . . ib.

■' - — (or Bilan Deo). Iron pillar of Delhi supposed to have

been erected by — ... ... ... 171

Anant Rikhi. A hot spring at Rajgir called — ... ... 27

Anecdote of Anang Pal given by Mir Khiisru ... ... 141

Auekpur, a village in the Balamgarh District supposed to have been

built by Anang Pal ... ... ... ... 152

Aniruddha, the cousin of Buddha ... ... ... 81

Anrudhwa. The village called — received its name from Aniruddha,

the cousin of Buddha ... ... ... ib.

Aphsar. An account of the village of — ... ,,, 40

Ara Raj Pillar. The description of — ... ... ... 67 G8

Arguments in support of the Hindu origin of Kutb Minar ..., 190

Ariana Anthiua, a work by Horace Ilayrnaii Wilson ... ... v

Arjuna Pandu. Chakra, eighth in descent from — made Kosambi his

capital... ... ... ... ... 301

Asanagar. A village near Ghosarawa called — ... 39

Aslita Sakti. A sculpture representing — in a temple at Bosarh ... 58

Asiatic Society of Bengal founded by Sir William J ones

INDEX.

Subject.

Asoka. Erection of the original temple at Buddha Gaya ascribed to —
■' — — » The edicts of — on two stone pillars at Delhi ...

Stupa of — at Kanoj ...

Asoknath. Temple of — at Asokpur
Asokpur, the ancient name of llutila
Aswamedha. Celebration of — by Jaya Chandra

Page.

Ifil

291

328

ih.

283

Atranjbkhera. An account of a ruined mound called —

the site of the ancient Piloshanna

The foundation of — attributed to Rajah Vena Cha-

korvai'tti

Aurang Shah. Destruction of the statue of Sakti at Gaya attributed
to —

Aurangzib said to have pulled down the temple of Kesava Deva at
Mathura

Avalokiteswara. Statue of — at Nalanda ... ... ...

Ayodhya, or A-yu-to. An account of tho city of —

A-yii-to, or Ayodhya. An account of the city of —

^ Ayutho ideiititied with Kakupur

Bachhal Rajputs. An account of —

Bagheswari Devi. A temple at Kurkihar dedicated to —

Bagud, or Vagud. An account of the place called —

Baibhar (Mount). An account of the — ...

Baiswara, tho country of the Bais Rajputs ... ’

Bais Rajputs. Baiswara the country of tho —

— claim descent from Salivahan ... ...

Baithak Bhairav. Statue of Buddha in a court-yard called —

Bakhra, a part of the ancient Vaisali
■ Rjiuains at — ,,,

268

2G9

ib.

236

293

ih.

295

356

295

280

ih.

ib.

INDEX.

I U B J E C T .

Bakhra. The lion pillar of —

Bakror. An account of the village of —

Baladitya. A vihar at Nalanda built by — ,,,

Balai-kbera. A ruined mound called — close to tlio Muhammadan
Town of Jaliauabad

Balamgarh. Anckpur, a village built by Anang Pal in the District of —

Balen Tank at Nalanda

Banafar Heroes, Alba and Udal

Banaodha. The Southern part of Ajndhya called —

Pachham-rat, the Western District of — ...

— Purab*rat, the Southern District of —

Banaras Sarnath. An account of the city of —

■ Jaya Chandra defeated by Muhammad Ghori at —

Barabar Hills. An account of the —

Caves of —

Basin, An account of the —

Baragaon, or Nalanda. An account of the village of —

Bara Pul, a bridge near Delhi ...

Barikhar, or Yairatkhera. An account of the village of —

—— said to be a corruption of Vairatkhcra

The foundation of — attributed to Vairat Rajah

Ben Chakravartti (Rajah). Traditions regarding — ...

Bernier’s account of two life-size statues of elephants and their
riders at Shajahanabad ... ... .

Besadh, or Besarh. An account of the village of —

Besarh, or Besadh. An account of the village of —

—— identified with Vaisali ... ...

— Remains at — ... ...

Bhairav. A statue of ascetic Buddha called — at Titarawa

Page.

358

162

283

327

ih,

ih.

103 & 10-1
28.3
40—42
40
43
28
222
351
ib.
ib.
66

22.5

65
ih,
ib.

66
39

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Bhan Daji, Dr. A short account of his archaiological investigations

xxxiii

Bhatpuri Mahalla. Mound in the — of Kanoj

292

Bharathand. Uttanapada, King of — ... ...

Bhim-laur. An account of the village of —

266

Bhim-sen-ka-lat. The lion pillar of Bakhra called — ...

Bhitari. An account of the village of —

An inscribed stone pillar at —

ib.

Pillar described

Excavations by Mr. C. Horn at —

100

Bhuddhistical establishment near Banaras, as described by Hwen Thsaiig

104 V

Bhun Mari (llajah). Erection of the Navandgarh Pillar ascribed to —

Bias-kund. A hot spring at Rajgir called — ...

Bihar. An account of the city of —

3C&37

— — The fort of —

Bijoli, Inscription discovered at —

157

Bilan Deo (or Anang Pal). Iron Pillar of Delhi supposed to have
been erected by — ...

171

Bimbisara, otherwise called Srenika, said to have built the new town of
llajagriha

Bodliidrum. The celebrated Pipal tree at Buddha known by the
name of —

Kenewal of — by Puma Varunna

ib.

. ■ — Destruction of — by Sasangka

ib.

Boulder (quartz) covered with inscriptions of Asoka at Khalsi

244

Brahmanical temples at Ahichhatra

258

— temples on the mound of Makhdum Jahaniya in the

Sikbana Mahalla of Kanoj ...

292

Brabmavarta, or Bharatkhand. Uttanapada, King of —

Brahmjuin. A holy bill at Gaya called — ...

Brahm-kuiid. A hot spring at Rajgir called —

INDEX.

VII

• S U B J B C T .

1 Page.

Buchanan, Dr. Deputation of — to make an a<,n-icultunil survey of
Mysore. 11 is appointinoiii as Statisticnl Surveyor o\' the
Bengal Presidency. Publication of his work by Mr.
Montgomery. Kemark on his arclueological researches.

iii & iv

Buddha. Gaya. An account of —

the ascetic. A life-size statue of — at Besarh

died on a spot at a little distance from the Western bank of

the'Ajitavati River

Maya, the mother of —

271

Site of a Vihara with the tooth of — near Kanoj

292

A statue of — at ICosambi ... ,,, ...

308

Biifldha-kund. A sacred tank at Bakror called — ...

Supposed <0 be identical with Marttand Pokhar, or

Sujuj-kund

Buddha-pad. A temple at Buddha Gaya called —

Buddhism. Decline and fall of —

237

Buddhist railing at Buddha Gaj^a

s Synod (second). Vaisali, the scene of the — ...

231

remains at Ahichhatra ...

260

Buddhistical inscription found at Ghosarawa

Budhokar Tal. A tank called — to the South-East of the great temj)lo
at Buddha Gaya...

Builder of the Kutb Minar ,,, ...

202

Bukula. Legend of — ... ... ...

303

Burmese inscription discovered at Buddha Gaya ...

Capula of Firuz Shah on the Kutb Minar ...

198

— ^ the Kutb Minar thrown down by an earthquake *...

199

Cave called Gidhadwar, near Giryek

• 18

VIII

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Cave described by Hwen Thsang as Vulture’s Cave

called Satiapanni Cave at Kajghir

called Sou-bbaudar Cave at Dajgbir

22—24

called Sudama, found in tbe Barabar Ililla

43—45

— ^ called Lomas Risbi, found in the Barabar Hills

id.

— called Kama Chopar Cave, in the Barabar Hills

ih.

■ called Nigoha Cave, in the Barabar Hills

called Viswa Mittra, in the Barabar Hills

in the Nagarjuni Hill

called Gopi-ka-Kubha, in the Nagarjuni Hills

— called Vapiya-ka-Kubha, in the Nagarjuni Hills

49 k 50

called Vadathi-ka-Kubha, in the Nagarjuni Hills ...

50& 51

Chahava Deva, the tributary llajah of Dilli under Prithoi Raj

157

Chakra, eighth in descent from Arjuna Patidu, made Kosambi his
capital

301

Chalukya Rajahs of Kal 3 "an. Inscriptions of the — . corroborates the
account given by Hwen Thsang of Harsha Vardhana

280 k 281

Chandokhar Tab A tank called — to the North of the Ratam Hill...

Chand. Prithoi Raj Rasa, a work written by —

159

Chandra Deva. Kingdom of Kanoj conquered by —

150

■ ■ - -■« the founder of the Rahtor d^uiasty

ih.

Chandrama-kund. A hot spring at Rajghir called — ...

Chaukandi. A ruined mound called — to the South of the great
tower of Dhamck at Sarnath

116 k 117

117

Chhatr. A stupa at Ahichhatra called —

260

Chohan princes of Ajmere, who wore at the same time actual Kings
of Dim ...

157

dynasty. Lists of the —

158

Chohans under Vasala Deva captured Dilli

155

INDEX. ♦ XX

• S tt n j E c T . Page.

Chohans. Date of capture of Dilli llic — ...

Christian tomb found at Nalanda... ... ... . ;

Citadel of Shajahanabad. An account of the — ... ■ 2*J5

City of Shir Shah called Delhi-Shir-Shah ... ,,, . i 222

Close of the Tomar dynasty ... ... ... I I.'JO

Colcbrooko, Tlenry*. Soholaraliip in Sanskrit... ... ; 111

Colonades of the Court of the Great Mu.sjid ... ... .. i 17.>

Coryat, Tom. Accounts of an inscription given by — ... .. i

Cunningham, A., Colonel. A list of his writings on Indi.an Anti- j

(juilie.'^, as follows: ... ... .1 i\3iv

Defifriptioii of some new Bactrian coin.s. '

Second notice of some now llaclrian coins. I

Account of ilio discover}' of tho ruins of the BuddJnsl city I
of Sankisa. I

Tlie anci(M\t coinage of Ivashmir. '

Attempt to o\i)lain som»‘ of iho monograms on tlic GretOvj
coins of Anianii and India. j

T^otico of some un[)ubll.shed coins of the Indo-Scythiuns.

Tho Bliilsa Topes.

Coiii.s of Indian Buddhist satraps with Greek inscriptions. »

Transl.ition of tlic Baclro-Pali inscription from Taxil.i. |

Coins of the nine Xagas and of two other dynasties of
Narwar and Gwahor. I

Coin of the Fndi.an Prince Sophytes.

(‘oins of Alexander’s .successors in tho Bast. u. j

Tho Ancient Geography of India. |

D I

Daidala, the name given to DilU by Ptolemy ... . i 140

Daniel, Thomas, gave earliest illustrations of Southern India, and made i ^

drawings of the seven Pagodas at Malianiallaipur ... | vl

INDEX.

Subject. Page.

Danudia Khera, the capital of Salivahan ... ... .. 280

Dasaratha. Naj^arjiini Caves supposed to have been excavated in the

reign of — ... ... ... .. 61

Date of Sasanka ... ... ... ... ... 10

of occupation of Indraprastha by Yudhisthra ... ... 136

— of foundation of Dilli ... ... ... ... 140

of re-founding of Dilli in the Gwalior manuscript of Kharg Rai 141

— of Anang Pal in the Ain Akbari ... ... 142

of Anang Pal in the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts . 143

of Anang Pal ... ... ... ... ... 144

of Vasala's inscription onr the Firuz Shah’s Pillar ... 166

— of the capture of Dilli by the Cbohans ... .. ih.

— of abduction of Kanoj Princess ... ... 169

— of the great war with M oh aba ... ... ... ih.

— of the iinal conquest of Dilli by the Musulmans ... ... t6.

of Ivon Pillar of Delhi ... ... ,,, ... 171

of Hwen Thsang’s return to China, A. D. 640 ... ... . 281

of Udayana, King of Kosambi ... ... ... 301

Danndiakhera. Town of Hayamukha identilied with — ... 295 & 296

Davis, Samuel. A paper on Hindu Astronomy by — ,,, ... ii

Death of Jay pal about December 1021 ... ... ... 147

Decline and fall of Buddhism ... ... ... ... 237

Decorated pillars around the Iron Pillar of Delhi ... ... 171

Deduction from the silence of Abu Rihan as to Dilli ... ... 145

Defeat of Dilu by Thur, exactly the same as that of Rajah Pal by

Sukwanti ... ... ... ... 138

of Jaya Chandra at Banaras by Muhammad Ghori 283

Delhi, An account of the city of — ... ... 132

— - An account of the seven Forts of —

134

index.

Subject.

Page.

Delhi. Early Hindu dynasties of —

Hindu remains of —

— Dcscrijitiou of the Iron Pillar of —

— - Description of — taken from the autobiography of

Timur ... ... ...

— Jahanpanah, a part of —

Delhi-Shir-Shah. The city of Shirshah called — ...

13G &137
161
169

« 6 .

212

222

Deoriya, a common village name in the Districts of Tirhoot, Cliampa-
ran, and Gorakpur, is applied to places possessing either a
temple or other holy buildings

— — - Anljpcount of the village of — ... • “ *

Description of Delhi taken from the autobiography of Timur

of Satkila Bawan Darwaza, of Delhi

Devisthan. A mound at Kasia called —

Dowal. An account of the village of —

Dewan-i-am, the name of a hall in the citadel of Shajahanabad

Devvan-i-khas, the name of a hall in the citadel of Shajahanabad

Dhamek. The great tower at Sarnatli called —

— An account of the Buddhist stujia called —

an abbreviation of Dharmmopade.saka

Dhaoli. A peak of the Dharawat Hills called —

Dharawat Hills. An account of the — ... ... . .

Dharmma A statue of — on the Ghosarawa mound ... |

Dharmmopadesaka. Dhamek, an abbreviation of — . I

Dhopapapura. An account of the place called —

— situated on the right bank of the Goinati River

• Legend of — ... ... ... ■ i

Dihli dur ast, or Dihli dur hai — prophetic words of Nizam-uddin ■
Auliya

352

212

218

352

225

ih.

106 -107
107
113
64i
53
39
113
316
ib.
ib.

• 215

XII

INDEX.

Subject. |

Page. ,

Dilli. Traditions as to the uarno of —

ld7

Traditions regarding —

ib.

— - Date of the capture of — by the Chohans

15G

Date of foundation of —

110

poi'sibly Ptolemy’s Daidala

ih.

Ro-biiildiiig of — by Anaiig Pal

Ill

Date of re-founding of — in the Gwalior manuscript of Kharg llai

ib.

Lists of the Tomar dynasty of — ...

Ids

re-huilt by Anang Pal owing to tho loss of Ivanoj ... j

151

captui\‘d by tbo Cholians under Vasala Dcva .. ... i

Date of tho final* conquest of — b}- the Musulrnans .. ^

150

Dilu. TJio story of — exactly tho same as of Rajah Pal in ^
Rajavali ... .. ... ... |

138

Dilwari. Inscriprmn connected witli Ahichhatra, found T»car the
■village of —

255

Dinpanah. Iiidrapat, or Purana Kila, rc-named — by Jlimiayon ...

221

Discovery of two urns at Sarnath, by Babu .lagat Singli, in tlie
year 170 t

105

111)

Distance from Sankisa to Ivanoj, seven yojanas according to Fa Hian

270 & 271

of Kosam from Allahabad ,,,

301

Dron Sagar. A tank at Kashipur called — ...

252

E.uly Hindu dynasties of Delhi

13G Si 137

Edicts of Asoka on two stone ifillars at Delhi

IGl

Elliot, Walter, collected large number of inscriptions and contributed
an interesting historical sketch, founded solely on the in-
scri])tions of the principal dynasties that ruled over the
countries between the Narbada and tho Krishna

xxix

Empire raised by Harslia Vardliana

280

INDEX.

XIII

S u n j E c T .

Era of Vikramadiij^a
of Harsha Vavdhana

Erection of a certain temple close to the Iron Pillar of Dilli attributed
to Aming Pal

Erroneous ojunion rosardinf]^ the inscription on Eiru/ Sluili’s Pillar
^ adopted by the early Enj^lish travellers

Erskiiie’s account of the Ele 2 )b an ta Caves ... ... ...

Essay on the comparative j^eof^raidi^^ of India, by F. Wilford

Excavations at Bliitari, by ^Ir. C. Horn

at Sarnatb in 1835-110

• at J:>aruatb, by Major Kittoe, in 1853

Extent of Auanff^Pal’s dominions

Fa Ilian visiting' Buddlia Gaya ...

— ■' - visiting the great tower at Sarnatli

'at Mathura ... ... ... ... 333

' ■ makes the distance from Sankisa to Ivuiioj seven yojanas ... 270 271

■ An account of Kaiiqj given by — ... ... 271)

‘ — • l)laces a great stu 2 )a of Asoka to the West of Kano j 21)1

Fa Ilian’s description of the old city of Kajgir ... ... 22

account of the Vaisali ••• ... ... 03

route to Ajudhya ... ... ... ... 203

Facts in sujiport of the identification of Siri with Shahpur ... 210

Fall of Buddhism ... ,,, ... ... ... 237

Fergusson, James, a foremost and successful archajologist ... xix

Fergusson’s account of the “Rock-cut Temples of India” ... j ib,

— dates of Kanhari Caves ... ... ... | xx

“ Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in !

India” ... ... ... .. ... | • xxii

XIV

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Fergusson’s “ Handbook of Architecture’* ... ... ...

xxii

■ “ Tree and Serpant Worship”

zxiii

Ferishta’s account of Turj^hai Khan’s inva.sion of India during the
reign of Ala-uddin, the founder of Siri ... ...

. 207

figures on the Kan wa Dol Hill ...

Figure of elephant on an ancient pillar at Saiikisa ... ... i

274

Finch, Wm. An account of Delhi by —

132

Fivuz Shah’s Pillar. Date of Vasala’s inscription on the —

166

■ ■■■ Inscriptions on the — ...

166

Firuz Shah. Kushak Shikar, a liunting place of —

168

Old capula of — on the Kutb Minar ... ,!

198

Firuzabad. An account of the city of —

219

Forest of Holi

293

Fort of Bihar. An account of the — • ...

of Bisarh. An account of the —

— of Matha-kuar at Kasia

77 & 78

of Lalkot. An account of the —

180

of Rai Pi lb ora. An account of the —

lb3

of Tughlakabad described ...

212

— of Adilabad, or Mahammadabad. An account of

the —

217

of Salimgarh. An account of the — ...

223

—— (ruined) on a mound at Madawar

248

— of Ujain to the East of Kashipur

252

of Garha, near Dhopapapura

316

ofNimsar. An account of the —

360

Forts of old Delhi ...

134

Fortress (ruined) at Buddha Gaya attributed to Rajah Ainara Sinha
Suvira

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Foundation of Dilli ...

140

— — of Atranjii-kliera attributed to llajali Vena Chakervatti...

269

Fu-slie, or Vaisya. Ilarsha Vardhana called a — by Ilweu Thsaiig...

280

Gadadhar. The temple of — at Gaya

Ganda, a District of Uttara Kosala to the South of tho Rapti

327

Genealogy of the Rajahs of —

329

Ganeskund. A hot spring at Rajgir called —

Ganga- Jumna. A hot spring at Rajgir called —

ib .

Ganggapa. A statue of Buddha at Nalaiida said to be the gift of —

Garha. The fort of — , near Dhopapapura

t 316

Gates of Shajahanabad. An account of tho —

224.

Ga 3 "a. An account of the city of — ...

Gayeswari Devi. The temple of — at Gaya

Ghosarawa. An account of tho village of — ,,,

Genealogy of the Rajahs of Ganda ,

329

Gidhadwar. A cave near Giryek called —

Gidi Pokhar. A. tank at Nalaiida called — ... ,,,

Giri-vraja, the old name of the capital of Jarasandha

Giryek. An account of the village of —

Goose’s Monastery, or Hansa Sanghararaa. A monastery at Giryek
called —

Gopi Cave. A cave in tho Nagarj uni Hills called —

44-49

Govisana, or Kashipur. An account of tho city of —

251

ib .

252

Gozar. Kaduge, -a groat city in the kingdom of —

279

Great Masjid. Colonades of the Court of — ...

• 175

XVI

INDEX.

U B J E C T .

Page.

Great Mosque of Kutbuddiu. An account of the — ,,,

Gridha-kuta-parvata. The liill called — at Giryek ... ...

Grounds for identifying Kurna Pal with the father Vacha Deva
Gulaviya. Lingain near the village of —

Gupta Dynasty. Inscription of the — found at Mathura
Gureya. A peak of the Dliarawat Hill, called —

Gwalior manuscript of Kharg Rai giving the date of rc-founding of

Dim

184

154

2G6

237

141

Halls called Dewan-i-am and Dewan-i-khas in the Citadel of Shaiahana-
bad

Hand-book of Architecture, by Janies Fergusson
Ilansa Sanghrama, or Goose’s Monastery at Girj’ck
Harsha Vardhana. Kano], the capital of —

■ — called a Fu-shc, or Vuisya by Hwen Thsang

Vast empire raised by —

— ■■■ — — Succcssrully opposed by Rajah Pulakesi

— Hwen Thsang's account of — Cvivvobovated by

inscriptions of the (.Mialuk;^ a Rajahs of Kalyan

a confcinporjiry of Vikramaditya ...

■■ ■ Raj> a Vardhana, the elder brother of —

llalhiya-dah. An account of an old dry tank called —

Hathiya-dah-ka-lat. The pillar in the Hathiya-dah Tank called

llatihi, or Asokpuv. An account of the village of —

H ayaniukha identified with Daundiakhera

■ or Ayoinukha. An account of the place called —

Height of Kiitb Minar

Hill of the Istdated Rock. Accounts of the — at Giryek, given by
FaHian ...

— ■ of Prrfbhasa, near Kosambi

225

xxii

280

ib,

ih.

ib.

280 & 281
281
282
95
ib.
327
295 & 296
296
195

311

INDEX.

XVTI

Subject.

PAni:.

llinda dynasties of Delhi. An account of the —

— remains of Delhi ...

Theatre, a work by Horace Hayman AVilson

origin of Kntb Minar su])porto(l by arguments

History of Kutb Minar written on its inscriptions

Hodgson, Captain. The ruins of Ahichhatra first visited by —

ll oli. The forest of —

Horne, Mr. Excavations at Bliitari by —

Humayon. Description of the tomb of — ...

UAvishka Vihara. A monastery called — at Mathura

H wen Thsang’s account of renewal and destruction of tlie cidebrated
Hodhi Tree at Buddha Ga;y a...

description of a vihar at Bud<lha Gaya ...

■■ ■ " ■ description of a stupa to the South-West of the great

lem])le at Buddha Gaya ...

-■■■ description of the Vulture’s Cave at (5ir\ek

— — — description of Kajgiv

■" — account of Sarlputra

account of Mali a Mogalana

account of a vihar at Nalanda

account of the grand vihar built by Baladitya at

Nalanda

■■■ description of four other buildings and statues .at

Nalanda

— - ■ mention of a w’cll at Nalanda

—■ ■ silence regarding the caves in the Barabar and Nagar-

jiini Hills

description of a King’s palace in Vaisali

■' description of six stupas at Vaisali

— ■ ■ description of two stupas at Vaisali erected on ancient

foundations

ld(> i;i7
161
V

IbO

2oa

257

21)3

1(10

223

23S

ih.

‘20

ih.

• 65

XVITT

INDEX,

Subject.

Page.

H wen Thsaiig’s account of a stupa at Kesariya

■ -- account of Kusinagara

— — . account of the spot where Buddha died

near Banaras ...

104

■ stor}' of Mrigadava, or Deer Park, at Sarnalh

106

■ — ' ■ ■ account of a sliipa at Sarnalh

117

— — - — ■ — account of Madipur

2 to

account of Ahichhatra

256

- ■ ■ account of ITarsha Vardhana corroborated by inscrip-

tions of the Chalukya Rajahs of Kalyan

280 & 281

. ■■■ return to China, A. D. G40 ... ... ...

281

description o( ancient Kauoj

283

293

'■ description of a temple at Praj’aga

297

Hwen Thsang describes Srughana, and places it at a distance of 66
miles from Thanesar

16-2

— Temples in Mathura reckoned by — at five

231

allowed 40 Chinese li to the yojana

270

279

llarslui Vardhana a Fu-she, or Vaisya

280

places a great stupa of Asoka to the South-East

of Kanoj .. ,,,

291

visiting Nava-deva-kiila

293

Ibu Batuta. Mosque of Kutb-uddin visited by —

185

— - Wabab. Abu Zald, on the authority of — , calls " Kaduge a
great city iu the Kingdom of GozJir”

279

Identlhcafiou of Siri with Shahpur supported by facts

210

INDEX.

XIX

Subject.

T ""

I Page.

Iiidra Sila Giiha. II wen Thsang’s account of the lull of — at Giryek

— Pokhar. A tank called — at Nalanda

Indrapat, a small fort at Delhi known by the name of Parana Kila

' or Paranah Kila, repaired by ITumayon and re-named

Dinpanah

Indraprastha, The site of — ,,,

■ '■ ■ Date of occupation of — by Yudhisthira

, ■ or Indrapat. An account of the ancient place

called —

Inscribed stone pillar at Dbiiari

pedestal found at Banaras in 1794:

■ ~ ■ — I'ock at Khalsi

Inscriptions dated in the era of the Narvan

— found in the temple dedicated to Surya, or the Sun, at

Oaya

of Sri Mohendra Pala Dova at llama Ga 3 "a

- — found at Buddha Gaya, ascribing Ihc building of a

temple and imago of Buddha to Aniava Deva

— (Burmese) discovered at Buddha Ga 3 ui

■■ ■ found in the temple called Tara Devi at Buddha Ga^'a ..

at Buddha Gaya

in tbe Son Bbandar Cave ... ... ... I

found in a temple at Ka])atiya giving the date of the

reign of Sri Gopala Dova

— of the Gupta dynasty on a pillar in the old fort of Bihar

— ■ obtained from Ghosarawa

in three lines of small letters at Titarawa ...

of the second Gupta dynasty, di.scovered bj- Major Kittoe [

at Aphsar ... ... ... .. j

■■ ' ' of five lines in the Kama Chopar J*ave . . j

— of two lines in the Sudama Cave ... '

13(5

221

13l‘

135

135 & 13G
97 & 98
104
2'U
1

6 & 7
8
11
12
25

38
30

INDEX,

Subject.

Page.

Inscription found over tlie doorway of the Lomas Rislii Cavo

found in the Viswa Mittra Cave

of ten lines in the Great Cave in the Nagarjuni Hill ...

ib.

on a tablet over the doorway of the Gopi-ka-kubha Cavo

— . of four lines found in the cave called Vadatlii-ka-kubha,

in the Nagarjuni Hill

on the Kahaon Pillar

on the Hatliiya-dah Pillar

discovered at Bijoli

157

. . — of Asoka on tlie Firiiz Shah’s Pillar. An account of the

— given by Tom Cory at

W.i .

> ■■■■■— — (principal) on the Pirnz Shah’s Pillar

165

of Bajahs of Kalya-ti corroborate 11 wen Thsang’s

account of llarshavardhana...

280 & 281

■ — of Asoka, Samudra Gupta, and Jahangir on a stone

pillar at Prayaga ...

298

oil the Kosambi Pillar

310

on the Iron Pillar of Dilli giving the date of Anang Pal

1 L2 -151

(Sanskrit) oi six lines on the Ii»)u Pillar of Delhi

170

giving the history of the Kntb Miuar

200

■ ■ — of the Gupta dynasty found at Mathura

237

— — of Asoka on a quartz boulder at Khalsi

244

connected with Ahichhatra found near Dilwari

264

— — at Tihara .mentioning the Kingdom of Kosambi, or

Kosamba Mandala...

302

in a temple at Dewal

352

Iron Pillar of Dill. Inscriptions on tho — giving the dale of
Anang Pul ... ,,,

142—151

of Delhi described ...

169

— at Delhi bearing a Saiisk lit •inscription of six lines

170

• not formed of mixed metal

ib.

INDEX.

XXI

Subject.

Pace.

Iron Pillar. Apj)roximate date of —

supposed to have been erected by Belaii Deo (or Auansr
Pal) ... ... ... ...

Jugadispur. Description of tlie mound of —

Jagat Singh. Eliscovcry of two urns at by — in the year 1791
Jahanara Degum. The tomb of — , outside the city of Delhi
Jabanpanah. A part of Delhi called —

JiTiina Masjid, of Kanoj. An account of the —
./Tarasaiidha-ka-baithak. A tower at Gir3H*k called —

Jarasandha. Giri-vraja, the capital of —

daya Chandra, the last of the Rahtors, celebrated Aswamedha

— — retired as far as IJanaras

, Defeat of — b^' Muhammad Ghori at Danaras

' ■ drowned in attempting to cross the Ganges

Jaj’mal, the Rajput hero who defended Chitor

Jaypal. Death of — about December 1021 ...

Jetavana. Monastery of — near Sravasti ...

■ identified with a mound of ruins near Sravasti

Jones, William, Sir, founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal and gave
the first impulse to the study of Indian anthjuities

Kabar, or Shirgarh. An account of the place called

i — ■ ■ situated on a lofty mound 20 miles to the Nortli of

Bareli

Kabuli Durwaza. A gate of the city of Shir Shah called —

> — called Lai Durwaza

Kaduge, mentioned by Abu Zaid, on the authorit^^ of Ibu Wahab, as
a great city in the Kingdom of Gozar

171

106

230

212

287

283

ib,

ih.

226

117

335

337

358

ib,

222

ih,

279

XXII

INDEX.

Subject. 1 Page.

92 & 93
295

Kala Masjid of Delhi. An account of the — ... ... 220

Kalapaiaka supposed by llwcn Thsang to be the birth-place o^

Sariputra ... ... ... ... ... 29

Kalyan. Inscriptions of the Rajahs of — corroborates the account

of Harsha Vardhana given by Ilwen Thsang ... ... 280 & 2Sl

Kampilya (now Kampil), the capital of South Panchala ... ... 255

Kandaij’a Tal. A tank at Sarikisa called — ... ... 274

Kanhari Caves described and illustrated by Salt ... ... vi

Kanishka Monastery. Monastery called — in the city of Nagarahara 38

Kanogiza, Kanoj mentioned by Ptolemy as — ... ... 280

Kanoj. An account of — given b3" Ma.sudi ... ... ... 145

Name of the Rajah of — at the time of Mahmud’s inva-
sion ... ... ... ... ... 146

—— Toinar dynast}' UvS Rajahs of — ... ... ... 150

— — — The Kingdom of — compiered by Chandra Deva, the founder of

the Riibtor dynasty ... ... ... ... ib.

Dilli re-buill by Anang Pal owing to the loss of — ... 161

Khand, a part of Prithvi-Raja-Rasa, giving an account of

abduction of a Kanoj Princess ... ... ... 169

Princess. Date of abduction of — ... ... ... ib.

An account of the city of — ... ... 279

mentioned by Masudi as the capital of one of the Rajahs of

India in 915 A. D. ... ... ... ... ib.

called ''Kadnge” by Abu Zaid ... ... ^ ib,

— — described by Hwen Thsang ... ... ib,

An account of — given by Fa Ilian... ... ... ib.

mentioned by Ptolemy as Kanogiza ..

Kahaon. An account of the village of — .

»■ — Remains at —

*■ " — — » Pillar described

Kakupur. Identification of Ayotho with —

280

INDEX.

XXIII

Subject.

Page.

Kanoj. The earliest notice of —

280

the capital of Harsha Vardhana

ih.

Mahaminad Ghori marched against — in January 1191

A, D.

283

(ancient). II wen Thsang’s description of — ...

ih.

An account of the modern town of —

281,

— Remains of interest at —

286

— — Ruins of the Rang Mahal of —

ih.

An account of the Jama Masjid of —

287

IC/inya Kubja, the Sanskrit name of Kanoj ...

280

Legend referring the name of — to the curHo of the

Sago Vayu on the daughters of Kusanabha

ih.

Kapatiya. Temple in tlio hamlet of —

Karamar Tal. A tank called — at Punawa ...

Karowar Nag Devata. Naga Sankisa commonly invoked as —

274

Kargidya Pokhar. A tank called — at Nalanda

Kama Chopar Cave, An account of the —

43 — 45

Karnar Pal. Traditions regarding the sons of —

154

Identification of — with the father of Vacha Leva

ih.

Kashipur, or Govisana. An account of the city of — ...

251

Kashmiri Masjid at Delhi

230

Kasia. An account of the village of —

■ ■ identified with Kusinagara

ih.

Kaswapa Rikhi. A hot spring called — at Rajgir

Katagora Hall, the famous edifice in Moharo Viharo at Vaisali

Katani. A ruined mound called — at Bakror

Katehria Rajputs. Lakhnor, the capital of the —

257

Kesariya. An account of the village of — ...

•

ih.

XXIV

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Kesava Deva. The temple of — said to have been pulled down by
Aurangzib

Khalsi. An account of the village of —

Inscribed rock at —

identified with part of the ancient Kingdom of Srughna .

Khara. Inscription found at --mentioning the Kingdom of Kasambi
or Kosamba Mandala ... ... ...

Kharg Rai’s account of old Hindu dynasties of Dilli

Khukhudo. An account of the ancient town of —

called Kishkindapura by the Agarwal Srawaks

■ ■ - a Brahminical town...

Remains at —

' Mounds of — described

Kic-pi-tha, or Kapitha, the name given to Saiikisa by Hwen Thsang...
Kilughari. An account of the place called — ... ,,,

Kilu-Kona-lVIasjid. A mosque called — in the City of Shir Shah ...
Kingdom of Panchala. An account of the —

Kin-pi-sliwangma. The Kingdom of — identified with Govisana bv
M. Julien ... ... *

Kittoe, Major. A brief sketch of his Indian life founded chiefly on
his arcliajological investigations ... ...

Excavations at Sarnath by — in the year 1853

Konwa Dol Hills. An account of the —

Kosala, a District of Uttara Kosala to the North of the Rapti

Kosam, or Kosainbi. An account of the city of —

— Distance of — from Allahabad

Kosainbi made capital of Chakra, the eight in descent from Arjuna

Pundu... ... ... ... ' ...

■ " T or Kosamba Mandula mentioned in an inscription at
Khara...

— — tho scene of the Ratnavali or the '‘Necklace” ...

235

ih,

245

302

138

85 & 86
86
ib.
ib,

87 & 88
271
133
222
255

251

XX iv
124
40 & 41
327
301
304

301

302
ib.

INDEX.

XXV

Subject.

Page.

Jvosambi. Vasta-pattana, another name for —

302

303

■■ ■ The ruins of —

306 & 300.

3U8

Kuari Masjid, the name given to the Zinat Masjid at Delhi

230

Jvuber Parbat. A. mound at Ajudhya called —

323

— the site of an ancient stupa ...

32(5

Kukkuia-i)ada-Vihara, or temple of the Tock’s Foot connected with
the Kukkuta-pada-giri, near Kurkiliar

Kukkuta-pada-giri, or Cock’s Foot Hill, near Kurkiliar ...

16 A 16

kiilika, supposed by IT wen Thsang to bo the birth-place of I^Iaha
Mogalaua ...

Kumaon and Garhwal manu.soripts giving the date of Anang Pal ...

M.3

Kuinara Gupta. Inscription relating to — on a pillar at Bihar

Kunda-Suka-Vihara. A mona.stery at Mathura called —

238

Kunda Tal. A tank at Madawar called — ...

210

Knndilpur. An account of the ruins of — ,.4

Kiirak-Vihar, the true name of Kurkiliar ...

believed to bo the contracted form of Kukkutapada-

Vihara

' ib.

Kurkiliar. An account of the village of — ...

■ Kurak Vihar, the true name of —

Ku.saTiagarapura. The old city of Rajagriha called — by Ilwon
Thsang

Kusapura. An account of the town of —

313

■ identified with Sultanpur on the Gamati

ib.

— ^ ■ .said to have been named after Rama’s son Kusa . .

314

Kushak Shikar, or hunting palace of Firuz Shah

168—210

■" Firuzabad. A palace of Firuz Shah called — ... ... 1

210

Kusinagara, identified with Kasia ... • • '

. • 76

XXVI

INDEX.

S U 7^ J E 0 T .

Page.

Kusinagara. Au account of tlie placo called — given by 11 wen
Thsang

— - Vihar at — containing a siatne of Buddha

Kutb-uddin. An account of tlie groat mosque of —

1S4

The mos(|uc of — enlarged during the reign of Allainsh

187

— " — — — The mosque of — enlarged b}^ Ala-uddin Khiliji

188

Kutb Miliar, whether a Muhammadan building, or a Hindu building,
altered by the conquerors ...

180

Arguments in support of the Hindu origin of —

100

used as IMaziuah ...

194

The height of — ...

195

Old capula of Firuz Shah on the —

108

Old capula of the — thrown down by au earthquake ...

190

Repairs of the — cntrirsted to Major Robert Smith

ib.

History of — written in its inscription.^

200

— Actual builder of the —

202

Lake called Saraiig Tal at Sarnath

105

Lukhiior, the ancient capital of the Katehria Rajputs

257

Lalkot. An account of the Fort of —

180

Lai Darwaza, the present name of Kabuli Darwaza of the city of
Shirsliah

222

Lassen, Professor, deciphered many of the unknown characters of
India, and read the Pali legends on the copper coins of
Agathokles

xii

Lauriya-Ara-Raj. An account of the pillar of —

G7 & 08

Lauiiya Navandgarli. An account of the place called —

— Remains at —

' An account of the pillar of —

Legend relating to Vimala Mittra

250

IXDEX.

XXVTT

Subject,

PAdE,

Loj^end of Adi llnjah...

of Maya, iho mother of Buddha

referring the uamc of Kanya Kuhja to the curso of the ya^e

Vayo on the hundred daughters of Kusauabha

of Balcula

— of Dhopapapura

Letters of James Prinsep

Lingam, called Palaleswara, in a temple on the Ramsila Hill at Gaya
— ' near the village of Gulari 3 'a ...

Lion Pillar of Bakhra described
Lists of the Tomar d^masty of Dilli
List of the Chohan dynasty

Lomas Rishi ('?ave. An account of a cave called —

Luri-ka-kodan, the present name of the ruined mound to the South
of Dhainck at Sarnath

271

2S()

:h>;i

.31 r>

2d5

iV.)

Iks

J58

117

Mackenzie, Colin, a successful collector of archa'ologic.d materials

— . - Mrs. Colin. Mistake made by — in her account of the

epitaph on Jahanara’s tomb ... ....

Madawar, or Madipur. An account of the city of ...

■ People of — supposed to be the Matloe of Megasthenes

who dwelt on the banks of the Erinesc.s

Madipur, or Madawar. An account of the city of

identified with Mandawar

Description of — given by Ilwcn Thsang

Monastery ni — famoirs as the bceno of Sanghabhadra’s

sudden death when overcome by Vasubandhii

Maha Mogala. Regarding the birth-place of —

Mahalla of Lala Misr Tola. A monnd at Kanoj called

Mahammadabad, or Adilabad. The fort of

vii

2:}()

2I.H

251
2 IS
Uk
2Bv

ib.

292

217

XXVIII

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Mahapiila. Tlio imnie of — fonod in the inscription on a statno of
Buddha at Ti tar awa

Maharano Viliaro ineaua the Chapel Monastery of the great forest at
Vaisali ... .i.

Mahipalpur, An account of tlie village of —

154

IMalimud’s invasion. Name of the Rajah of Kanoj at the time
of— ... ‘ ...

146

Makarandnagar. An account of the mounds to the South-Ea-st of — . .

291

Maklidumkund. Sri nggl Rikhi called — by the Musalmans

Makhdum Jahaniya. Masjid of — at Kanoj

280

. ■ , , ■ Mound of — in the Sikhana Mahalla at

Kanoj

292 & 20b

Malini River about two miles distant from Madawar

210

Man iar Math. A Jain temple at Rajgir called —

Muni Parvat. A mound at Ajudhya called —

323

the silo of a stupa of Asoka ...

325

Marat-i*Asrar. Account of the — as to later Kings of Delhi

147

Markata-hrada. A small tank at Besarh called —

Markundkund. A hot spring at Rajgir called —

Marttand, or Suraj-kund. Tank called — at Bakror

Masjid-Kutbul-Islain. The great mosque of Kutb-uddiii now known
as — ...

184

(Great). Colonades of the Court of —

187

of Makhdum Jahaniya at Kanoj

289

Masudi’s account of Kanoj

145

Masudi. Kanoj inciitionod by — as the capital of one of the Rajahs
of India in A. D. 016

270

Matha-kuar-ka-kot. A mound at Kasia called —

Matha-kuar. Statue of — at Kasia

78 & 79

Matho*, People of Madawar called — by Megasthenes ...

251

Matliura- An account of the city of —

231

INDEX.

XXIX

Subject.

Mat.luira visited by Fa Ilian

■- A stupa built by Upa^upta at —

Maun S\Yayambliuva. Uttauapada, Iviujj of Bbaratldiaiid, the siui
of ~

Mausoleum containing tombs of Tugblak Shall and bis (piccii

Maya, the mother of Buddha. The legend of —

Mazinah. Ivutb Minar used as —

Megasthencs. People of Madawar called Mathm by —

Meghadutn, a work by Kali Dasa, refers to the story of Udayana,
King of Kosaiu hi

]\iill, Dr., translated certaiu important inscriptions

Miliar (unfinished) of Aia-uddin stands North from the Kutb
Minar

IMir Kliusru's anecdote of Anang Pal

Mistake made by l\Trs. Colin Mackenzie in her account of the epitaph
on Jahanara’s tomb

Modern town of Kanoj. An account of the —

Mohabakhand, a part of Prithvi- Raj -Rasa, desciibing the great war
witli IMohaba

Monasteries (Buddhist) in Mathura amounted to 20
Monastery of Nalanda

■■ - called Kanishka Monastery in the city of Nagarahara ...

called IIuvi.slika Viliara at Mathura

called Kunda-Suka Vihara at Mathura

at Madipur famous as the scene of Sanghahhadra’s suddim

death when overcome by Va.subaiidhii

containing a stupa of Asoka near Kosambi ...

of Jetavana near Sravasti

identified with a mound of ruins near Sravasti

— — called Purvvarama near Sravasti

Mosque of Kutb-uddin now known as Masjid KutbubT.slain

Pace.

(>t)

21(5

271

lot

251

301

vii

2015

111

230
281

159

231
29
38

238

if).

249

.311

335

337

341

181

XXX

INBEX.

Subject.

Page.

Mosque of Kutb-uddin An account of the —

184

— called Adina Masj id ...

1N5

visited by Ibu Batuta

ih.

begun in A. H. 587, or A. D. 1191

ih.

enlarged during the reign of Altamsli

187

■ ■ ^ — — ■ enlarged by Ala-uddin Kliilji

188

called Kilu-Kona-Masjid in tlie City of Sliii* Sliah

222

Mosques called Zama Masjid and Ziiiat Masjid at Shajahanabad

225

Mound (ruined) called Katani at Babror

bearing a biolcen statue of the three-headed goddess Vaira

Viralii at 1 biiiawa

called Sngaigarh at Knrkihar

ih.

of Jagadispur described ...

—— of Kosariy a described

, to the North-East of the Kesariya stupa called llainwas

called Devisthan and Ramabhar Tila at Kasia

called Matha-kuar-ka-kot, or Fort of Matha-Kuar, at

Kasia

ih.

■ ■ -- called Siva-ka-tila at Khukhundo

called Suvari-ka-tila to the West of the Hathiyadah Pillar ...

(ruined) to the South of Dhamok called Chaukandi

116

called Anand Tila at Mathura

234

called Vinayak Tila at Mathura

ih.

• called Nivi-ka-kot at Sankisa

27o

• called Mahalla of Lala Misr Tola at Kanoj

292

in Bhotpuri Mahalla at Kanoj

ih.

of Makhdum Jahaniya at Kanoj

292 & 293

called M an i Parvat at Aj udhya

323

called Kuber Parvat at Aj udhya

ih.

INDEX.

XXXI

Subject.

Mound called Sugrib Parvat at Ajudh^'a

of ruins near Sravasti identified with the Jctavana ^lonasiery

■ called Ora-jhar near Sravasti

called Vairatkh era

called Para-sua-kot

called Balai-khera close to the Muhammadan town of Jalui-

nahad

Mounds of Khukhundo described

called Sat-Tila at Mathura

— : to the South-East of Makarandnagar

Mrigadava, or Deer Park. The story of — given by II wen Thsang...
Muchalinda (Dragon). Tank of — at Buddha Gaya
Muhammad Ghori inarched against Kanoj in 1191 A. D,

, ... Defeat of Jaya Chandra by — at Banaras

Murali. A peak of the Barabar Hills called —

Mubulmans Date of the final conquest of Dilli by the —

Naga Nalanda. Tank of — at Nalanda ... ...

Deva (or Jaga Deva), the tributary Rajah of Dilli under

Prithvi Raj

— - Tank at Sankisa

of Sankisa commonly invoked as Karewar Nag Devta

Nagarahara. The ICanishka Monastery in the city of —

Nagarj uni Hills. An account of the —

Caves supposed to have been excavated in the reign ol'

Dasaratha

Nalanda, or Baragaon. An account of the village of —

■ supposed by Fa Hian to bo the birth-place of Sariputra

said to be the city of Yaso Varmma

:123

3:17

3 ir>
3oI
357

35S

87--S9

235

291

100

283

ih.

159

157

273

271

.3H

XXXII

INDEX.

Subject.

Page. •

Name of DilU. Traditions about the —

137

of the Rajah of Kanqj at the time of Mahmud’s invasion

140

of Prayaga. Traditions about the —

300

Narting. The ruined temple on Puuuwa Mound called —

Nava-deva-kula. An account of the town of —

293

Nigambhod Ghat, a place where Yudhisthira celebrated the Horn

13C

Nigoha Cave. An account of the —

Nimsar, or Nimkar, a place of inlgrimage on the left bank of tlu*

Gumti...

350

Fort of

ih.

Nirvan. Inscriptions dated in the era of the —

Nirvana. Announcement of — at Vaisali ...

Nivi-ka-lwt. A mound at Saiikisa called —

275

Nizam-uddiu Auliya. Traditions regarding —

211

Nurgarh, the name given to Salimgarh

223

Opening of the Great Tower at Sarnath

112

Ora-jhar. A mound near Sravasti called — ...

315

Otbi. Name of the Rajah of Kanqj, according to — at the time of

M alimud’s iiivasiou

146

Pachham-rat. The Western District of Banaoda called —

327

Padaraona. An account of the village of —

ib.

■ Remains at —

74& 75

Palace of a King at Vaisali described by Hwen Thsang ...

called Kushak Shikar ,,,

168—219

fi — Firazabad

219

index.

XXXIIl

S u B J E c

T .

rvcjB.

Pal (Rajali). The story of — exactly the same as oi Dilu

Panchala. An account of the Ivingelom of —

Panso Pokhar. A tank at Nalancla called —

Pnra-sua-kot. An account of a mound called —

Palaleswara. A lin.i^arn called — in a temple on the Ramslhj Hill
at Gaya

Pofal Ganj^a. A sacred spring called — near Earabar ...

Pats demanded by Yudliisthira from Duryodhun
Patta, the Rajput liero who defended Chitor ...

Pawa supposed to bo a corruption of Padaravana
tedestal (inscribed) found at Banaras in 170-li

Peo))lo of Madawar supposed to be the Mallur of Megaslhcnes, wlio
dwelt on the banks of Erineses

Phur. Defeat •of Dilu by — exactly the same as that of Ibijah Pai
by Silk wan ti

“ Pictuvesriue Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in India” — a
work by James Kergussou ...

Pillar bearing two separate inscriptions of the Gupta dynasty at Bihai

of Bakhra described

^ called Bhim-sen-ka-lat

of Lauriya Ara-Raj described

— . — Navandgarh described

■ > Erection of the — ascribed to Rajah

Bhim jMaii

RkS

3(5

357

i*i

135

23(;

101

251

138

\xii

()1

G7 & (18
C8 & (it)

of K ah aon described

called Haibiya-dah-ka-lat in the middle of the Hathiya'dali

Tank

of Bhitari described ... ... ...

(iron) of Dilli. Date of Anang Pal on the —

>— ■ " > — of Delhi described ...

— — ■ — not formed of mixed metal

92 A 93

1 12-151
159
• 170

XXXIV

INDEX.

<4^

Subject.

Page.

Pillar supposed to have been erected bj Bilan Deo (or Anang Pal) . .

171

(ancient) bearing the figure of an elephant at Sanldsa

274

(stone) bearing the inscrii)tions of Asoka, Samudra Gupta, and
Jahangir

298

~ at Kosambi bearing certain inscriptions

310

Pillars (stone) at Delhi bearing the edicts of Asoka

161

An account given by Shams-i-Siraz of the removal

of — to Delhi

ib.

(decorated) around the Iron Pillar of Delhi

177

Plloshanna. The Kingdom of — ... '

2G5

identified with Atraiiji-Khcra ...

269

Pipal Tree known by the name of Bodhidrum at Buddha Gaya

Pinvali Tab A tank at IVIadawar called —

219

Places visited during tour ...

131

Popular traditions regarding Dilli

137

Prabhasa. ITlll of — near Kosambi

311

Prastha. Diirercnt significations of —

Prayaga, or Allaluibiid. II wen Thsang’s route to —

293

An account of the city of — ...

296

" — Traditions as to the name of — ■ ...

300

Pretsila. A hill at Gaya called — hearing a temple erected by
Ahalya 15ai

Prinsep, James, brought to light tho charactor.s and languages of
tho earlie.st Indian inscriptions ...

vii

— Letters of — ... ,,,

—— Tin bold appeal to Lord Auckland

. ■ ,■■■— The successors of — ...

xviii

Prithu, sou of Rajah Vena Chakervartti

Prithvi Raja, tlie last of the Tomar Kings ...

156

^ a Chohan Prince of Ajmerc, as well as a King of Dilli .

157

INDEX.

XXXV

Subject.

Prithvi Raja. Someswara, the name given to —

■ An account of the reign of —

« Erection of the Fort of Rai Pethora attributed to — ..

Raj -Rasa, a poem written by Cliand ...

— Mohaba Khand, a part of tho —

' , Kanojkhund, a part of the —

Ptolemy. Dilli called Daidala by —

Ahichhatra mentioned as Adisadra by —

■■ ■ - Kanoj mentioned by — as Kanogiza

^Puadisi (or Asoka). Satgliara Caves in tho Rarabar Hills supposed
to have been excavated in the reign ol —

Pulakesa. Hur.sha Vardhana successfully opposed by —

Puriwa Mound. A mound to the East of Punwa Tank called —

Tank. Mound to the East of — at Nalandii e.'illed Punwa

Mound ...

Purab-rat. The Eastern District of Banaoda called — ...

Parana Kila. Indrapat, a small fort at Delhi known by tho name
of —

Puma Varmma (King). Renewal of Bodhi Tree by — ...
Purvvarama. A monastery at Sravasti called —

identified with the Ora-jhar mound

ir>s

l.V.)

1 1)0
l.V.)
lb.
ih.
1 to
225

280

45—51

ib.

ih.

327

130

:ni

.3X5

(

Rah ela Tank. Mound to tho E.ast of — corresponds with tho stupa
containing hair and nails of Buddha at Nalaiida ...

Rahtor dynasty of Kanoj. Chandra Deva, the founder of tho —

Railing (Buddhist) at Buddha Gaya

Rai Pithora. Erection of the fort of — attributed to Prithvi Raja . .

— An account of the fort of — ...

Rajagriha called Kusanagara by IT wen Thsang

150

100

183

XXXVI

INDEX.

U B J E C T .

Page.

Pajngrilia. The new town of — said to have been built b}’ King Sronika

Pa] ah I5isal-ka-garh, the present name of a ruined fort at Besarh

— — - Ben-ka-Deora. The stupa on the Kesariya mound called — ...

— - — Bcn-ka-Dighi. A tank called — at Kesariya

— 7 ~ ■ Ben Chakervartti identified with Vena Chakeiwartti, the father
of Prithu

— — of Kanoj. Name of the — at the time of Mahmud's invasion
Pajahs of Ganda. G oncology of tl)e —

Pajgir. An account of the city of —

■ ■■ ■ ■ Description of — given by TTwen Thsang
Pajya Vardhann, the elder brother of Har.sha Vardhana
Pam Gaj'a. A hill at Gaya called —

Pam Kund. A hot spring at Pajgir called —

Jlamabhar Tila and Devisthan. A mound at Kasia called —

Jhil. A large sheet of water called — at Kasia

Pamnagar, or Ahichhatra. An account of the city of —

Rainsila. The hill of — at Gaya
Pang Mahal of Kanoj

Paniwas. Mound called — to the North-East of Kesariya Stupa ...

Paiita Pala, the Pali scholar, assisted J. Prinsep in reading certain
inscriptions ... ,,, ,,,

Patani, the name of the Western ridge of the Dliarawat Hills

Pc-biiilding of Dilli by Anaug Pal

owing to the loss of Kanoj

Pcigii of Frith vi Paj. An account of the —

Remains at bakhra ...

at Laiiriya Navandgarh

at Padar.aona

at'Khukhundo

2;i

(>5

Ih.

ih.
IIG
321 )
20
22
282
4
27
77
77— St
255

2sr)

fi7

xiii
61
141
lot
159
58 A 59
99
74
89

INDEX.

xxxvir

Subject.

1 Paok.

Eemains at Kahaon ... ,,,

at Bhitari ... ...

0(>

Sarnatli

loo

(Hindu) of Delhi ...

ItU

(Buddliist) at Ahichhatra

2b0

of inlejest at Kanoj

of antiquity at A judhy a ...

:i22

Repairs of the Kutb Miiiar entrusted to Major Robert Smith ...

I'JO

Rock (inscribed) at Khalsi ... ...

Ruined fortress at Buddha Gaya

fort on a mound at Madawar

'JIH

Ruins of Kundilpur ...

of Sanianpur at the foot of tlie Konwa Dol Hill ...

to the North-East of Cliandokhav Tal

of Ahiclihatra tir.st visited by Captain Hodgson

267

of Kosambi

•105 A- 5i)(j

Riiku-uddiu. Traditions regarding — ... ,..

211

Sahet Mahet, or Sravasti. An account of the city of —

Saka Yikramaditya era

150

Sakas. Defeat of — attributed to Vikrainaditya

ih.

Saketa, or Ajudhya. An account of the city of —

317

identified with Ajudh 3 \a ...

320

Sakti. Temple dedicated to — on the Brahmjuin Hill at Gaya

Saleya. A peak of the Dharawat Hills called —

Salimgarh.^An account of the fort of —

223

■■■'■ The name of — clianged to Nurgarh

• ih.

XXXVIII

index.

U B J E C T .

Page.

Salivahaii. Bais Bajputs claim descent from —

Salt described and illustrated the Kanhari Caves in Salsot
Samanpur. The ruins of - at the foot of the Kanwa Dol Hill

SandaCiri. A peak of the Barabar Hills called —

Sangbabhadra. Monastery at Madipnr famous as the scene of the
death ot — when overcome by Vasubandhu

Sankasya, the Sanskrit iiaino of Sankisa

Sankisa. An account of the place called —

called Seng-kia-she by the Chinese pilgrims

called Sankasya in Sanskrit

called Kic-pi-tha, orKapitha, by II wen Thsang

■ • Tank of Naga at —

'**

Stupns at —

Sanskrit inscription of six lines on the Iron Pillar of Delhi

Sapt Rikhi. A hot spring at Rajgir called

Sarangganatba. Sarnath, an abbreviation of —

Sarang Tal. A lake at Sarnath called —

‘ k:.*: ‘ u.nnr - «.• ^ .f

Sariputra. Nalanda, the birth-place of —

Sarnath. An account of the place called

• An abbreviation of Sarangganatba

- — Remains at —

* — ■ ■ Excavations at — in 1835-36

Excavation rt — by Major Kittoe in 1853
Sasangka (King). Destruction of Bodhi Tree by —

■ Date of —

Sat Tila. Seven mounds called — at Mathura
Satghara. 'Bhe caves in the Barabar Hills called —

280

249 & 250
271
ih.
ih,
ib.
ib.
273
ib.
170
27
105
ib.

103—105

105

106
121
124

I 235
44

INDEX.

XXXIX

Subject.

Pv(u;.

Satghara supposed to have been excavated in the reign of lu»j;ih
Pi3^adisi

Satkila Bawan Darwaza of Delhi. Description of the —

Satlapanni Cave. A cave called — at Eajgir

Scene of Sanghabliadra’s sudden death when overcome by Vasu])andlm
at Madipiir ...

Sculpture representing Ashta Sakti in a temple at Lesarh
Sculptures at Bhitari ... ...

Seng-kia-she. The name of Sankisa written as — by the Chinese
pilgrims ... ,,, ,,,

Sewct to tho north of Saketa

Sha-chi of Fa Hiaii identified with Visakha of Ilwcn Thsang
■ ■■ — identified with Saketa, or Ajudhya ...

Shahpur. Site of Siri at —

Shajahanabad. An account of tho city of ... ,,, . .

Gates of —

An account of the citadel of —

— Statues of two elephants and their riders discovered

at —

2LS

219 JL 250
58
97

271

317

lb,

2m7

221 ,

ib.

225

ih.

Shampaka made King of Bagud, or Vagud ...

Shams-hSiraj. Account given by — - of the removal of two stone j)illai s

Shir Shah made Indrapat tho citadel of his city under tlic iiaino of
Sljirgai’h

— ■ . The city of — called Delhi Shir Shah

Maiidir. A lofty building called — in the city of Shir Shah ...

Shirgarh. Shir Shah made Indrapat the citadel of his city unde)-
tho name of —

or Kabar. An account of the place called — ...

Sikhana Mahalla. Mound of Makhdum Jahaniya in the — of Kam,]'
Silence of Jlwen Thsang regarding tho caves in tho Barabar Hills,.
Silenus. A .statue of — found at Mathura ...

295

116

221

222

ib.

221

358

292

212

INDEX.

Subject. | Pace.

21)0
207
ih,
210
206
27
134

of Siri at Slialipur ... ... ... .. 2()7

01 a viliara with the tooth of Eiuldha at Kanqj .. ... 202

w^iva-ha-Tila. A nioiiiul at Klinlchiiiido c*alh‘tl — ... ... 87

Shvari-ka-Tila. The niomid called — to thcAVcsfc of the ITjithi^ a-diih

Pdlav ... .. ‘.'5

Skvanda Gupta. In.scriidiou relating'* to — on a jfillar at IJihar .. 37 A 38

Smith, jMajor Robert. Repair.s o fKiitb iMinar entrusted to — ... 1!)1)

158

21— ?5

ir>3

151

205

200

330

332

ib,

Srenika (otherwise called Biinbisarak the father of Ajatasatru, said

to have built the new town of Rajagriha ... ... 23

Sri Mahendra Pala Deva. Inscription of — at Gaya ... ... 4

— Buddha‘l)asasya, an in^cl•iption in the temple called Tara Devi ...

Somes wara originally called Prithvi Raja
Son Bliandar Cave. A cave called — at Rajgir
Sons of Anang Pal. An account of the — ...

— of Kurna Pal. Traditions about the —

Soron, or Sukara-lcshotra, An account of the ancient town called — ..

originally called Ukiila-kshetra

Springs (hot) of Rnj agriha. An account of the —

S))ring called Fatal Ganga near Barahar

Sravasti, or Sahet Mahet. An account of the city of —

said to have been built by Rajah Sr.avasta

(Rnjah) .said to have built the city of Sravasti ...

Singh Bhawani. Two statues discovered in the village of —
Siri, or Kila Alai. An account of the Fort of —

Site of — ai Shahpur

— Identification of — with Shahpur supported by facts
Sita.Ramjl. Temple of — at Soron
Sitakuud. A hot .spring at Rajgir called —

Site of Indraprastha

INDEX.

XL!

Subject.

Page.

Sri Gopala Deva. Inscription on a temple at Nalaiid.i ^^iviu*'* the elite

of the reign of — ... .

— Harsh a era ...

Sringgi-Rikhi-kund. A hot spring at Rajgir called — ...

called Makhdum-kiuid by the Musalmans

//>.

Srughana described by Hwen Thsang

lV;2

placed by Hwen Thsang at a distance of tJd miles from

Thanesar

if>.

Statue of Avalokitcswara at Nalanda

of Tara Bodhisatwa in a vihar at Nalanda

of Dharmma on the Ghosarawa mound

3‘)

of ascetic Buddha at Titarawa

\h.

of ascetic Buddlia at Besarh

of Matha Kuar at Kasia

78 & 71)

representing Buddha on his death bed in a vihar at Kusina-

gara

8 1 A 82

of Silenus found at Mathura

212

•

—— of Buddha at Kosambi

308

Statues mentioned by Hwen Thsang at Nalanda

1 3t

of two elephants and their riders discovered at Shajahanabad

1 22o

discoveied in the village of Singh Bhawani

290

Stevenson, J., Reverend, translated numerous inscriptions discovered

in the caves of AV'estern India

xxxi

Stone found in the temple of Vegeswari Devi at Buddha Gaya ' ...

pillais at Delhi bearing the edicts of Asoka

IGI

Story of Mrigadava of Sarnath by Hwen Thsang

U)0

~ of Dilu exactly the same as of Rajah Pal in Rajavali

138

of Udayana, King of Kosambi, in Meghaduta

3ol

— — of Visakha

319

Stupa to the South-West of the great temple at Buddha Gaya

XI/II

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Stupa containinj^ hair and nails of Buddha at Nalaiida

■ (ruined) of solid brick at Besarh

called Rajah Ben-ka-Deora at Kesariya

described by II wen Th sang

ih.

means “ a mound of earth” in Amara Kosha

on the Rainabhar Jhil at Kasia

■ called Dhamek at Sarn ath ...

107

— to the West of Dhamek excavated by Jagat Singh

113

An account of tlic — at Savnath, by 11 wen Thsang

117

built by Upagupta at Mathura

233

— — ■ of Vimala Mittra at Madipur

250

called Chhatr at Ahichhatra

260

— - of Asoka, according to Pa Ilian, situated to tho West of
Kanoj

291

■ according to IT wen Thsang, to the South-East of

Kanoj ...

ib.

— in a monastery near Ko.sambi ...

311

Stupas. Ilwen Thsang’s description of the — at Vaisali

at Sankisa

[

Sudama. A cave in the Barabar Hills called —

Sugatgarh (or house of Sugata). A mound at Kurkihar called —

Sugrib Parvat. A mound- at Ajndbya called —

323

I tho litc of an ancient moiia.stery

325

Sukara-kshotra, or Soron. An account of tho ancient town called —

205

. — . .. — Ukula-kshetra, or Soron, received the name of - - ...

266

Sultnnpur, on the Goinati, identified with Kusapur

313

Suraj-kund. A tank called — at Gaya

or Marttand Pokhar. Tank called — nt Ilakror

■ — indenilfied with Buddha-kund

ih.

INDEX.

XMIl

S IT

IW E C T .

Pagk.

8iiraj-kund A hot sprins^ at Rajgir called —

A tank called — near Anekpui

— A tank at Kanqj called —

Surya, or Sun. Temple dedicated to — at Gaya

15:1

Tanda, or Tadwa. An account of the place called —

identified with To-wai of Fa Ilian ...

Tank called Suraj-kund at Gaya ...

called Bodhokar Tal at Buddha Gaya ...

™ of the Dragon Muchaliuda at Buddha Gaya
called Buddha-kund at Bakror

— called Bodhokar Tal at Punawa
calk'd Karamar Tal at Punawa

— of Naga Nalanda at Nalanda
called Kargid^^a Pokhar at Nalanda

of Punwa. Mound to the East of the — called Punwa Mound

at Nalanda

— of Rahela. Mound to tlje East of the — corresponds with tlie

stupa containing hair and nails of Buddha at Nalanda

— called Baleii Tank at Nalanda
called Gidi Pokhar at Nalanda

— called Indra Pokhar at Nalanda

— called Panso Pokhar at Nalanda

called Chandokhur Tal to the North of the Ratani Hill

— called Markata-hrada to the South of the lion pillar of Bakhra...

— called Rajah Ben-ka-Dighi at Kesariya... ...

— called Ilathiya-dah

called Anang Tal to the North-West of Kutb Minar at Dilli ...

:lis

lb.

;)

ib.

i'b.

ih.

153

XLIV

INDEX.

Subject.

Page.

Tank called Siiraj-kund near A^nckpur

152

called Kunda Tal at Madawar ... ,,,

249

called Pirwali Tal at Madawar

Ih.

— of Dron Sagar at Kashipur

252

— of Naga, or serpent, at Sankisa

27:i

— called Kandaiya Tal at Sankisa

271

— called Snraj-kund at Kaiioj

290

Tara Devi. A ruined leinplo called — at Buddha Gaya...

— Bodhisatwa. A statue of — in a viliar at Nalanda

Taylor, M('adows, di.scovored certain iny.sterious cromlechs, cairn.s, and
stone circles in the Shorapur District, and attrihuted them
to the Turanian or Scythian race ...

XXX

Temple of Vishun pad at Gaya ...

of Gadadhar at Gaya

ih.

— of Gayeswari Devi at Gaya

ih.

dedicated to Surya, or Sun, at Gaya ...

dedicated to Sakti on the Brahmjuin Hill at Gaya

ih.

containing a lingain called Pataleswara Mahadeva at Gaya ...

ih.

— erected by A.halya Bai on the Pretsila Hill at Gaya

•

>'■ ' supposed to have been built by Amara Sinlia at Buddha Gaya

- — * of Vngeswari Devi at Buddha Gaya, contains a circular

stone

called Tara Devi at Buddha Gaj^a

■ ■ ■ ■ — called Vegoswari Devi at Buddha Ga^’^a

ih.

. of Triloknath nt Puiiawa

■ called Narting on a mound at Punawa

- - dedicated to Bhageswari Devi at Kurkihar

—— called Maniar Math at Rajgir

at Nalanda erected on a spot where Buddha had dwelt for

three mouths ,,,

INBEX.

XLV

Subject.

Temple built by Ibilaclliyii ut Nalaiida

containing a statue of Buddlia in the Barabai Hills

close to the Iron Pillar of Dilli supposed to have been built by

Anang Pal

of ivesava Dova at Mathura said to have been pulled down by

Aurangzib

of Sita Rainji at Soron ... ... ... ,,,

at Prayaga described by Hwen Thsang

of Asoknath at Asokpur ... ... ... ...

bearing an inscription at Uewal

' Teuiples reckoned by Hwen Thsang at five in Mathura ...

(Brahmanical) at Ahiehhatra

■ ■ ' ■ " — ■ on tbe mound of Makhdum Jahaniya in the

Sikhaua Mahalla of Kanoj ... .;.

Thomas, Edward, noted for his History of India, illustrative of its
coins, inscriptions, and other monuments ... ,,,

A list of his writings as follows :

Coins of the Hindu Kings of Cabul.

Coins of the Kings of OhazQi.

Coins of the Sah Kings of Saurashtra.

On the epoch of the Gupta Dynasty.

On the coins of the Gupta Dynasty.

Oil ancient Indian Numerals.

On Prinsep’s Indian Antitjuities.

Supplementary Notice of the coins of the Kings of Ghazni.
On ancient Indian Weights.

On the identity of Ilandrames and Krananda.

The initial coinage of Bengal.

Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi. ,

Page.

153

235

20(5

21)7

328

352

231

25S

202

xxvii

Titarawa. An account of the village of

XLVI

INDEX.

Subject. Page.

Tiles discovered in thc'ruins near Sarnatli ... . . ... 119

Tomar Dynasty of Dilli. Lists of the — ... ... ... 118

— as Eajalis of Kanoj ... 150

■ .. . .. Close of the — ... ... ... 150

Toiliuravati between A1 war and Shckhavati ... ... ... 155

Tomarghar between Dliolpnr and Gwalior ... ... ... ib.

Tomb (Christian) found at Bihar ... ... ... 38

of the Emperor Altamsh. An account of the — ... . . 201

of Tughlak Shah ... ... ... ... 213—215

— and his Queen inside the Mausoleum ... 210

of Ilumayon described . , ... ... ... 223

of Jahanara Begum ... ... ... ... 230

— of Zibun-nissa, the daughter of Aurangzib ... ... ib.

To-wai of Fa Ilian identified with Tanda, or Tadwa .,. ... 348

Tower called Jarasandha-ka-baithak at Giryek ... ... 10

— called Dhamck at Sarnath ... ... ... 105

— visited by Fa Ilian ... ... ... 112

Traditions as to the name of Dilli ... ... ... 137

— as to Dilli . . . ... ... ... ib.

■- regarding the sons of Karnar Pal . , ... ... 154

regarding llukn-uddin ... ... 214

regarding Nizam-uddin Auliya ... ... ... ib.

■ - ■ as to the name of Prayaga ... ... ... 300

Tradition regarding the erection of Iron Pillar by Bilan Deo (or

Anang Pal)... ... ... ... ... 171

“ Tree and Serpent Worship” — a work by J. Fergusson ... ... xxiii

Triloknatli. The temple of — at Punawa ... ... ... 13

Tughlakabad. Fort of — described ... ... ... 212

Tughlak Shah. An account of the tomb of — ... ... 213 — 216

INDEX.

XTAII

Subject.

Udal, a Ban afar hero
Udayana. Date of —

■■ ■ Story of — in Me"lic*duta
Utain. The old fort of — to the East of Kashipiir
reiH'esents the ancient city of Govisana

tikula-kshctra, the original name of Soron, received the name of
Snkara-kshctra ...

Upagupta. A stupa said to have been built by — at Matluira . .
Urns discovered by Jagat Singh at Sarnalh in 1794
Uttaiiapada, King of Brahmavarta, or Bharatkhaud

■ ■ — son of Maun Sway ambhuva

Utiara Kosala. The Northern part of Ajudhya called —

Ganda, a District of — to the South of the Iiajdi ...

Kosala, a District of — to the North of the Bnpti ...

V\acha Deva. The father of — identified with Karnar Pal

Vadathi-ka-kubha. A cave in the Nagarj uni Hills called —

VagCHAvari Devi. Temple of — at Buddha Gaya

Vairatkhera, Barikhar, a village on the top of a mound called — ...

Vai&a, or Bais, Bajput, mistaken for Vaisya, or Bais, the name of the
merchant clas.s of the Hindus

Vaisali, supposed to be the ancient name of Besarh

An account of the stupas at —

the scene of the second Buddhist synod

Buddha announced his Nirvana at — ...

Vajra Varahi. A broken statue of the three-headed goddess called —
at Punawa ... .♦• 'S •••

Vajrasan, or the diamond throne of Buddha, at Buddha Gaya

pAor.

2S.I

:u)i

ib,

ih.

2 ()(>

2.12

lOo

(19

ih,

.327

ih.

151 .

.351

280

ih.

XLVIII

INDEX.

S U B J E C

Page.

Vapiya-ka-kublia. A cave in the Nagarjimi Hills called —

Vasala’s inscription. Date of — on the Firuz Shah’s Pillar
Vasala Deva captured Dilli

a Chohan Prince of Ajinere, as well as a King of

Nh ... ... °

Vasuhandhu. Madipuv, the scone of Sanghahhadra’s death when
overcome by — ...

Vatsa-patiana, another name for Kosambi
Vena Chakervartti, identified with Rajah Ben
The story of —

— — (Rajah). The foundation of Atranji Khora attri-
buted to — ...

Vihar at Buddha Gaya described by II wen Thsang

— — An account of a — at Nalanda as given by llwcn Tbsang

- built by Baladlty a at Nalanda

containing a copper statue of Tara Bodhisatwa

at Kusinagara containing a statue of Buddha ,,, ,,,

Vihara with the tooth of Buddha to the South of the town of Kaiioj

200 feet in height on a mound in Bhatpuri Mahalla of

Kanoj

Vikramaditya. Defeat of Sakas attributed to —

» — — era ...

■ being a contemporary of Ilarsha Yardbana

Yimala Mittra. Stupa of — at Madipur
Legend relating to —

Vinayak Tila A mound at Mathura called —

Yipula (mount), supposed to be identical with Wepullo of Pali annal i
Yivasana, the name given to Piloshaiiiia by M. Julieu ...

Visakha identified yith Sha-chi ...

■ — — identified with Sakefa, or Ajudhya

41 )

155

ih.

157

250

302

ib.

260

ib.

81 & 82
292

ib.

130

ib.

281

250

ih.

231

2G8

318

ih.

INDEX.

XMX

S U J3 J E C T .

\v;r.

Visakha. The story of —

Vishnupad. Temple of — at ay a ...

Vulture’s Cave. A cave at Giryek described by llweu Thsaiij,^ - - |

w ;

Webliaro Mountain supposed to be identical with Mount Iknbliav iit '

Jlaj<,ni' ... .. ... ... .. j

Well at Nalunda mentioned by Hwcn Thsang

Wepiillo supposed to be identical wdlh Mount Vipula at IiM.j^fir

Wilfordj Francis, distini^uislual liimself by his cs'^ay on the Coni]iaia-
tive Geography ol India

Wilkins, Charles, translated several in.seriptions ... ..I

Wilson, Horace 1 layman. A short account of his lil<*iavy eart'er
Wilson’s ‘‘ Ariana Antirpia”

“Hindu Theatre”

:U9

“0

'll

I'l

i/y.

ih.

Yojana considered by II wen Thaan^^ as 40 Cliinesc li
Yudhisthira. Pats demanded fiom Duryodhun by — ...

Date of occupation of Indraprastlia by —

celebrated the Horn at Nagambliot ...

L'70

i:f5

r6.

I.io

Zama Mas] id. An account of the —

Zibun-uissa. The tomb of — outside the city ot Delhi
Ziuat Masjid. Au account of the —

— — commonly called Kiiari Masjid

223

230

225

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